eject it), but he favours the monetary policy. He states that in the long term the central bankshould accept the credibility policy of a controlled inflation with the aim of increasinginflationary expectations to reach the decrease in real interest rates and the ensuing growth ininvestments. The BOJ should set a target level of inflation in a long term (approx. 4%) and dothe utmost to achieve it, i.e. to run standard open market operations, non-standard operationswith long-term bonds and unsterilized interventions. 31 If the liquidity trap is seen as a problemof surplus of savings to demand for investments, monetary expansion should lead also tocurrency depreciation with positive impacts on net export. Nevertheless, Krugman also pointsout that the necessary export of capital is prevented by taking account of the fact that theexchange rate is expected to return to the “normal” level, i.e. future appreciation. 32Krugman´s proposals were accepted by American and Japanese economists, the BOJ,however, rejected them at the beginning arguing that it was not easy to set a certain inflationarygoal. The BOJ was also worried about a potential loss of control in case of inflation. Moreover,growth in nominal interest rates resulting from higher inflation (or inflationary expectationsrespectively) would eliminate the effects of decreased real rates. Furthermore, JPY was notdesired regarding the relations with business partners. 33In 1996-1998 prices started to grow slowly again and worries about a deflationaryspiral decreased. But the decrease in prices continued after 1999. Thus deflation became animportant factor for further development of the economy and according to some authors it wasthe cause of the ensuing crisis. One speaks about a so-called deflationary recession or adeflationary-recession spiral.2.2 Deepening imbalance of public finances and starting crisis of financial systemFiscal expansion of the 1st half of the 1990s led to a partial recovery of the economy,but also to a substantial worsening of the state of public finances. Public expenditures grewfrom 31.6% of the GDP in 1991to 36.8% of the GDP in 1996. On the contrary, in the sameperiod receipts to budgets fell from 33.3% to 31.7% of the GDP. In 1992 Japan still showed asurplus of public budgets. From 1993 on, however, Japan started to have deficit budgets, thedeficit grew every year and in 1995 the deficit got above the 5% of nominal GDP and above theaverage of OECD countries. Gross public indebtedness grew to 95% of the GDP in 1996 – seetable 3. A higher rate of indebtedness was recorded only in 3 OECD countries in that year(Canada 102%, Belgium 133% and Italy 128% of the GDP).The indebtedness started to grow rapidly in the time, when the country was facingaging of its population and therefore decreasing tax revenues and growing expenditures intopensions and health care in the future. Nevertheless, at the beginning, the public debt was notthe money supply and aggregate demand. Only expansive fiscal policy can ensure the recoveryof economy. For more details see e.g. Mach, M. (2002): Makroekonomie II, p. 75, 83-87.31 Krugman, P. (1998): It’s Back: Japan´s Slump and the Return of the Liquidity Trap.32 For more details of theory of exchange rates see e.g. Neumann, P., Žamberský, P., Jiránková,M. (2010): Mezinárodní ekonomie or Taušer, J. (2007): Tradiční teorie měnového kurzu vpodmínkách ekonomické transformace, in: Ekonomický časopis, 2007/9.33 There is a lot of criticism of a liquidity trap theory and Krugman´s concept. E.g. B. Powel(2002: Explaining Japan´s Recession, p. 40) states that his recommendations were inefficient.This could be seen during the recession in 1998, when the BOJ and MOF purchased private andgovernment securities. They held up to 53% of all government bonds. Even though the amountof Money in the economy (Money base) increased and JPY depreciated, the economy stayed inrecession.According to other representatives of a so-called Austrian schol the whole antideflationarypolicy is unjustified and harmful as it leads to inadequate redistribution andboosting of recession. According to e.g. J. Šímy (2007: Deflace – definiční znak zdravéekonomiky) deflation is a “defining sign of a healthy economy.“MEDZINÁRODNÉ VZŤAHY, 2012, 4 ○ 139
seen as an important risk, since in net expression it reached only 29.3% of the GDP in 1996(after deduction of state debts to other stakeholders). For example Italy faced a net debt of104% of its GDP and Belgium even 115% of its GDP. 34 Japanese public debt is quoted in yensand in the mid-90s more than 90% of the debts were held by domestic stakeholders. Hencefrom the view of Japanese government the problem “was still at home”. Paradoxically, the statebecame not only a debtor, but also its own creditor, as public institutions held more than a halfof state bonds in the long term, e.g. in 1996 it was 61%. 35 Nevertheless, budget deficits and fastgrowing indebtedness of Japan became subject to widespread criticism from renowned ratingagencies and international institutions. It was partially their contribution that in 1997 thegovernment approved strict, nevertheless too early measures for consolidation of publicfinances.Table 3: Japanese Public Finances in 1990-2000, % of nominal GDPItem 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000Public budgets balance 2,1 1,8 0,8 -2,4 -4,2 -5,1 -5,1 -4,0 -5,8 -7,4 -7,6- OECD average -2,9 -3,6 -4,5 -4,9 -4,2 -4,0 -3,1 -1,7 -1,3 -0,8 0,2Gross public debt 68,6 64,8 68,6 74,7 80,2 87,6 95,0 101,6 114,3 128,3 136,7- OECD average 54,2 55,9 59,3 63,7 65,2 70,1 72,2 72,5 73,0 72,4 69,6Net public debt 26,1 13,3 13,3 18,1 20,8 25,0 29,3 34,8 46,2 53,8 60,4- OECD average 33,9 33,7 33,7 40,3 41,7 42,6 44,5 44,3 44,2 41,6 38,6Source: OECD (2007): OECD Economic Outlook, No. 81, p. 265, 270, 271.Further threat was a problem of commercial banks and other financial institutions,lasting since