A | Z Cilt: 13 - Sayı: 1 Yıl: 2016
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Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1<br />
∞<br />
March <strong>2016</strong><br />
ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324
Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1 ∞ March <strong>2016</strong><br />
Published three issues in one year by Istanbul Technical University as a refereed journal.<br />
Editorial<br />
Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel<br />
Gül Koçlar Oral<br />
Tüzin Baycan<br />
Editorial Board<br />
Aygül Ağır<br />
Nilgün Ergun<br />
Yegan Kahya<br />
İlknur Kolay<br />
Sinan Mert Şener<br />
Hayriye Eşbah Tuncay<br />
Gülname Turan<br />
Alper Ünlü<br />
Zerrin <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />
Publishing Editor<br />
Y. Çağatay Seçkin<br />
Editorial Secretariat<br />
Melike Ersoy<br />
Koray Gelmez<br />
Buket Metin<br />
Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />
Representatives<br />
Ümit <strong>Yıl</strong>maz • Georgia, USA<br />
Sadık C. Artunç • Mississippi, USA<br />
Advisory Board<br />
Ömer Akın • School of Architecture, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA<br />
Michael Batty • School of Architecture, Faculty of the Built Environment, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, University College London, London, UK<br />
Sina Berköz • Department of Architecture and Interior Design , College of Engineering, University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain<br />
Sibel Bozdoğan • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Design, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Richard Buchanan • Department of Design & Innovation, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA<br />
Erich Buhmann • Department of Landscape Architecture, Faculty of Agriculture, Ecotrophology and Landscape Development, Anhalt University, Bernburg, Germany<br />
Conall O’Cathain • School of Architecture, Queen’s University of Belfast, Belfast, N. Ireland<br />
Jay Chatterjee • Seasongood Foundation, Urban Design Review Board City of Cincinnati, Contemporary Arts Center Cincinnati, Cinnati, Ohio, USA<br />
Max Conrad • Department of Landscape Architecture, College of Art and Design, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, USA<br />
Gülen Çağdaş • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Gülden Erkut • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Zafer Ertürk • Department of Interior Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Feyziye Schools Foundation Işık University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
John Gero • Department of Computer Science, College of Computing and Informatics, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, North Carolina, USA<br />
Luigi Fusco Girard • Department of Architecture, University of Naples Federico II, Naples, Italy<br />
Joachim B. Kieferle • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Civil Engineering, Rheinmain University, Wiesbaden, Germany<br />
Roderick John Lawrence • Department of Geography & Environment, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Environmental Sciences, University of Geneva, Switzerland<br />
Ardeshir Mahdavi • Department of Building Physics and Building Ecology, Institute of Architectural Sciences, Vienna University of Technology, Vienna, Austria<br />
Ezio Manzini • Chair of Design for Social Innovation,Department of Industrial Design, Polytechnic University of Milan, Milan, Italy<br />
Robert W. Marans • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Michigan, USA<br />
Mehmet Ocakçı • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Rivka Oxman • Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa Israel<br />
Süha Özkan • Faculty of Architecture and Design, Özyeğin University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Andrew D. Seidel • School of Environmental Planning, University of Northern British Columbia, Prince George, British Columbia, Canada<br />
Hasan Şener • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Kultur University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Handan Türkoğlu • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Zerrin <strong>Yıl</strong>maz • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Typesetting<br />
Koray Gelmez<br />
Onur <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />
Web<br />
Buket Metin<br />
Abstracted and Indexed in<br />
Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals<br />
Design and Applied Art Index (DAAI)<br />
Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)<br />
Genamics JournalSeek<br />
International Construction Database (ICONDA)<br />
Scopus<br />
ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324<br />
Print<br />
Cenkler Matbaa, Istanbul Turkey, March <strong>2016</strong><br />
Cover Design<br />
Koray Gelmez<br />
Logo Design<br />
Koray Gelmez<br />
Contact<br />
İTÜ A|Z Yayın Sekreterliği,<br />
İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi,<br />
Mimarlık Fakültesi<br />
Taşkışla, Taksim, 34437<br />
İstanbul Türkiye<br />
fax: 90 212 251 4895<br />
e-mail: az@itu.edu.tr<br />
web: www.az.itu.edu.tr
Contents<br />
Editor<br />
Editorial<br />
I-II<br />
Dossier: Vernacular architecture<br />
Yurdanur Yüksel Dülgeroğlu<br />
Dossier Editorial 1-3<br />
Keynote: Vernacular architecture and typology<br />
Attilio Petruccioli 5-<strong>13</strong><br />
Esin Hasgül<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing 15-27<br />
Marwa Dabaieh, Birgitte Tanderup Eybye<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of<br />
adobe vernacular architecture: A case from Denmark and Egypt 29-41<br />
Emre Torbaoğlu, Yüksel Demir<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements:<br />
A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan 43-56<br />
Rully Damayanti, Florian Kossak<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading;<br />
case study of Kampungs, Surabaya–Indonesia 57-67<br />
Timothy O. Iyendo, Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso,<br />
Halil Z. Alibaba, Mesut B. Özdeniz<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to<br />
buildings in Cypriot settlements 69-81<br />
Warebi Gabriel Brisibe<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular<br />
architecture using methods from archaeology 83-95<br />
Selin Küçük<br />
Structural transformations of traditional architecture from<br />
Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy 97-106<br />
Maria I Hidayatun, Josef Prijotomo, Murni Rachmawati<br />
Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with<br />
interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory 107-114<br />
Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development 115-126<br />
Ranjith Dayaratne<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity: Elitism,<br />
grand traditions and cultural revival in Bahrain 127-<strong>13</strong>8
Theory<br />
Gizem Caner, Fulin Bölen<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities <strong>13</strong>9-156<br />
Deniz Balık, Açalya Allmer<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary<br />
architectural theory and practice 157-169<br />
Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, Lale Berköz<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction<br />
at some national parks in Turkey 171-181<br />
Işıl Çokuğraş, C. İrem Gençer<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul:<br />
<br />
Gül Sibel Gedik, Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of<br />
historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-Khans District 195-208<br />
Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments 209-224
I<br />
Editorial<br />
Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN <br />
This issue of the A|Z ITU Journal of<br />
the Faculty of Architecture is the first of<br />
its 12th year, an event worthy of some<br />
special celebration, remembrance and<br />
considerable changes.<br />
Through the remaining years, A|Z<br />
ITU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture<br />
endeavored to create a decent<br />
platform for academic environment to<br />
reach the information in the field of design<br />
and planning. During this time, <strong>13</strong><br />
volumes and 26 issues have published<br />
both electronically and in hard copy,<br />
as an internationally indexed journal.<br />
By this time, 260 articles produced by<br />
450 authors have been published in the<br />
Journal; and these articles were sent<br />
from 31 different countries: Argentina,<br />
Australia, Bahrain, Brazil, Canada,<br />
China, Czech Republic, Denmark,<br />
Egypt, Finland, France, Germany,<br />
Greece, India, Indonesia, Iran, Israel,<br />
Lithuania, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria,<br />
Norway, Philippines, Qatar, Sweden,<br />
Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, Turkish<br />
Republic of Northern Cyprus, United<br />
Kingdom and United States of America.<br />
Starting with the first issue of 2015,<br />
we have introduced a number of<br />
changes, all done with the intention of<br />
enhancing our reader satisfaction.<br />
The first and most obvious change<br />
was about the publication frequency.<br />
According to expanded visibility and<br />
outreach of the Journal, the number<br />
of good-quality submissions has increased<br />
dramatically and was left no<br />
choice but to move from biannual<br />
(spring & fall) to tri-annual publication<br />
(spring, summer & fall).<br />
The second and most exciting<br />
change was that the logo, the cover and<br />
the page layout have been completely<br />
redesigned. This was done both to<br />
give the journal a brighter appearance<br />
and give the reader an opportunity to<br />
quickly identify and read the article<br />
that might be of immediate interest.<br />
Beginning from this issue;<br />
Online manuscript management<br />
system (www.journalagent.com/itujfa/)<br />
was started to use for accelerating<br />
the submission, peer-review<br />
and correspondence processes.<br />
Each article has a Digital Object<br />
Identifier (DOI) number to increase<br />
the accessibility and ease the<br />
calculation of the citations.<br />
Webpage of the Journal<br />
(www.az.itu.edu.tr) is more appealing,<br />
easier to navigate, and more<br />
fun to use than even before, with its<br />
new fresh-look.<br />
We know the changes can be threatening<br />
and intimidating, but it can also<br />
be inspiring and beneficial. With the<br />
hope of being inspiring and beneficial,<br />
we welcome comments on whether we<br />
have succeeded in our objectives.<br />
The dossier of this issue has been<br />
titled as “Vernacular Architecture”<br />
which is edited by Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu-Yüksel,<br />
PhD. The articles of this<br />
dossier were selected from the ISVS<br />
7 Conference held on 15-17 October<br />
2014. The dossier has the articles as<br />
follows: <br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-
II<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
. All selected papers were<br />
reviewed by at least two reviewers.<br />
Besides of the dossier, this issue has<br />
seven articles in the theory section.<br />
Gizem Caner and Fulin Bölen wrote<br />
the first article. Caner & Bölen, in their<br />
article entitled as -<br />
present a<br />
comparative analysis of planning approaches<br />
in divided cities in order to<br />
investigate the role of planning in alleviating<br />
or exacerbating urban division<br />
in these societies. It analyses four<br />
urban areas—Berlin, Beirut, Belfast,<br />
Jerusalem—either of which has experienced<br />
or still experiences extreme divisions<br />
related to nationality, ethnicity,<br />
religion, and/or culture.<br />
The second article, written by Deniz<br />
Balık and Açalya Allmer, makes <br />
-<br />
<br />
. The aim of this study is to<br />
construct the theoretical framework of<br />
ornament in the twenty-first century<br />
architectural domain, and the paper<br />
intends to investigate the reemergence<br />
of this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate<br />
its new aspects, and redefine its limits<br />
in contemporary architectural theory<br />
and practice.<br />
The article entitled <br />
<br />
<br />
written by Pınar Sıvalıoğlu and<br />
Lale Berköz intends to discover which<br />
factors effect visitor satisfaction and<br />
attachment for providing benefit to future<br />
studies in national parks.<br />
Işıl Çokuğraş and C. İrem Gençer<br />
aims to discuss how the built environment<br />
of Istanbul was formed in the 18 th<br />
century as an initial period for urban<br />
reforms and studies in their paper entitled<br />
<br />
<br />
. The paper evaluates the regulations<br />
of 18th century which were<br />
based on the occasion of natural disasters<br />
and public dispute through official<br />
archive documents and narratives. -<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
written by Gül Sibel Gedik and Dilek<br />
<strong>Yıl</strong>dız investigates the importance of<br />
users’ role in sustainable revitalization<br />
process in historical urban quarters.<br />
The last paper of this issue is -<br />
<br />
In this study,<br />
Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz tries to clarify the<br />
lighting design criteria for retail environments<br />
in terms of visual comfort<br />
conditions and lighting energy efficiency<br />
and investigates a retail lighting<br />
retrofit application on the example of a<br />
department store. This research clearly<br />
underlines the importance of a proper<br />
lighting retrofit project in terms of providing<br />
visual comfort conditions and<br />
lighting energy efficiency.<br />
Lastly, I would like to let the readers<br />
know about the next issue. The dossiers<br />
of the following issues of A|Z ITU<br />
Journal of the Faculty of Architecture<br />
will be related with Energy Efficiency<br />
in Buildings.<br />
Please let us know for following issues<br />
if you have ideas or topics that we<br />
could be focusing on.
1<br />
Dossier Editorial:<br />
Vernacular architecture<br />
Yurdanur DÜLGEROĞLU YÜKSEL<br />
The dossier of this issue is a selection<br />
of articles, transformed from an international<br />
conference held at Istanbul<br />
technical University about a year ago.<br />
The theme of the ISVS-7 Conference<br />
in Istanbul which took place at Taşkışla,<br />
was Vernacular Architecture. ISVS<br />
stands for International Seminar on<br />
Vernacular Settlements. The Conference<br />
took place during the period between<br />
15-17th of October, 2014. After<br />
having many discussions and reviews<br />
of the previous 6 ISVS themes, the local<br />
conference team in Istanbul, ITU gave<br />
a special title to the ISVS 7 Conference:<br />
Re-Assessment of Vernacular Architecture:<br />
theory and practice. With<br />
this international conference, we welcomed<br />
participants from all over the<br />
world and enjoyed the energy springing<br />
from the ideas of diverse scholars.<br />
The conference was structured around<br />
several keynote speeches, half of them<br />
Turkish, half of them international.<br />
Furthermore, 7 sessions were held,<br />
with parallels. Contribution came from<br />
active participants 23 different countries<br />
–from Asia, Middle-East, Africa,<br />
Europe, North and Central America,<br />
and Canada. Over <strong>13</strong>0 abstracts were<br />
submitted. Approximately 100 participants<br />
came over. We were able to<br />
realize the conference by the sponsorship<br />
of TUBITAK, ITU Rectorate, Real<br />
Estate Investment Fund, Çuhadaroglu<br />
Aluminum Systems. The tripod of the<br />
conference structure was composed of<br />
the Dean of Faculty of Architecture,<br />
Architectural Design Typology Working<br />
Group, and Housing Research<br />
Center of ITU. While the dean together<br />
with the Rectorate offices was promoting<br />
the funds to realize the conference<br />
and opening up the spaces with, in<br />
Taşkışla, the working group undertook<br />
most of the human and intellectual responsibilities<br />
over long hours and days<br />
and weeks of work. The Center mobilized<br />
all its facilities almost everyday,<br />
welcoming and tracking the conference<br />
process before, during and after<br />
the Conference. The original founder<br />
of the series of biennial international<br />
seminars has been a group of scholars<br />
from Asia which started in Indonesia<br />
in 1999. It has aimed to promote research<br />
on Vernacular traditions and<br />
settlements.<br />
After reconsidering the previous<br />
ISVS themes and its main goals, the<br />
local organising committee at ITU has<br />
decided that conference focus on the<br />
following topics:<br />
Theory, philosophy and practice:<br />
Knowledge formation<br />
Globalization and Local Identities:<br />
Small Traditions and Grand Traditions<br />
Politics: Informality, Third Space,<br />
Otherness, Struggles, Exclusion,<br />
Resistance, Diversity, Plurality,<br />
Gender, Class, and Ethnic Differences<br />
Human Factors/Behavioral Aspects:<br />
Women, Children, the Aged,<br />
Everyday Life<br />
Meanings and Experiences:<br />
Place-making, Dwelling, Non-Place<br />
Commodification: Consumption,<br />
Media Intervention, Touristification,<br />
and Inappropriate Policies<br />
Environmental Concerns: Formation<br />
of Public Space, Street Art<br />
Socio-Cultural Sustainability: Cultural<br />
Ecology of Vernacular Housing<br />
Technology and New Materials:<br />
Climate, Ecology, Recycling, Saving<br />
of the Resources<br />
The participants included full-paper<br />
presenters, organization committee<br />
members, scientific committee members<br />
from different universities and<br />
geographies, architects-planners from<br />
offices, invited speakers, researchers<br />
from various research centers, and<br />
doctoral students from national and<br />
international universities. Diversity of<br />
geography, education, occupation and<br />
backgrounds was a springboard for<br />
heated discussions on the changing<br />
definition of what is vernacular and<br />
what is not. The conversations continued<br />
at coffee-breaks, lunches and<br />
even after the conference. The keynote<br />
speakers from international universities<br />
included Miki Desai from CEPT<br />
University, India; Nezar Alsayyad from<br />
University of California, Berkeley,<br />
USA; Attilio Petruccioli with Italian
2<br />
origin, from Qatar University. Furthermore,<br />
a guest speaker from Bahrain<br />
University Pratyush Shankar gave the<br />
welcoming speech as one of the core<br />
members of ISVS committee. Three<br />
best papers were selected to promote<br />
research on the theme by the organizing<br />
and scientific committee, and first,<br />
second, and two third best papers are<br />
included within this dossier in this and<br />
the next issue of the journal.<br />
A. Petruccioli’s article is the first one,<br />
and the author gives a well-founded critique<br />
of vernacular architecture Works<br />
at the contemporary times. He selects<br />
samples from the known architects<br />
and scholars. Understanding the typology<br />
process is the focus of the article,<br />
as a way of challenging the contemporary<br />
design in the built environment.<br />
E. Hasgül emphasizes the incremental<br />
growth of squatter settlements in İstanbul.<br />
She examines the cultural identity<br />
in the informal settlements and examines<br />
the house production process to<br />
the extent of its improvements in time.<br />
M. Dabaieh and B. Eybye have<br />
written their article on an interesting<br />
comparison between a middle-eastern<br />
country and a northern European<br />
Country. Through the context of acclimatization<br />
of adobe housing, they have<br />
shown that, even in different cultural<br />
contexts, people’s approach to sustainability<br />
can be similar..<br />
E. Torbaoğlu and Y. Demir have<br />
based their article on a long-lasting<br />
research on settlements of Kemaliye,<br />
Erzincan In the article is examined the<br />
concept of continuity, a highly crucial<br />
parameter of transferrence of vernacular<br />
architecture to the new and coming<br />
generations throughout time for their<br />
cultural, as well as spatial sustainability.<br />
The critical regionalizm formed the<br />
theoretical framework of the article.<br />
R. Dayamanti and F. Kossak use in<br />
their article, the major urban identity<br />
definers of Kevin Lynch in order<br />
to re-assess them in view of vernacular<br />
architecture. The article carries the<br />
Lynch’s theory of imageability of contemporary<br />
third space. The authors<br />
attempt to interpret the theory and its<br />
application in a new way.<br />
T. Iyendo, E. Akingbaso, H. Z. Alibaba<br />
and M. Özdeniz have made a research<br />
as the background for his article<br />
on the Cypriot buildings. Their emphasis<br />
is on the microclimate-based design<br />
alternatives. Their study reveals that<br />
vernacular housing embodies more<br />
climate-responsive and human-comfort<br />
oriented design approach than the<br />
contemporary buildings The article<br />
contributes to the understanding of<br />
the relevant knowledge whether it becomes<br />
an input in the design concept<br />
and design process or not. W. Brisibe<br />
has conducted an extremely interesting<br />
field study in African fisher village<br />
using ethnographic methodology. He<br />
examined on one-to-one basis through<br />
interviews, photos the fisher tribes<br />
housing and settlement forms, and<br />
their activities differentiated by gender<br />
and age. The life styles of these migrant<br />
fisher families of Nigeria require highly<br />
hierarchical spatial arrangements. The<br />
article reminds us one more time that<br />
the best knowledge about the Local can<br />
only be derived from the local community,<br />
in place.<br />
S. Küçük has conducted quite an interesting<br />
work on Hittite civilization<br />
with its own unique architecture. The<br />
author curiously intends to follow up<br />
the traces of the vernacular from Hittite’s<br />
time up to the Ottoman period for<br />
comparative purposes. To fulfill this<br />
aim, the Hattusha village local architecture<br />
is examined. The change along<br />
time longitudinally has existed; yet,<br />
same material and structural design<br />
factors persisted despite thousands of<br />
years in between, indicating continuity<br />
of the vernacular.<br />
M. I Hidayatun and J. Prijotomo,<br />
and M. Rachmawati, similar to the 6th<br />
article in the dossier, have interpreted<br />
and applied an existing theory, in this<br />
case Paul Ricoeur’s theory, on a different<br />
context of design approach. The<br />
authors explore the capacities of the<br />
contemporary usage of Vernacular Architecture<br />
for a viable tool for today,in<br />
the light of Ricoeur’s theory.<br />
S. Patidar and B. Raghuwanshi dwell<br />
in their article on a timeless argument<br />
of whether Vernacular Architecture<br />
is dominated by the modern Architecture,<br />
or if the two can co-exist for<br />
a sustainable development. They have<br />
explored a central tribal settlement in<br />
India, in its ecological, architectural,<br />
and economic aspects, to find leading
3<br />
guidelines for the design of sustainable<br />
development of the modern. Throughout<br />
the Conference, this issue has been<br />
debated; and it seems that this article<br />
contributes to this discussion by pointing<br />
out its significance for consideration<br />
in a realizable development.<br />
R. Dayaratne in his article has a<br />
detailed examination of the traditional<br />
architecture of Bahrain in order to<br />
show that re-dignification of the vernacular<br />
is possible. He justifies it by the<br />
significance of sustaining the identity<br />
of the culture and the nation. Under<br />
the global forces and with the loss of<br />
pearl industry the major traditions are<br />
threatened to be diminished, and the<br />
author claims they need to be revived.<br />
l hope that the readers share the ideas<br />
of the authors presented here, and at<br />
the same time re-assess their daily lives<br />
in connection with local values in their<br />
built and social environments.