the bubble dissolution in 1991. Due to economic stagnation many businesses werenot able to pay high debts from the period of a bubble boom. Moreover, the value of mortgages,i.e. real estates was declining. Undercapitalized financial institutions recorded higher and higherlosses and a growing volume of so-called non-performing loans (NPLs). Japanese central bankgenerally defines these loans as loans, where banks do not receive the planned instalments ofthe capital and interests and their economic value is declining under their accounting value.Thus there is a risk, that in future banks will not be able to reimburse the costs of the loan fromtheir yields and will themselves be threatened by a lack of resources.While in 1992 the total volume of NPLs stated by the BOJ was JPY 1.6 trillion, in1994 it was JPY 5.2 trillion and in 1995, it was already JPY 13.4 trillion 36 In October 1994 forthe first time governor Mieno publicly informed about the need to solve this issue, however,without any adequate response of the government.In 1995 for the first time the Prime Minister Murayama´s government had to intervenepublicly in favour of mortgage companies (jusen) 37 and credit co-operatives, which investedinto real estates during the bubble and now were close to bankruptcy. Overall losses of thesenon-banking institutions reached JPY 6.4 trill. in 1995. As jusen were closely connected withother businesses (particularly in the country), it was also a political issue and so the government34 OECD (2007): OECD Economic Outlook, No. 81, p. 263, 264, 270, 271.35 Statistics Bureau (2008): Historical Statistics of Japan.36 BOJ (2002b): Japan´s Nonperforming Loan Problem.37 Jusen are non-banking companies founded by banks and other financial institutions in the1970s to complete their offer of loans on housing for households. In the 1980s they started tolend high loans not only to households, but also to real estates companies. Their total lossesfrom speculative trading were so high during the bubble, that their founder´s banks were notable to reimburse them. Their problems were described first in 1993. For more details see e.g.Nakaso, H. (2001): The financial crisis in Japan during the 1990s: how the Bank of Japanresponded and the lessons learnt.140 ○ MEDZINÁRODNÉ VZŤAHY, 2012, 4
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ContentOriginal scientific papersZE
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epublikou a Indickou republikou? Za
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spočiatku javí iba ako malá sekt
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Z kulturologického hľadiska tento
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6. LEHMANNOVÁ, Z. a kol.(2010): Pa
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krajiny 2 . Zatiaľ čo pri cle pla
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Textilv ekonomike (P SA /P TA ). 7
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P Ô V O D N Ý V E D E C K Ý Č L
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dohody, ktorú členský štát uza
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Na základe návrhu Európskej komi
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do svojej výlučnej kompetencie, n
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6. Stanovisko Generálneho advokát
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a jadrovým programom. Takmer úpln
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Južná Kórea sa ďalej rozvíjala
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Napätie medzi obomi štátmi na K
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Graf 2: Štruktúra tvorby HDP KĽD
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a luxusného tovaru. Rada bezpečno
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Osobitnú skupinu ŠEZ tvoria zóny
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systému na potraviny a iný priemy
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7. SINGH, L. 2012. India and North
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D I S K U S I AVÝVOJ MULTILATERÁL
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chybět příslušné pravomoce k u
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socialistickou federativní sověts
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uzavírat bilaterální dohody mezi
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2 Stěžejní multilaterální obch
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Pod záštitou UNCTAD byl během ro
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Celní úmluva ATA karnet pro doča
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těchto práv jednotlivými státy
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zejména na nastolování obchodu v
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33. ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OP
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D I S K U S I AFAKTORY ROZVOJA A RA
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tradície a pomerne ľahko sa dost
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1979 ajatollách Chomejní povolil
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moslimských krajín - vytvárať n
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nachádzali v Pakistane, kde v úlo
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jedna skupina argumentuje množstvo
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28. OLCOTT, M. BRILL (2012). Centra
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planéty Zem, je možné identifiko
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Podľa princípu spravodlivého a r
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POUŽITÁ LITERATÚRA:1. BENCALA, K
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1 Funkcia ropného trhuPodľa zákl
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