1<br />
attilio.petruccioli@<br />
<br />
Department of<br />
Architecture and<br />
Urban Planning,<br />
College of<br />
Engineering, Qatar<br />
University, Doha,<br />
Qatar<br />
Keynote:<br />
Vernacular architecture<br />
and typology<br />
Attilio PETRUCCIOLI 1<br />
“A language is a dialect with an army<br />
and a navy.”<br />
Max Weinreich<br />
Typology<br />
A pious Muslim, whose son was<br />
about to get married, he went to the<br />
mosque of a small village and asked the<br />
brothers to help build the new house.<br />
All the faithful agreed, no questions<br />
like: “What type of home?” “How are<br />
distributed functions?” what materials<br />
and what techniques? “. Simply: the<br />
house. In the past times the owner very<br />
likely did not even need to describe<br />
a house to a local mason who shared<br />
his cultural milieu; he simply told the<br />
mason what he needed and the mason<br />
built the house without too much planning<br />
and the carpenter, when he built<br />
the roof, built the only roof he knows.<br />
The idea of house is a concept shared<br />
by the whole community and it is so<br />
rooted, that exists in the mind of the<br />
inhabitants even before challenging the<br />
tools and execute the work.<br />
We have introduced the concept of<br />
type using this short fable, whose definition<br />
in its simplest version sounds<br />
like this: “Type is the organic sum of<br />
the morphological invariant features<br />
of a group of buildings from the same<br />
time period and cultural area. Typology,<br />
not to be confused with type, is<br />
the science that studies the types, their<br />
mutual relations and their evolution in<br />
time”.<br />
The a-priori type<br />
In the past village where the houses<br />
and overall fabric are notable for their<br />
homogeneity, is possible because at a<br />
given point in the past every villager<br />
building a house referred to the same<br />
common legacy of constructive, distributive,<br />
and decorative techniques.<br />
Changes over time occurred so<br />
slowly that almost any abrupt change<br />
in the formal continuity of any one<br />
built object was essentially cancelled<br />
out. Homogeneity, far from being monotonous,<br />
was the aesthetic merit of<br />
the village.<br />
This is not to say that differences<br />
almost did not exist. “A shepherd of a<br />
large flock who must distinguish one<br />
sheep from another necessarily takes<br />
into account the subtle differences<br />
between his individual sheep,” writes<br />
Heinrich Tessenow, “and he is quite<br />
able to do it, while a non-shepherd like<br />
ourselves thinks they all look alike because<br />
in this case our eyes are not used<br />
to seeking out the subtleties.” (1)<br />
Paradoxically, when the protagonists<br />
of the modern movement tried to cut<br />
the bonds of historical consciousness<br />
and by extension the historic fabric by<br />
using a clean, abstract language, they<br />
constructed that language from the<br />
southern Mediterranean vernacular.<br />
Masters of modernism such as Joseph<br />
Hoffman, Adolf Loos, Adalberto Libera,<br />
and Carlo Enrico Rava, for example,<br />
were inspired by examples of Libyan,<br />
Tunisian, and Algerian Vernacular<br />
building.(2)<br />
A patrimony of expression of space<br />
and architecture still exists that people<br />
retain in their memory and apply when<br />
they build a house without an architect.<br />
If we visit a gurbi an illegal settlement<br />
on the periphery of Tunis, such as the<br />
Melassine quarter, or a douar at Marrakesh,<br />
places where we would expect<br />
chaos, we will be surprised by the rationality<br />
of the layout, with its equal-sized<br />
plots properly aligned along regular<br />
streets. Most striking is the similarity<br />
of these layouts to the fabric of the madina.<br />
The immigrants from the hinterland,<br />
who have occupied the land and<br />
subsequently built these structures,<br />
have used the patrimony expressed by<br />
the type simply because it is ingrained<br />
in their consciousness. These and other<br />
similar examples reinforce the principle<br />
of type that Saverio Muratori called<br />
“a common creative effort.”(3). His observations<br />
on the built fabric of Venice<br />
and Rome also led him to the important<br />
and original corollary that type is not<br />
only an a-posteriori mental construct,<br />
but it already exists within the built reality<br />
of the building, the fabric, and the<br />
city. It is “the mental project” of whoever<br />
builds or remodels a building, and<br />
therefore precedes the planning stage<br />
as a pre-representation. Furthermore,<br />
5
6<br />
Muratori points out, at their deepest<br />
level, types are much more than just<br />
schemes established a-posteriori. They<br />
are the essential formative elements of<br />
stylistic forms and also of the works<br />
of art themselves. In these works they<br />
represent the often decisive contribution<br />
of an environment and a culture<br />
operating at the individual level while<br />
characterizing an entire school, age,<br />
and people. Outside such a formative<br />
spiritual climate single works would<br />
not even be conceivable.<br />
Unlike Platonic ideas, the a-priori<br />
type does not pre-exist at the metaphysical<br />
level or on a formal schematic<br />
level as Argan suggested, but is a<br />
product of the historical process and<br />
is rooted in a society’s culture, as John<br />
Habraken never tires of stating. (4) For<br />
Muratori, the type is the concept, not a<br />
scientific paradigm, a conjecture with<br />
which to verify the sensible world except<br />
in contrary cases; rather, it is scientific<br />
in that it exists and has its roots<br />
in History. If it were not immanent in<br />
reality/History, which helps to interpret,<br />
it would in fact be a broken tool<br />
and we would make the usual error of<br />
constructing an abstract and subjective<br />
system like the gestalt of Christian<br />
Norberg-Schulz, entrusting ourselves<br />
to theories based on perception. It is<br />
neither the work of individuals nor of<br />
a society in a given historic moment,<br />
but is slowly formulated and progressively<br />
added to by society as a whole<br />
during its cultural-historical evolution.<br />
Since it is formed on the structure of<br />
the environment and on principles and<br />
structures of use as experienced, the<br />
apriori type is deeply tied to the place<br />
and is opposed to the conventionalism<br />
of standards, but to the atopic as<br />
well. It is always politically, culturally,<br />
and economically up to date. While it<br />
is shared it is also individual, insofar as<br />
each person who uses the type introduces<br />
new elements that make changes<br />
in it that are not part of the existing<br />
consensus. We may sum up by saying<br />
that an a-priori type is determined by<br />
the legacy of transmittable characteristics<br />
which precedes the formation<br />
of the single building, governing its<br />
structure of relations from within. In<br />
other words, it is the body of customs<br />
and norms acquired over the course of<br />
the building experience, which forms<br />
the framework for previewing the proposed<br />
building.<br />
Spontaneous conscience<br />
The a-priori type is definitely a product<br />
of the spontaneous conscience that<br />
is the attitude of man to adhere to established<br />
standards, rules and customs,<br />
that stem from the built tradition. Even<br />
in the absence of real building regulations,<br />
the force of custom was such that<br />
the manufacturer adhered in full to the<br />
existing built reality. Returning to the<br />
example of the illegal settlements in<br />
many Islamic countries, the building<br />
is a precise economic reply and is done<br />
by dividing the land in accordance<br />
with the rules and conventions that<br />
translates instances of spontaneous<br />
conscience, rooted in time. The distribution<br />
of land produces plots of constant<br />
size that match constructive, economic<br />
and distributive requirements of<br />
the house. In the minds of those who<br />
divide the land a close relationship between<br />
land-use, type of house and type<br />
of urban fabric is established, which<br />
will be summarized in the act of constructing.<br />
The spontaneous consciousness<br />
of the rule matches the spontaneous<br />
consciousness of the type.<br />
Vernacular architecture<br />
It is not nostalgia for a distant past<br />
that leads us to refer to vernacular examples,<br />
but the expression of a conscious<br />
spontaneity that they embody.<br />
The striking unity of a Kabyl settlement<br />
on the mountain above Tizi Ouzou in<br />
Algeria or a ksar in the Draa valley<br />
in Morocco are the expression of homogeneous<br />
society, which, passed the<br />
state of nature, have metabolized experience<br />
in tradition.<br />
In the Italian Enciclopedia Treccani<br />
we read: vernacular, from Latin<br />
vernaculus, adj. “ domestic, familiar”,<br />
that continues:” Speech characteristic<br />
of a center or a limited area. This is<br />
in contrast to language and is distinguished<br />
from dialect, with respect to<br />
which is more popular and local (as<br />
in French patois is opposed to langue<br />
and differs from dialecte), and is used<br />
most often for historical reasons. Most<br />
of the dictionaries associate vernacular<br />
to linguistics: for instance from
7<br />
the Free Dictionary:” being or characteristic<br />
of or appropriate to everyday<br />
language; “common parlance”;<br />
“a vernacular term”; “vernacular<br />
speakers”; “the vulgar tongue of<br />
the masses”; “the technical and vulgar<br />
names for an animal species” , or<br />
from the Your Dictionary:” Vernacular<br />
is common language spoken by average<br />
citizens of a particular place, or is<br />
language used within a particular field<br />
or industry ”.<br />
From the previous definitions it<br />
seems that the term is used with two<br />
meanings. The first branch (in the<br />
sense of the meaning) more Anglo-Saxon<br />
(which corresponds to the<br />
English “dialect” defines the “dialect”<br />
of a “variant” of a linguistic geographic<br />
continuum, and therefore the term is<br />
understood to refer to a specific family<br />
language and possibly related to the<br />
“linguistic form of reference” or “root”<br />
of the family, called the standard form.<br />
In this sense we can speak of “dialect of<br />
a language” or “dialect of a language or<br />
dialect continuum” as tantamount to<br />
speak a variety of languages intelligible<br />
with the others in the group to which it<br />
is ascribed.<br />
The second meaning, derived from<br />
Greek antiquity, identifies the “dialect”<br />
as any “idiom” with its territorial<br />
characterization but devoid of political<br />
or literary prestige, and that from the<br />
point of view of descriptive linguistics<br />
and philology is independent of any<br />
bond dependence, subordination or<br />
affiliation with the official language (or<br />
official) in force in its territory of relevance,<br />
although between dialect and<br />
the official language there may be significant<br />
relationships and similarities.<br />
(5)<br />
Bernard Rudofski in the introduction<br />
of the exhibition at MOMA,<br />
dedicated to the architecture without<br />
pedigree, describes the transition from<br />
the state of nature to the spontaneous<br />
consciousness, just as we read in the<br />
vernacular architecture: “ it seems that<br />
long before the first enterprising man<br />
bent some twigs into a leaky roof, many<br />
animals were already accomplished<br />
builders. It is unlikely that beavers got<br />
the idea of building dams by watching<br />
human dam-builders at work. It probably<br />
was the other way. Most likely,<br />
man got his first incentive to put up a<br />
shelter from his cousins, the anthropomorphous<br />
apes. Untamed apes do<br />
not share man’s urge to seek shelter in<br />
a natural cave, or under an overhanging<br />
rock, but prefer an airy scaffolding<br />
of their own making. The untutored<br />
builders in space and time-the protagonists<br />
of this show-demonstrate an admirable<br />
talent for fitting their buildings<br />
into the natural surroundings. Instead<br />
of trying to “conquer” nature, as we<br />
do, they welcome the vagaries of climate<br />
and the challenge of topography.<br />
Whereas we find flat, featureless country<br />
most to our liking (any flaws in the<br />
terrain are easily erased by the application<br />
of a bulldozer), more sophisticated<br />
people are attracted by rugged country.<br />
In fact, they do not hesitate to seek out<br />
the most complicated configurations in<br />
the landscape”.(6) and Glassie captures<br />
vernacular architecture in a matter of<br />
democracy and inclusion that does<br />
not have the architecture with capital<br />
A: “ The study of vernacular architecture<br />
through its urge toward the comprehensive,<br />
accommodates cultural<br />
diversity. It welcomes the neglected<br />
into study in order to acknowledge<br />
the reality of difference and conflict”<br />
(7). Rudofski who writes in the forties<br />
does locate under the umbrella of architecture<br />
without architects not only<br />
the homes of men, but any unplanned<br />
settlement, choosing beautiful images<br />
based mainly on their aesthetic impact;<br />
while for Glassie vernacular architecture<br />
is the ordinary house and everyday<br />
life, the first imbued with the values<br />
of family and community.<br />
However, both of the subtle differences<br />
of assessment of Bernard<br />
Rudofski, Paul Oliver, Henry Glassie<br />
or Dell Upton it is clear that vernacular<br />
architecture for its collective character,<br />
its belonging to an established and undisputed<br />
tradition, is an expression of<br />
the world of spontaneous consciousness.<br />
The works of vernacular architecture<br />
are typological variants of the<br />
leading type a-priori and can be studied<br />
by the typological science. This is<br />
absolutely true for the pre-modern architecture.
8<br />
Critical conscience<br />
In the second half of the nineteenth<br />
century, building as a work of spontaneous<br />
consciousness faced an unprecedented<br />
crisis and eventually its natural<br />
relation with the culture was severed.<br />
Rapid economic growth fueled by industrialization,<br />
as well as the specialization<br />
of the building industry itself,<br />
took by surprise those who venerated<br />
the existing “old” city. In addition,<br />
population growth caused the unprecedented<br />
outward expansion of those<br />
European cities just emerging from a<br />
state of semi-stagnation. The pre-industrial<br />
expansion of these cities had<br />
been inward and was achieved either<br />
through the erosion of public space or<br />
the deliberate transformation of existing<br />
structures. The new demographic<br />
and economic vitality combined with<br />
new mechanical means created new<br />
demands and functions. To meet them,<br />
traditional builders had only their limited<br />
experience and expertise derived<br />
from earlier changes in the local urban<br />
fabric and building practices and<br />
thus were only partially successful. The<br />
tastes of these medieval builders were<br />
formed by a common background and<br />
training, and their relation to building<br />
itself reflected this formation. The new<br />
bourgeois culture, in contrast, began to<br />
conceptualize buildings intellectually,<br />
as one can see in the universal forms<br />
of neoclassical architecture. Their response<br />
was primarily quantitative,<br />
leading to the reduction of a project to<br />
a simple question of style, in contrast<br />
to the spontaneous richness of the medieval<br />
town. Building became the monopoly<br />
of the architect and the owner:<br />
“building one’s house” became “finding<br />
one’s house on the market” Since that<br />
time the fact of working on special<br />
buildings has molded the professional<br />
figure of the architect.<br />
In addition to the inadequacies of<br />
the builders, nineteenth-century urbanism<br />
was adversely affected by the<br />
incapacity of the bureaucratic culture<br />
to assimilate the pre-industrial, medieval<br />
city. The Enlightenment, concerned<br />
with the abstract behavior of<br />
people, eventually conceived the city<br />
in terms of mechanical problems like<br />
transportation and sanitation, refusing<br />
to understand the existing city beyond<br />
the superficial image of the medieval<br />
crowded narrow winding streets. The<br />
intellectual position of the Enlightenment<br />
also proved inadequate for facing<br />
the challenge of the new era; so did<br />
Romanticism in its vain desire to favor<br />
morality and emotion, and Positivism<br />
because of the narrowness of its vision<br />
of reality.<br />
The Enlightenment inspired countless<br />
modern interventions in historical<br />
cities, from the nineteenth-century attempts<br />
to “liberate” monuments (e.g.,<br />
Hausmann’s gutting of Paris) to Le<br />
Corbusier’s famous Plan Voisin.<br />
I do not want deny the value of<br />
XIXth century urbanism, and architecture,<br />
but as a result of its conflictual<br />
relationship with the past it betrayed<br />
an exhaustion of ethical and expressive<br />
impulses.<br />
The phenomena described above<br />
have resulted in the long run a general<br />
weakening of the societies, making<br />
them more permeable to the a-critical<br />
import of alien architecture and at<br />
the same time a hypertrophy of egocentrism<br />
of the architect; so to paraphrase<br />
the examples of linguistics, and<br />
we passed from dialect to language<br />
often to finish using the idiolect. At<br />
the same time, the proliferation of increasingly<br />
specialized building types,<br />
which by definition are little or nothing<br />
spontaneous, has also influenced the<br />
design of the dwelling. Today’s homes<br />
are designed with strong intentionality<br />
and load of signs and meanings that<br />
are irrelevant. The first consequence is<br />
that every single house is not part of<br />
the chorus, placed in a homogeneous<br />
environment, but lives an aggressive<br />
competition among architects, which<br />
contributes to the cacophony of the<br />
contemporary city.<br />
The critical consciousness of the<br />
builder is founded in the early stages<br />
of the crisis, when there is the problem<br />
of designing the building intentionally.<br />
You can then define critical consciousness<br />
the state of uncertainty in the face<br />
of built reality that inherited an obligation<br />
to operate with very deliberate actions<br />
by imposing conscious project in<br />
the construction process. Analogously<br />
in this period of crisis the type can only<br />
be reconstructed a-posteriori.<br />
This has undermined the vernacular
9<br />
as the main vehicle of expression both<br />
in language and architecture, making<br />
the latter a subject of folklore. Beyond<br />
the numerous and often inflated literature<br />
documenting and studying the<br />
architecture which is than the role of<br />
the vernacular? Examples of inclusion<br />
of vernacular architecture in modern<br />
design are numerous, but the results<br />
are unconvincing.<br />
In the case of Aldo Rossi elements<br />
of the vernacular architecture like the<br />
lighthouse, the chimney, the sea cabins<br />
can be separated from their historical<br />
context and become poetic objects, losing<br />
all typological meaning and their<br />
participation in a specific culture.<br />
In contrast Hassan Fathy in the sixties<br />
put himself against the world of<br />
building production and the academia<br />
now converted to a simplistic modernism.<br />
His book Architecture for the Poor<br />
is a call to common sense, an invitation<br />
to find coherent solutions in the building<br />
traditions of the common people,<br />
to reevaluate ancient technologies in<br />
the name of economy and well-being.<br />
Its architecture reflects the tradition,<br />
but it is animated by a moral imperative<br />
that all leads back to the simple<br />
without being simplistic. It rarely gives<br />
in to the decoration. Nevertheless even<br />
in the most socially engaged works as<br />
in the villages of Gourna and Bariz his<br />
interpretation of tradition, based on a<br />
personal, refined sensibility, but not on<br />
a scientific method of history, remains<br />
in the wake of post-modern attitude<br />
(8).<br />
Rasem Badran, the most interesting<br />
Arab architect and urban designer<br />
today, chose the traditional Arab city<br />
as a reference of his projects. A sharp<br />
eye and a remarkable sensitivity, and a<br />
graphic mastery with a certain redundancy<br />
of signs are accompanied by an<br />
eclecticism in the choice of models, - I<br />
quote the renovation of the promenade<br />
of Sidon - producing works, especially<br />
in the printed version of the un-built<br />
projects, in precarious balance between<br />
folklore and sophisticate quotation(9).<br />
These examples of great architects<br />
show that any reference to the vernacular<br />
architecture hides the risk of a fall in<br />
the post-modern poetic, imbued with<br />
nostalgia for a golden un-known age.<br />
Only a critical process of philological<br />
reconstruction implemented on<br />
the living body of the city, distilling the<br />
lessons from the overlapping stratification<br />
in history of vernacular architecture,<br />
can subtract the architect to the<br />
persuasive charm of the images.<br />
Typological process<br />
In 1946 Muratori recognized the<br />
need to insert type into the complex<br />
flow of history, intuitively connecting<br />
type with the concept of organism and<br />
embedding both in society. In fact, he<br />
continues, “the architectural type is<br />
a kind of architecture and therefore a<br />
building organism which, as a result<br />
of repeatedly taking shape in order to<br />
respond to the typical needs of a given<br />
society, ends up so intimately adhering<br />
to its psychological climate that it<br />
absorbs all its essential human traits.”<br />
Type, then, is not merely a sub-product<br />
of the historical process that leads<br />
to the mechanical repetition of needs<br />
or material development. It is History.<br />
The connection of type to historical<br />
process is the only correct use of it in<br />
the design process, since the type is an<br />
authentic expression of the collective<br />
memory. Due to a rupture in the historical<br />
process, at present type can be<br />
approached only through a reflective<br />
critical consciousness. This operation<br />
of critical consciousness to reach spontaneous<br />
consciousness that will, at best,<br />
fall short of the goal, is what Muratori<br />
called “asymptotic.” (10)<br />
Our idea of “type” as history cannot<br />
be separated from the idea of process.<br />
The most relevant concept of typological<br />
theory is that of processuality,<br />
which fixes the mutations of the type<br />
in the historical duration. Without it,<br />
the type runs the constant risk of falling<br />
into one of the historic errors: an<br />
a-historic formal scheme good for every<br />
trick, or a mechanical montage of<br />
forms broken off from the real world.<br />
It is necessary to understand the internal<br />
mechanism that animates the type<br />
and anchor this in built reality, which<br />
would otherwise not be different from<br />
any biological organism. This is the<br />
most relevant concept of the method<br />
of typological analysis. By the concept<br />
of process we understand the internal<br />
mechanism that animates the type and<br />
anchors this mechanism in the built
10<br />
reality.<br />
Typological process allows us to understand<br />
the evolution from one type<br />
to the next, but does not really understand<br />
the deal with the question of dating<br />
(the province of traditional historians)<br />
so much as it does the question<br />
of the sequence of buildings and urban<br />
fabrics. In fact, similar typical conditions<br />
can be isolated in the history of<br />
different civilizations in different periods.<br />
The tracing of typological processes<br />
allows us, on the one hand, to establish<br />
those characteristics of the building<br />
that are essential for the determination<br />
of continuity in the process over the<br />
course of its transformation. On the<br />
other hand, it also determines those<br />
characteristics that constitute departures<br />
or exceptions, and in their own<br />
way contribute to the valuable heritage<br />
of experimentation. In other words, typological<br />
processes show us at the same<br />
time both the rule and the exception.<br />
“Phase” is defined as the period of<br />
time needed to allow the clear identification<br />
of changes in the built object.<br />
The progression of phases makes up<br />
the diachronic typological process<br />
from the Greek dia=through, and kronos=time,<br />
if conducted in a culturally<br />
homogeneous area that is, with negligible<br />
external influences, such as a closed<br />
valley, are syntopic from the Greek<br />
syn=together, and topos=place.<br />
The basic type in any typological<br />
process coincides with the ideal house<br />
in any given time and progressively<br />
changes through specialization from<br />
elementary matrices to complex derivations.<br />
The type is commonly recognized<br />
by every inhabitant, and it can<br />
accommodate slight changes based on<br />
its role and source of revenue, provided<br />
they are within the bounds of the type.<br />
We can also call it a “leading or current<br />
type,” since it is the type all members<br />
of a society recognize as optimal. In a<br />
given phase it can be coherently found<br />
in the corresponding building. A synchronic<br />
variation is a type of house<br />
realized under less than optimal conditions.<br />
These can be the result of topographical<br />
problems, or of problems<br />
with placement in a block or placement<br />
in an incongruous fabric. Even under<br />
the best conditions there is always a<br />
chance for synchronic variations to develop<br />
within a group. If there is a slight<br />
rotation in the tissue, as is common,<br />
there will be at least one house with<br />
walls that are not parallel. Such a house<br />
will face problems such as trying to<br />
raise a vault on a trapezoidal plan and<br />
the difficulty of furnishing spaces with<br />
odd angles and will inevitably lead to<br />
variations in the type.<br />
The typological process is as complicated<br />
as the urban or territorial organism<br />
in which it operates; it more or<br />
less involves the intersection of different<br />
processes. It is therefore necessary<br />
to reduce the complexity of a building<br />
type or a contemporary urban tissue<br />
by assuming that they have necessarily<br />
absorbed their predecessors and then<br />
backtracking to find the simplest form<br />
of the type or fabric. The elementary<br />
matrix is the first documentable type<br />
at either the substratum level or an archaeologically<br />
measurable level upon<br />
which the reading can be based.<br />
A diachronic and syntopic typological<br />
process, limited within the bounds<br />
of a circumscribed culture area and referring<br />
to the residential type, can be<br />
described. Taking any of the beautiful<br />
Rudofski’s examples of medieval city in<br />
the Levant or the Maghreb, the “leading<br />
type” in the initial phase of the typological<br />
process is an elementary type<br />
or plan - we can call it founding type<br />
- whose dimensions are an expression<br />
of that specific building culture. The<br />
urban fabric is conceived on the basis<br />
of this leading type and is concurrent<br />
with it. Modified houses exist, however,<br />
on irregular lots or on slopes or located<br />
at the beginning of a series, or in a corner<br />
and so on; the sum of these experiences<br />
generates a parallel process by<br />
synchronic variation, insofar as each<br />
can cause the imitation of its neighbor,<br />
offering itself as a possible solution to a<br />
problem. In turn, the parallel processes<br />
mature with and modify the leading<br />
type as people gain in experience.<br />
In the second phase, assuming the<br />
continuous growth of the city, the next<br />
leading type will evolve by exceeding<br />
its limits and refining some of its parts.<br />
In new growth zones of the city the<br />
new leading type adapts to the tissues<br />
planned specifically for it, and is found<br />
mainly on principal or matrix routes or
11<br />
planned routes. This is not the case in<br />
the old city center, where the layout is<br />
more permanent because of the resistance<br />
of the building tissue to change.<br />
What contributes most to the conservation<br />
of such an area is that real estate<br />
is simply heaped atop the resistant existing<br />
tissue.49 In this case the inhabitant<br />
must compromise between the<br />
concept of a leading type, an ideal expression<br />
if you will, and the reality that<br />
the building tissue is unyielding.<br />
The inhabitant’s intervention will<br />
determine two new possible types of<br />
synchronic variation. The first are the<br />
renovations or mutations made to the<br />
elements of the interior without disturbing<br />
the main structure; the second<br />
is demolition and reconstruction. In<br />
neither case will the adaptation of the<br />
new leading type in the old building<br />
tissue reach optimal conditions.<br />
Variations generate processes that<br />
in turn contribute to the development<br />
of the next leading type. In this third<br />
phase the new leading type is comfortably<br />
located in the new yet saturated<br />
fabric but it will be subject to modification<br />
in the two older building tissues.<br />
The more time that elapses between<br />
phases, the more difficult it becomes<br />
for the leading type in the old tissues to<br />
adapt. The assumption that the growth<br />
of a city is steady is hypothetical. In<br />
practice, after a certain number of<br />
growth phases a period of relative stagnation,<br />
or even of regression, sets in,<br />
often resulting in vacancies, abandonment,<br />
and the like. This was typical of<br />
all Mediterranean cities after the Black<br />
Death almost halved their populations<br />
after <strong>13</strong>48. In Siena, until well into the<br />
mid-nineteenth century, for example,<br />
large undeveloped areas still lay within<br />
the city walls.<br />
A more realistic picture is one in<br />
which intervals of more or less intense<br />
growth alternate with periods of arrested<br />
development and regressions.<br />
During the periods of accelerated<br />
growth and subsequent slowing down,<br />
the behavior of residential tissues and<br />
special tissues is different. The residential<br />
tissues easily both accept rapid<br />
growth and resist regression.<br />
The period of regression affects first<br />
and foremost the special buildings, as<br />
they represent an investment of cultural<br />
and economic surplus by the collective.<br />
In periods of economic stagnation,<br />
limited building activity inhibits<br />
the evolution of a leading type. Where<br />
building tissue shrinks, the specialization<br />
of the residential type is also reduced<br />
from its former incarnations and<br />
produces only synchronic variations.<br />
This is logical, since the reduced and<br />
limited requirements of the surviving<br />
population will lead to a simpler use of<br />
the old buildings. A similar phenomenon<br />
occurred in Tripoli and Algiers<br />
during the late Ottoman period, and<br />
in Naples under Spanish domination:<br />
because the walled city was restricted<br />
to the area claimed by the walls, it grew<br />
in height, blocked open spaces, and<br />
turned special buildings into collective<br />
residences. In periods of crisis the most<br />
adaptable structures are the serial ones,<br />
that is, iterative ones; in the special<br />
buildings as well the serial parts are<br />
those that are most easily recyclable.<br />
When a period of stagnation gives<br />
way to a new cycle of growth the notion<br />
of a leading type is considerably attenuated<br />
in the spontaneous consciousness<br />
of the residents and they are able<br />
to manage only synchronic variations.<br />
As a result, diatopic51 (from the Greek<br />
dia=through and topos=place) formed<br />
modifications thrive in the weakened<br />
body of the city, and a new leading type<br />
is often imported from a distant but<br />
culturally dominant area. A new leading<br />
type, the result of the synthesis of<br />
local processes and the imported model,<br />
is then used in the future expansion<br />
of the city.<br />
Despite cultural differences, this<br />
phenomenon is discernible in both Europe<br />
and the Islamic Mediterranean.<br />
After 1850, the model used in Italy<br />
originated in Paris or Vienna but was<br />
grafted onto strong local traditions.<br />
The local traditions explain why the<br />
fundamental typological processes in<br />
Genoa, Florence and Rome took such<br />
different directions despite their use of<br />
the same models.<br />
In Aleppo after 1870 the Venetian<br />
type called a portego was merged with<br />
the local type of courtyard house with<br />
iwan to produce a tripartite house with<br />
a wide main corridor. This model was<br />
universally adopted when the new<br />
quarter of Aziziye was built in the sec-
12<br />
ond half of the nineteenth century.<br />
Algiers presents yet a different case:<br />
instead of agreeing to adopt a single<br />
Western model, a variety of types were<br />
imported and imposed by the colonizing<br />
French population. The impact of<br />
colonization minimized the effect of<br />
local processes and the leading type<br />
coincided almost exactly with the imported<br />
model. I say “almost” precisely<br />
because even though local building<br />
customs were followed only in those<br />
residential sections of the city which<br />
the French shunned, they nevertheless<br />
persisted through many small gestures.<br />
Only a detailed reconstruction of the<br />
typological process would reveal to<br />
what extent they survived.<br />
It is clear, however, that the post-<br />
1830 colonial construction of Algiers<br />
preserved traces of local traditions in<br />
the compact dimensions of its building<br />
blocks, the result of a minutely divided<br />
property substratum and of the<br />
demolition and reconstruction of small<br />
courtyard houses. The imposing imperial<br />
facades of residential buildings also<br />
mask a lingering spontaneous ones.<br />
To sum up: Process is always diachronic,<br />
based on continuous time<br />
whose rhythm changes in relation to<br />
the behaviour of the various scales. The<br />
inertia of the large territorial scale with<br />
its urban framework and infrastructure<br />
produces a slower rhythm, while,<br />
on the other end of the building scale,<br />
changes occur faster and thus have a<br />
quicker rhythm. Differences can also be<br />
discerned in the position of the objects<br />
on the same scale, for instance between<br />
central and peripheral buildings, or between<br />
special and residential buildings.<br />
The typological process takes place in<br />
phases in which the leading type proceeds<br />
through moments of equilibrium<br />
alternating with synchronic variations.<br />
The typological process may be syntopic<br />
(i.e., occurring in the same area)<br />
or diatopic (i.e., involving variations<br />
between areas). Finally it can refer to<br />
the basic type (the house) or to special<br />
types.<br />
The graphic models we construct<br />
in our mind or represent on paper are<br />
reductive. Not even the metaphor of a<br />
tree with its trunk, branches, and foliage<br />
can do justice to the complexity of<br />
typological processes, unless it is the<br />
banyan tree of India, whose enormity<br />
and growth pattern would merit definition<br />
as a grove rather than a single<br />
tree. Its branches extend out horizontally,<br />
shoot upward, descend toward<br />
the ground, and sneak underground<br />
where they take root and shoot out new<br />
branches not unlike the original ones.<br />
Eventually only the expert eye of the<br />
gardener can distinguish the primary<br />
trunk. The reconstruction of typological<br />
processes is somewhat similar to<br />
the script of a film, with one important<br />
difference: the filmed work anticipates<br />
scenes which might take place in<br />
the future, while the reconstruction of<br />
typologies projects into the past. It approaches<br />
past scenes with the unquestionable<br />
advantage of already knowing<br />
many of the elements, relationships,<br />
and sequences; it can therefore critically<br />
reconstruct the missing pieces insofar<br />
as they are typical. It requires the<br />
awareness that a critical description of<br />
the process -as in all disciplines- must<br />
be carried backwards throughout from<br />
the final frame. The term “critical” is<br />
emphasized: even a reading restricted<br />
to documentable facts is not “objective,”<br />
nor is knowledge the equivalent<br />
of a mass of data piled up in a closet<br />
but is remote control operated by our<br />
minds. We hear only what we want to<br />
hear and nothing else.<br />
Returning now to the vernacular architecture,<br />
we established that all those<br />
beautiful and moving homes of ordinary<br />
people belong to the state of the<br />
spontaneous conscience.<br />
Two important questions remain<br />
open: If there is a space in the critical<br />
consciousness to the vernacular architecture<br />
and if , beyond architectural<br />
analysis that leads to the discovery<br />
of extraordinary architecture without<br />
pedigree, it is conceivable to speak<br />
with a vernacular idiom in the contemporary<br />
design. The answer is a cautious<br />
yes in both cases.<br />
Let it speak the language of things<br />
(11) is important because it allows<br />
not only to bring out the fragments of<br />
spontaneous consciousness that everyone<br />
keeps jealously in his unconscious,<br />
but also to reaffirm the social value of<br />
architecture against the anarchist current<br />
interpretation of the great stars<br />
and the media. The journey back along
<strong>13</strong><br />
the line of time, required by the typological<br />
process, allows us to reconstruct<br />
the complex heritage of principles and<br />
know-how generated by the traditions<br />
and consumption, consolidated in<br />
a society. It allows you to resume the<br />
broken thread with the story and set<br />
rules for a design for ordinary people,<br />
subtracted from the fashion. This all<br />
the more real and measurable in the<br />
basic buildings, the house, to which<br />
the majority of vernacular researches<br />
are dedicated. The typological process<br />
offers dignity and scientific method to<br />
research on the vernacular architecture,<br />
subtracting it from the easy imitation<br />
of eye-catching shapes.<br />
Notes<br />
1. “To assume homogeneity means<br />
developing a noteworthy sensitivity, a<br />
sensitivity in only one direction; because<br />
it is necessary to concentrate all<br />
one’s attention on every subtle detail;<br />
this is the limitation which characterizes<br />
uniformity and also order.” Tessenow,<br />
H. (1989) House Building and<br />
Such Things, p. 17.<br />
2. Carlo Enrico Rava is perhaps the<br />
least known, but decidedly the most<br />
important figure as a theorist of the<br />
Rationalist Movement (he was leader<br />
of the Gruppo 7 in 1926) and a participant<br />
in the debate on modern colonial<br />
architecture. His ideas on colonial architecture<br />
begin with the rejection of<br />
Moorish (and other) styles as inspirations<br />
for Libyan architecture, which he<br />
claims is of classical Roman derivation.<br />
Ultimately he sees “an extremely fine<br />
Mediterranean intonation that clearly<br />
relates it to all other architectures of<br />
southern origin” (C. E. Rava, “Una architettura<br />
coloniale moderna mediterranea,”<br />
Domus (1931), 39. On the same<br />
subject see also idem, “Costruire in colonia,”<br />
Domus(August-October 1936),<br />
28-30; and idem, Nove anni di architettura<br />
vissuta 1926 IV-1935 XIII (Rome,<br />
1935), 103 ff.<br />
3. S. Muratori, “I Caratteri degli edifici<br />
nello studio dell’architettura,” Inaugural<br />
lecture, Course on the Characteristics<br />
of Buildings, IUAV, Venice, 1950,<br />
p. 15. Muratori further adds, “What is<br />
more, the most orthodox application<br />
of that idealist thought which seeks to<br />
negate type does not suffice to deny the<br />
existence of true collective expressive<br />
creations manifest in some typical spatial<br />
and structural intuitions - which<br />
make up the architectural core of an<br />
entire civilization.”<br />
4. “Types are shared properties within<br />
a culture. Everyone - builder, designer,<br />
user, is familiar with them. Yet types<br />
such as the Venetian Gothic palace, the<br />
Amsterdam renaissance townhouse,<br />
the Georgian terraced house, or the<br />
Pompeian courtyard house were never<br />
formally described by those who made<br />
and used them. Types only exist in a<br />
social body.” J. Habraken, “The Control<br />
of Complexity,” Places 4, n. 2 (1987), p.<br />
7.<br />
5. It is important in this context to<br />
note that dialect is the opposite of idiolect<br />
the set of characteristic language<br />
habits of a single individual or a small<br />
group of speakers. Idiolects are the architectural<br />
languages of the contemporary<br />
architects of the star system,<br />
whose poetry far from being referred<br />
to a body of established traditions is<br />
purely self-referential.<br />
6. Rudofski, B. Architecture without<br />
Architects. A short Introduction to<br />
Non-pedigreed Architecture, New York,<br />
Museum of Modern Art, 1965<br />
7. Glassie, H.H. Vernacular Architecture,<br />
Bloomington, In. ,Indiana University<br />
Press, 2000.<br />
8. Steele, J. An architecture for People:<br />
The Complete Works of Hassan Fathy,<br />
Darby, Pa., Diane Pub co, 1997.<br />
9. Steele, J. The Architecture of Rasem<br />
Badran: narrative of People and Place,<br />
London, Thames and Hudson, 2005.<br />
10. From asymptote, a line which<br />
appears nearer and nearer to a curve<br />
but does not meet it within a finite distance.<br />
11. See Dell Upton. “The Power of<br />
Things: Recent Studies in American<br />
Vernacular Architecture”, in American<br />
Quarterly, 35/3, 1985, pgs. 262-279
Incremental housing:<br />
A participation process solution<br />
for informal housing<br />
Esin HASGÜL<br />
<br />
İstanbul Kültür University, İstanbul, Turkey<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.08370<br />
Abstract<br />
As long as there is government and regulations, there will be a system of building<br />
a shelter. There are experts who have a different perspective about technical,<br />
political, economical, aesthetical, functional, etc. issues. On the other hand,<br />
there are also individuals who have another thought of their own living-styles.<br />
The question is then more related with building a shelter but how and with what.<br />
In ‘’informal settlements’’; settlers build their own houses, connect their utility<br />
lines and organise their physical arrangements. There are many problems in these<br />
settlements; but there is also a self-build and develop process. Thus we can also<br />
relate these spontaneously built settlements with the vernacular. Within this context,<br />
firstly the subjects informality and vernacular will be defined interrelatedly<br />
and as a solution to informal settlements, the participation process will be opened<br />
up to discussion reading through three actors which has a different role in the<br />
process. Relating these actors, the opportunities of incremental housing in informal<br />
settlements will be evaluated connectively which presents a participation<br />
process solution for informal housing.<br />
Keywords<br />
Incremental housing, Informality, Participation, Self-build, Vernacular.
1. Introduction<br />
‘’Building a shelter’’ is a subject<br />
which has underlying reasons such as<br />
living, surviving, protecting, habiting<br />
and so on. In order to understand this<br />
subject and its influences, the system of<br />
housing and housing policies become<br />
an important issue which comprises<br />
all.<br />
Since the adoption of the Universal<br />
<br />
the right to adequate housing has been<br />
recognized as an important component<br />
of the right to an adequate stan-<br />
ever,<br />
housing in todays world is still<br />
a problematic issue considering the<br />
economical obstacles that most of the<br />
people are facing with.<br />
One of the problem which urbanizing<br />
countries have can be mentioned<br />
as the informal settlements where the<br />
way of building an ‘‘informal’’ shelter<br />
becomes an important issue. The process<br />
of people building their own without<br />
any authorisation, brings many<br />
<br />
<br />
order to add value to housing to be<br />
converted, the conversion program<br />
should: Increase housing affordability;<br />
add amenities to that housing; provide<br />
economic value to residents through a<br />
realizable equity stake; and/or enhance<br />
residents’ lives by increasing their control<br />
over their housing and/or their<br />
housing communities (Lewis, Clamp<br />
<br />
urbanisation and modernisation, in<br />
most of the developing countries living<br />
conditions have been changed.<br />
‘With urban populations commonly<br />
doubling every decade, conventional<br />
tenure concepts have proved unable<br />
to meet the needs of people with low<br />
incomes and limited, if any, savings or<br />
Within this<br />
and its various related reasons, a new<br />
word has become a reality: the ‘‘urban<br />
poor’’. The characteristics of the urban<br />
poor can be categorised as the jobless,<br />
disaster victims, transients, migrants,<br />
squatters, slum dwellers, workers in the<br />
informal sector and the homelesses.<br />
These are the people who are torn between<br />
the urbanisation and modernisation<br />
having pushed to choose an illegal<br />
way of living. ‘‘Squatters’’ here are<br />
the ones that live in the squatter settlements<br />
most of which are located near-<br />
<br />
are built with low-income possibilities<br />
<br />
using the land continuously, because<br />
of owning the land and the house that<br />
they built for free. On one hand, the<br />
non-organized development of this<br />
areas have a negative effect on cities<br />
that they are appearing to be shaped<br />
by the land speculators rather than city<br />
master plans. On the other, they leave<br />
the government in a difficult situation<br />
because of various economical issues.<br />
Apart from the cities and government,<br />
other negative influence affects also<br />
the individual self; because life quality<br />
in informal settlements is also another<br />
discussion. Thus, it can be said that the<br />
informal housing brings us such problems<br />
starting from the city scale to the<br />
minimised scale: the individual.<br />
While such problems occur, we also<br />
see a similarity with the subject vernacular<br />
and informality. Vernacular architecture<br />
is based generally on the local<br />
needs, local materials and local traditions.<br />
Looking through the informality<br />
within this subject, we can see that a<br />
self-build and develop process comes<br />
<br />
in squatter settlements about the local<br />
materials, traditions and construction<br />
methods there is a gap which makes<br />
us to question how this kind of illegal<br />
vernacular can transform into a legal,<br />
non-problematic housing. The answer<br />
can be searched in the actors which involve<br />
in the informal housing process.<br />
1.1. Goals / aims<br />
This research is examining the conflict<br />
between the squatter settlers, the<br />
government and the experts. The struggle<br />
of low-income families, the difficulties<br />
that the governments have and the<br />
anxiety of the experts about this kind<br />
of living idea that make us to ask the<br />
<br />
It is becoming important to understand<br />
what kind of social and economical<br />
issues are taking part in this urbanised<br />
problem. The aim of this paper is<br />
to examine the problem starting from<br />
the city level with government housing<br />
policies, continuing with the private<br />
sector where architects and other<br />
<br />
This article is<br />
prepared within<br />
the course - MTS<br />
602E ‘Informal<br />
Housing’’ given in<br />
Ph.D Architectural<br />
Design Programme<br />
in ITU Graduate<br />
School of Science<br />
Engineering<br />
Technology.
Table 1. The main research questions concerning social and economical issues.<br />
MAIN QUESTIONS<br />
(1) What are the main problems of squatter settlers?<br />
(2) What influences do squatter settlements make to the city -<br />
government- self?<br />
(3) In what conditions do the settlers want to live?<br />
SOCIAL ISSUES<br />
(4) Where do the settlers want to live? Do they want to leave<br />
the place they live?<br />
(5) What main struggles have the settlers and government<br />
about affordability and land tenure?<br />
ECONOMICAL<br />
ISSUES<br />
(6) What can the government do about the unregulated land<br />
and utility use of the informal settlements?<br />
experts’ point of view is taking place<br />
and resulting the user who has the<br />
struggle of making his/her own living<br />
conditions. After that the issue would<br />
be opened up to discussion how the<br />
setllers can participate in the solving<br />
process and how the informal housing<br />
be related with the incremental housing<br />
ideas.<br />
1.2. Methodology<br />
The methodology of the paper starts<br />
with the expressions of the main issues<br />
in a generalised introduction. After<br />
that the paper can be divided into<br />
two parts: Part one is the main theme<br />
which the theoretical background of<br />
the research is being explained. In this<br />
part the related general paradigms is<br />
being described referring to the terms<br />
such as informal housing, vernacular<br />
architecture, community participation,<br />
seld-build and incremental housing.<br />
Then in part two, the three actors<br />
which involve in the participation process<br />
for informal housing are being<br />
categorised as the individuals, public<br />
der<br />
to look from the individuals point<br />
of view, a case in El Salvador households,<br />
an individual self-built process<br />
ing<br />
Program Alternative: Incremental<br />
<br />
of Venezuela, will be clarified. And<br />
thirdly, a build case in Iquique, Chile<br />
that is designed by Elemental Architecture<br />
Group, will be reviewed in order<br />
to see an example of incremental housing<br />
solution which has the participation<br />
process between the government,<br />
architects and the informal settlers.<br />
2. Main theme<br />
The struggle of low-income families<br />
come out as a self-build but unregulated<br />
process which constitutes ‘’squatter<br />
settlements’’. Thus a conflict between<br />
the squatter settlers and the government<br />
happens. Then the main theme<br />
can be figured out answering the ques-<br />
ment<br />
and the architect all participate in<br />
the solving process?<br />
2.1. Theoretical background<br />
The theoretical debates on informal<br />
settlements on research fields starts<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
expansion of informal settlements were<br />
appearently recognised. In order to understand<br />
and connect the issue’s both<br />
problems and solutions, it would be coherent<br />
first to explain the main context<br />
of informal housing; an illegal kind of<br />
vernacular architecture. Then the subjects<br />
will be related with three kind of<br />
interrelated sub-contexts which are the<br />
community participation, self-build<br />
and incremental housing.<br />
2.2. Informal housing: An illegal<br />
vernacular architecture<br />
<br />
‘’Vernacular architecture does not go<br />
through fashion cycles’’. It comprises<br />
localness; climate, local materials,<br />
<br />
subject here was to talk about ‘’Architecture<br />
without Architects’’ and to take<br />
notice how the process goes spontaneously.<br />
There are some user needs and<br />
the solution comes from the users with<br />
-<br />
tions<br />
of vernacular environments have<br />
the potential to include spontaneous<br />
settlement and hold the promise of affording<br />
a better understanding of these<br />
people-made places.<br />
In informal settlements, we see the<br />
process in a people-made but problematic<br />
way. Informal settlers have an<br />
important role while configuring the<br />
place they live by their own. But the<br />
process puncture because of economical<br />
reasons and this self-build process<br />
can not result with the values of ver-<br />
<br />
housing developments as an illegal and<br />
composed of unauthorized colonies<br />
and squatter settlement. The common<br />
characteristics of informal housing<br />
are insecurity of tenure, low standard<br />
of infrastructure and services (Ahsan<br />
<br />
houses can be distinguish through the<br />
typologies which can be categorised<br />
as the squatter houses (defined also as<br />
<br />
squatter houses, slums in central city<br />
<br />
rooms in historical areas and quatter<br />
villages. These housing typologies differ<br />
because of the physical conditions<br />
they have. The significant characteristics<br />
of informal development are insecurity<br />
of tenure and low standard of<br />
facilities and infrastructure. Another<br />
factor of importance is the accessibility<br />
of services such as running water<br />
supply, power, and the like (Ahsan and<br />
<br />
<br />
housing in developing countries include:<br />
Insecure housing tenure<br />
Inadequate basic services<br />
<br />
city by-laws<br />
<br />
by the state or the third party instead<br />
of the owner or resident<br />
Insufficient access to basic urban<br />
services<br />
Substandard housing and inadequate<br />
building structures<br />
Illegal subdivision of housing<br />
Poverty and social exclusion and<br />
Unhealthy living conditions and<br />
hazardous locations (Tsenkova<br />
<br />
<br />
settlements the lack of official sanction<br />
usually means that activities within<br />
the settlement take place without any<br />
formal controls such as building regulations,<br />
planning controls, health and<br />
safety laws, etc. So informal settlements<br />
are configuring by their own; using<br />
their own construction techniques,<br />
materials, etc. ‘’Informal housing as<br />
settlement units (whether slums or<br />
work<br />
of formal law for construction<br />
of housing. By nature, the informal<br />
housing units are constructed using<br />
less expensive construction materials<br />
(i.e. mud bricks, bamboo, ordinary<br />
er<br />
life’’ (Ahsan and Quamruzzaman,<br />
<br />
discursive about the quality of life that<br />
they present to the dwellers. Within<br />
this range of informal housing types,<br />
“squatter or informal settlements” may<br />
be defined by the following characteristics:<br />
the land used has not been zoned<br />
for residential development; land tenure<br />
is insecure; the state is tolerant or<br />
ignorant of the settlement; speculative<br />
capital is involved (i.e., the land is not<br />
<br />
-
tempted to demonstrate that the rapid<br />
growth of informal settlements is a direct<br />
consequence of high rates of urban<br />
growth and rural urban migration, but<br />
its magnitude is also the direct result of<br />
failed approaches to housing and spatial<br />
planning policies (Arandel and Ba-<br />
<br />
important to see the housing policies<br />
and their affects in the housing platform.<br />
Figure 1. Participation as a function of who decides what shall be<br />
done, and who provides the means (Turner, 1976).<br />
2.3. Community participation<br />
fining<br />
the verbs community and the<br />
participation seperately: ‘’Sociologically,<br />
“Community” is defined as a group<br />
of people with face-to-face contact, a<br />
sense of belonging together and common<br />
interests and values and ‘’Participation’’<br />
assumes an activity in which<br />
the community takes part and the involvement<br />
of at least one other party,<br />
usually a government agency or a non-<br />
<br />
The participation of the people by<br />
involving and making decisions on<br />
their own living environments can be<br />
the main statement of community par-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
albeit patronizing as a slogan and began<br />
to question existing relationships<br />
among people, professionals, industry,<br />
and government authorities. As Sanoff<br />
<br />
has many benefits accruing from such<br />
an approach for the community, the<br />
users, design and the planning profes-<br />
<br />
<br />
economic desirability of local citizen’s<br />
participation in housing (design, construction<br />
and management - i.e. at<br />
<br />
cy<br />
of centrally administered systems of<br />
<br />
of local participation on the productivity<br />
of such systems. The community<br />
participation which brings the people,<br />
government and the experts together,<br />
has the background of deciding and<br />
providing in collaboration.<br />
<br />
importance of people’s participation<br />
that the rationale behind people’s helping<br />
to formulate the kinds of homes<br />
and communities in which they will<br />
live goes beyond a simple reference to<br />
democratic ideology and he relates this<br />
issue with such reasons:<br />
cessful<br />
if the intended beneficiaries<br />
take part in their design and implementation.<br />
Because, it will conform<br />
more closely to their aspirations<br />
and accustomed lifestyles.<br />
A second reason for people’s participation<br />
is the reeducation it gives<br />
architects, planners, and administrators<br />
directly involved in the<br />
project by showing them another<br />
perspective<br />
A third benefit of people’s participation<br />
derives from the very process<br />
<br />
based, it builds up the self-enabling<br />
character and cooperative spirit of<br />
<br />
problems as a solidary group and<br />
finding solutions collectively leads<br />
to greater self-assurance and pride<br />
over the group’s ability to act productively.<br />
<br />
springs from guarantees cited in<br />
most national constitutions of the<br />
world. The right of citizens to express<br />
their views and share especially<br />
in decisions that affect them is the<br />
<br />
<br />
that it is also significant to take attention<br />
to the target group of participation<br />
processes. Questioniong how participation<br />
appears in informal settlements,<br />
is that of todays much-discussed issue:<br />
<br />
<br />
talk about the existential life they con-<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
stitute while most of the solutions were<br />
seen as deleting these settlements and<br />
removing the settlers to other places<br />
or providing them another kind of living.<br />
In order to overcome the conflict<br />
between the informality and the vernacular<br />
living-styles of the people who<br />
live in these settlements; a collaborate<br />
participation of the two edge can be an<br />
alternative.<br />
2.4. Self-build<br />
<br />
kind of different meaning that people<br />
give to; that is why it can be called as<br />
‘’home’’. There is a social and cultural<br />
appropriation which leads people to<br />
have some desire about their houses.<br />
<br />
this as there was an unfulfilled desire<br />
that seems to have been at the heart<br />
of all motivations to make home: the<br />
desire to acquire a complete sense of<br />
home:<br />
<br />
acquisition of a piece of ground.<br />
form<br />
to popular images and conventions.<br />
<br />
social respect and personal dignity.<br />
chestrate<br />
space to fulfill household<br />
needs.<br />
<br />
<br />
The desire to make a spatial structure<br />
for habitation, can be seen visually<br />
in informal settlements where<br />
people have no other option to choose<br />
<br />
underlines the self-build process with<br />
the residents’ motivations regarding<br />
tenure change the expression of built<br />
form in squatter settlements. It is also<br />
important to understand physical and<br />
social attachment of informal settlers<br />
to their living environments. Thus, in<br />
these settlements, there is also a selfbuild<br />
process where the lower income<br />
people be obligated to build their own<br />
houses. It is some kind of another dilemma<br />
where in one part, these informal<br />
houses are lack of water supply,<br />
utilities and other services, etc. which<br />
reduce the quality of life while in the<br />
other part these houses are built (and<br />
<br />
to the needs by the owners. Instead of<br />
a planned unity of rooms designed for<br />
different functions opening into an inner<br />
service core, it is observed horizontal<br />
additions to an initial core realized<br />
in accordance with factors itemized<br />
above. In general, foundations are not<br />
suitable for vertical expansion. Besides,<br />
extension in this dimension is<br />
more expensive and therefore attempted<br />
only when a deed is obtained. In<br />
process of horizontal extension, either<br />
new units are added to the older one<br />
from one end. It can be seen here that<br />
there is a cultural vernacular character<br />
that informal settlers build and expand<br />
ny their own according to their local<br />
needs.<br />
2.5. Incremental housing<br />
Incremental housing approach is<br />
based upon the principle of increasing<br />
the responsibility of individual households<br />
and communities by encouraging<br />
decision making and responsibility<br />
of individual household or communities<br />
so that they take care of the aspects<br />
of housing for which they are in<br />
<br />
’stepby-step’’<br />
configuration of the house in<br />
order to be build for people.<br />
‘‘The origin of state involvement in<br />
incremental housing strategies was<br />
therefore the reluctant acceptance that<br />
informal housing delivery systems<br />
performed much better than public<br />
attempts to build dwellings in a number<br />
of respects: they were affordable<br />
without recourse to public subsidy,<br />
they were flexible and responsive to<br />
the changing needs and unstable fortunes<br />
of poor urban families, they were<br />
self-managed and made few demands<br />
on hard-pressed public administrations,<br />
and they met the needs of the<br />
rapidly growing urban populations of<br />
developing towns and cities’’ (Wakely<br />
ing<br />
comprises both the community<br />
participation and self-build processes.<br />
Observations of what ordinary families<br />
in urbanizing countries do, when<br />
they are free to act as they will, show<br />
that they prefer to live in large unfinished<br />
houses or even large shacks-rather<br />
than in small finished ones (Turner,
‘‘core-houses’’. <br />
<br />
formal contractors. Both the core and<br />
the extensions were to be financed. The<br />
extensions were to be built according<br />
to plans supplied by the project developer.<br />
The main innovation in practice<br />
for its time was the enablement of a<br />
limited self-help contribution by the<br />
occupying household, supported by<br />
the stimulation of the materials supplier<br />
and small contractor sectors. The financial<br />
innovation was that the form of<br />
core provided would somehow relate to<br />
levels of affordability by the household<br />
to be accommodated. Core housing<br />
was thus a highly managed and limited<br />
form of assisted self-help’’. There is<br />
a strong network of this process which<br />
overcomes the financial problems of<br />
the individual while at the same time<br />
making connections with the experts<br />
and government in order to build their<br />
own houses with their own desires.<br />
3. The process – three actors<br />
The process of incremental housing<br />
takes three actors come into the stage:<br />
The individuals, public sector and private<br />
sector. Individuals are the informal<br />
settlers who has a problem about the<br />
affordility. Public sector can be defined<br />
as the government and municipalities<br />
who has also a struggle with the unregulated<br />
processes and private sector is<br />
<br />
who would like to make a solution to<br />
<br />
Table 2. The actors in the incremental housing process (Adapted from the table 2 - Greene<br />
and Rojas, 2008).<br />
ACTOR TYPE ACTIVITIES<br />
Individuals Households/ users<br />
Relatives<br />
Involve in the design/planning process<br />
Help with labour in construction<br />
Provide a finance to expand the core<br />
Use the houses<br />
Expand the houses according to the needs / additions to<br />
family members<br />
Public<br />
Sector<br />
Private<br />
Sector<br />
Government<br />
Municipalities<br />
Planners<br />
Architects<br />
Engineers<br />
BuildingMaterials<br />
Suppliers<br />
Construction<br />
Industry<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
regulations<br />
<br />
households<br />
<br />
concessions)<br />
<br />
financial sectors<br />
<br />
infrastructure and urban services<br />
-income households<br />
ces in incremental<br />
house building<br />
<br />
<br />
of housing sector<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
Table 3. User extensions in El Salvador squatter settlement (Galtoni, Goethert and Chavez,<br />
2011).<br />
Sites and<br />
Services<br />
(Legal)<br />
Illegal Settlements<br />
Projects<br />
Types<br />
Compared<br />
Settlements<br />
Surveyed<br />
Services Plots&<br />
Core Units<br />
El Pepeto<br />
Sensunapan<br />
Upgraded<br />
Slums<br />
Las<br />
Palmas<br />
Un-<br />
Upgraded<br />
Slums<br />
Jardines<br />
Del<br />
Boulevard<br />
Illegal<br />
Subdivisions<br />
Nouve<br />
Trinadad<br />
Public<br />
Turnkey<br />
Housing<br />
Nouve<br />
Hozionte<br />
Private<br />
Developer<br />
Turnkey<br />
Housing<br />
Altavista<br />
CLIMATE<br />
LOCAL MATERIAL<br />
PLACE-IDENTITY<br />
STARTING<br />
POINT*<br />
Tropical<br />
Brick, Stucco,<br />
Corrugated<br />
Sheet<br />
Shape, According to<br />
Minimum Local Needs<br />
FUNCTIONAL*<br />
Tropical<br />
Brick, Stucco,<br />
Corrugated<br />
Sheet<br />
Shape Acoording to<br />
Functional Local<br />
Needs<br />
COMPLETE*<br />
Tropical<br />
Stucco, Paint,<br />
Corrugated<br />
Sheet<br />
Shape According to<br />
Maximized Local<br />
Needs<br />
EXPANDED*<br />
Tropical<br />
Paint,<br />
Decorated<br />
Element,<br />
Corrugated<br />
Sheet<br />
Shape According to<br />
Personal Addings<br />
3.1. Individuals<br />
Individuals that is mentioned here<br />
are informal settlers who live in the<br />
squatter areas located nearby the city.<br />
The reason why to call these settlers as<br />
‘’individuals’’is to emphasise the self being<br />
of their own. These settlers, relying<br />
on various reasons, mostly come to the<br />
city and start to build their own house<br />
without authorisation. In order to develop<br />
the spatial qualities of the primary<br />
unit or to expand the use of space<br />
by adding rooms, etc. some transformations<br />
in these settlements can be ap-<br />
<br />
the underlying factors of these transformations<br />
are economic reasons, socio-cultural<br />
reasons and the aspiration<br />
to live in a modern house. The transformations<br />
are a kind of reality that the<br />
settlers willing to use the land continuosly<br />
and maybe enlarging the houses<br />
while introducing other relatives to<br />
<br />
point of view that these individuals are<br />
mainly in the progress of the self-build<br />
process which can also be related with<br />
the incremental housing as a solution<br />
of developing the houses ‘’step-by-step’’.<br />
A case in El Salvador squatter settlements<br />
can be an example how informal<br />
settlers can participate the process of<br />
<br />
of incremental housing is figured out<br />
in this project that how the individuals<br />
involve in the process and what<br />
transformations do they have made<br />
in accordance with their own per-<br />
<br />
households documented the strategies<br />
and processes from occupation to the<br />
present – most of the cases spanning<br />
three decades. Seven settlements were<br />
surveyed, representing three predominant<br />
types of low-income housing in<br />
El Salvador – illegal settlements, ‘sitesand-services’<br />
projects, and ‘turnkey’<br />
housing projects by government and<br />
the private sector (Galtoni, Goethert<br />
<br />
It has seen from the results that<br />
all incrementally developed settle-
ments have a range of buildouts/ improvements.<br />
Within this group some<br />
households make few investments<br />
even years on, so houses remain with<br />
minor improvements (characterized<br />
in this study as Functional). Others<br />
expand rooms and amenities in a matter<br />
of several years to meet household<br />
space needs, functional priorities, and<br />
aesthetic preferences to a satisfactory<br />
point of completion. These households<br />
stop expanding at this point. A third<br />
group invests <br />
add rooms, second and third stories,<br />
and often upgrades services, kitchen<br />
and baths for a fully expanded house.<br />
<br />
categorises the main findings of case at<br />
the start up, during construction and<br />
after completion which also figures out<br />
the stages of the incremental housing<br />
<br />
3.2. Public sector<br />
The process of overcoming problems<br />
which informal settlements create is<br />
the major problem of the governments<br />
since the subject is becoming a visibly<br />
conflict. The government and relatedly<br />
the municipaliities work on various<br />
strategies on the purpose of resolving<br />
the unregulated actions. Thus, issue’s<br />
second part can be defined as the public<br />
sector realizing also the institutional<br />
context.<br />
Governing the regulatory framework<br />
for housing and financial sectors,<br />
public sector has a main heading<br />
in the process. The great deal of challange<br />
that government is facing is how<br />
to resolve this problematic either in a<br />
strict or in a flexible way. Choosing a<br />
flexible way comprises an empathetic<br />
content while understanding the social<br />
and cultural issues of the problematic<br />
<br />
one way of trying to understand how<br />
squatters perceived their own situation<br />
is to look at them in their role, as they<br />
understood it, in their own society.<br />
Then the way of governing for habitability<br />
can be also in the way of paying<br />
attention to all.<br />
<br />
ernment<br />
implemented an incremen-<br />
<br />
<br />
’’a booklet’’ <br />
guidelines for incremental housing<br />
struction<br />
techniques. This is a different<br />
way of government corresponding the<br />
problem in an informational support.<br />
Goal was to help poorest families that<br />
could not afford to buy public housing,<br />
because housing demand was so high<br />
that most of the subsidized housing<br />
was taken by middle class. The booklet<br />
was a construction guide to help people<br />
build their own houses according<br />
to basic construction norms in a given<br />
<br />
offered technical and financial support<br />
to assure that houses were well build.<br />
cremental<br />
housing and different ways<br />
that a “core unit” can grow in a given<br />
parcel respecting urban guidelines.<br />
They define the basic spaces needed:<br />
bathroom, kitchen and bedroom<br />
and flexible spaces that will transform<br />
through time such as social space. The<br />
rest of blooklet explains with diagrams<br />
construction process with basic concrete<br />
and masonry blocks. Sanitary and<br />
electrical measures are explain thoroughly<br />
specifying that sewage most be<br />
connected to public sewage and if not<br />
available a septic tank must be build<br />
<br />
This action of government is apart<br />
from operational solutions; however it<br />
is also a starting point of incremental<br />
housing that government is showing<br />
<br />
<br />
Figure 2. Booklet of construction guidelines for incremental<br />
housing by Venezuelan Government (Fiji Incremental Housing<br />
Workshop).<br />
3.3. Private sector<br />
The problem of informal settlements<br />
that have negative influences on starting<br />
from city to life quality of the individuals<br />
configure such a discussion<br />
in the platforms of experts. Planners,<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
Figure 3. Quinta Monroy housing units: Before the project -After the project- After the settlers expansions (Moma<br />
Exhibitions, 2010).<br />
architects, engineers, etc. who involve<br />
in private sector are the third actors in<br />
<br />
settlers appear while looking through a<br />
<br />
are permanent brick structures that<br />
represent the accumulated savings of<br />
families who have been building them<br />
little by little, brick by brick’’. These<br />
perceptions that architects be aware of<br />
is making a bridge with informal settlers<br />
and architects. Such incremental<br />
housing projects that private sector<br />
also involve, connects public sector<br />
and individuals.<br />
A Case in Iquique, Chile is a sample<br />
from the private sector which uses<br />
the program of incremental housing.<br />
<br />
<br />
the center of Iquique, a city in the Chilean<br />
desert. A labyrinth of structures,<br />
settlement was unsafe and difficult to<br />
police; however, residents were adamant<br />
– likely due to site’s central location—about<br />
remaining there’’ (Open<br />
Chilean<br />
Government asked Elemantal Architecture<br />
Group to resolve the following<br />
<br />
<br />
sqm site that they have illegally occu-<br />
ed<br />
in the very center of Iquique, a city<br />
in the Chilean desert’’.<br />
Architects were to work within the<br />
<br />
<br />
they had to pay for the land, infrastructure<br />
and architecture. Considering current<br />
values in Chilean building indus-<br />
<br />
sqm of built space. And despite site’s<br />
<br />
<br />
to settle families in same site, instead of<br />
displacing them to the periphery. In the<br />
end, when the given money is enough<br />
for just half of the house, key question<br />
was, which half to do. Then architects<br />
choose to make half that a family individually<br />
will never be able to achieve<br />
on its own, no matter how much money,<br />
energy or time they spend.<br />
Then architecture group’s decision<br />
of colloborating the government, individual<br />
and architects serves the solution<br />
of incremental housing. Elemental<br />
have identified a set of design conditions<br />
through which a housing unit<br />
can increase its value over time; this<br />
without having to increase the amount<br />
of money of current subsidy while following<br />
such aims:<br />
to achieve enough density, (but<br />
<br />
be able to pay for site, which because<br />
of its location was very expensive<br />
to develop the provision a physical<br />
space for the “extensive family”<br />
to allow each unit to expand within<br />
its structure, due to the fact that<br />
<br />
eventually be self-built, the building<br />
had to be porous enough<br />
to provide a middle-income house<br />
instead of designing a small house<br />
Figure 4. The structure of participation process solution for<br />
informal housing: incremental housing.
of which the architects were giving<br />
just a small part now. This meant<br />
a change in the standard: kitchens,<br />
bathrooms, stairs, partition walls<br />
and all the difficult parts of the<br />
house had to be designed for final<br />
<br />
<br />
So the core of housing units are<br />
made by architects while overcoming<br />
financial and social problems of the<br />
settlement. Individuals also participate<br />
in planning, design and construction<br />
of the project with the help of government<br />
support. After core houses are<br />
produced in an organised settlement,<br />
settlers start to expand their houses ac-<br />
<br />
4. Findings and discussion<br />
Research focused on incremental<br />
housing solution while understanding<br />
community participation and<br />
self-build processes in the informal<br />
settlements. It is seen that informal settlements<br />
have a vernacular character;<br />
thus a strong relationship between the<br />
three actors should be attached together.<br />
The process of incremental housing<br />
can be summarised and opened up to<br />
discussion as to enable the participation<br />
of three actors presenting a solution<br />
for all: government, experts and<br />
<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
The problems of informal settlements<br />
comprise many discussions starting<br />
from the past while still continuing in<br />
todays modern world. In most of developing<br />
countries the change of living<br />
conditions and such related progresses,<br />
the struggle of urban poor, trying<br />
to live in the city, configured such a<br />
dilemma in different platforms. Informal<br />
settlements are problematic in<br />
many ways: Governments pay a price<br />
for these unregulated processes, there<br />
are also negative affects in cities which<br />
make the city develop in an unpredictable<br />
way. In addition, there is a suffer<br />
from poverty, disease, and political unrest.<br />
In most of informal settlements,<br />
it can be visibly seen that the quality of<br />
living conditions reduce and relatedly,<br />
the quality of individual life also suffer<br />
which are derived from low-income<br />
built old construction.<br />
In this research, the vernacular<br />
character of informality is investigated<br />
and incremental housing is served as a<br />
solution to unregulated conditions. It<br />
is seen that solutions that is offered to<br />
informal settlement problematics, look<br />
just one point of view; sometimes just<br />
from point of government or some-<br />
less,<br />
incremental housing solution for<br />
informal settlements has a three-sided<br />
connection that enables the three actors<br />
in process. It appears that the stages<br />
of incremental housing provide the<br />
actors in a more active way and organise<br />
relations in a more coherent method.<br />
Within this housing opportunity,<br />
three different platform which involve<br />
in process can participate together and<br />
this participation results more associated.<br />
While government, which can be<br />
defined as the public sector, provide<br />
technical assistance for reform and<br />
development of the housing sector;<br />
private sector as mentioned planners,<br />
architects, engineers, etc. configure<br />
the design and construction processes.<br />
Both two provide support to informal<br />
settlers; they also involve individuals<br />
in process in order to understand what<br />
they want and how do they want to live.<br />
Thus in this way, incremental housing<br />
is not just solving a physical matter,<br />
it also constitutes a solution understanding<br />
cultural and social patterns<br />
in informal settlements. By involving<br />
the individuals in design process, community<br />
participation and by involving<br />
them in construction and development<br />
of their living environments, self-build<br />
processes occur. Consequently, incremental<br />
housing as a participation<br />
process for informal housing can be a<br />
multi-sided solution concerning both<br />
social and economical issues.<br />
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<br />
Informal Housing and Approaches<br />
Towards the Low-income Society<br />
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Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
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come<br />
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<br />
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<br />
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El Salvador Self-Help and Incremental<br />
Housing: Likely Directions for<br />
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Squatters and the<br />
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Latin America. Forum<br />
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Architecture? A Critical Examination<br />
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Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing
A comparative study of human<br />
aspects in acclimatization of adobe<br />
vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt<br />
Marwa DABAIEH 1 , Birgitte Tanderup EYBYE 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
Environment, Faculty of Engineering, Lund University, Lund, Sweden<br />
2<br />
<br />
Aarhus School of Architecture, Aarhus, Denmark<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.09709<br />
Abstract<br />
Today’s architecture swarms with concepts of energy and resource efficient<br />
buildings. In contrast, vernacular buildings are characterized by low-tech climatic<br />
responsive strategies and by their inhabitants’ resource and energy savings practices<br />
during construction and operation of their dwellings. That makes vernacular<br />
buildings highly relevant to resource efficiency in contemporary building research.<br />
The main focus of this study is to explore and analyse human behaviour<br />
to reach responsive and conscious resource efficient solutions in two different<br />
climatic context; in Egypt and Denmark. The aim is to suggest sustainable principles<br />
out of human conduct for contemporary resource efficient building practice.<br />
Though Danish and Egyptian climates and cultures are very different from each<br />
other some human approaches to sustainability appeared to be similar. That was<br />
evident through a comparative analytical study applying case-study methodology<br />
for two courtyard adobe dwellings; one in each country. The paper contributes to<br />
existing vernacular sustainable building studies by filling a knowledge gap on how<br />
human factors is a key parameter in acclimatization in buildings and how that can<br />
influence resource efficient building practice.<br />
Keywords<br />
Adobe, Acclimatization, Human behavior, Resource efficiency, Vernacular<br />
architecture.
1. Introduction<br />
Parallel to the population growth<br />
in the world, the demand for energy<br />
and resources increase, and countries<br />
search for new methods of resource<br />
over,<br />
the consumption of energy, which<br />
is mostly of fossil origin, causes environmental<br />
impacts for ecological cycles.<br />
Due to the need for supplying the<br />
climatic comfort conditions in buildings<br />
most of the energy is consumed in<br />
heating, cooling and acclimatization.<br />
Sustainability was found to be a subjective<br />
term for many vernacular building<br />
materials and construction technology.<br />
Vernacular local culture and tradition<br />
were major factors in how building-related<br />
to sustainability. Attempts were<br />
made to fulfil modernisation and official<br />
requirements in a creative and<br />
well-conceived way. This prevented<br />
loss of value and building information<br />
and ensured sustainable future reuse.<br />
This vernacular building outcome<br />
emerged, mainly resulting from differences<br />
in the local society created by<br />
environmental and economic factors.<br />
This study in hand discusses the influence<br />
of human aspect on vernacular<br />
passive acclimatization approaches and<br />
sustainable use from a building-related<br />
perspective using two courtyard adobe<br />
dwellings. A combined site survey<br />
and comparative case study revealed<br />
the influence of human behaviour to<br />
sustain a comfort living environment<br />
within harsh climatic conditions. The<br />
outcome of this study is divided into<br />
two parts. The first will catalogue and<br />
compare principles from the two selected<br />
dwellings concerning human<br />
conduct of resource-savings, such as<br />
use of passive energy strategies and<br />
rational building principles involving<br />
strong/ weak materials and use of<br />
protection layers. The second part will<br />
discuss how the identified principles<br />
may contribute to future sustainable<br />
building through direct adoption and<br />
implementation of vernacular passive<br />
concepts or by developing and interpreting<br />
the principles for contemporary<br />
application.<br />
1.1. Presentation of the two cases<br />
1.1.1. Mayor courtyard house, Balat,<br />
Egypt<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
at the eastern entrance of the Dakhla<br />
Oasis. It is situated at the junction of<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
tal<br />
city. The town is famous for trading,<br />
olive oil juicing, pottery making,<br />
blacksmithing, grazing and farming.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The house is considered one of the<br />
oldest houses in the town that is still<br />
in a good condition. It is dated back to<br />
<br />
<br />
and his family. It had a central location<br />
in the town urban structure. The main<br />
skeleton of the house is from adobe<br />
construction. The wall is constructed<br />
from sun dried mud blocks and the<br />
roofs are from acacia wood. The house<br />
is not only the remarkable public building<br />
in terms of its architectural design<br />
but has a special architectural identity<br />
Figure 1. To the left, the Mayor house in<br />
Balat town, Egypt (Source: Dabaieh).<br />
Figure 2. To the right, Abeline’ Farm,<br />
Holmsland, Denmark (Source: Eybye).
as well. The design reflects the intention<br />
of locals to show their accepted<br />
values in the community together with<br />
the functional purpose of such building.<br />
This house provide more than just<br />
functional answers to essential life<br />
needs. Due to the flexible geometry it<br />
also have the potential to respond to<br />
<br />
have always played a role in the design<br />
configuration, sticking to locals traditions<br />
has never caused inhabitants to<br />
deny the need for continuous development<br />
and growth for their building and<br />
for the whole town as well. The architectural<br />
design has reached a high level<br />
of precision through an ever-evolving<br />
building process; inhabitants get the<br />
most use out of spaces to fit their needs,<br />
even as those needs change. The house<br />
is now listed building but it is deserted<br />
for the last 7 years after the death of the<br />
<br />
1.1.2. Abeline’s Farm, Holmsland,<br />
Denmark<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the south. In former time this area was<br />
characterized by harsh climate conditions,<br />
poor quality of the soil and lack<br />
of forests. Instead the area offered a<br />
range of other landscape types; coast,<br />
inlets, dunes covered with lyme grass,<br />
heath, fields and meadows. A particular<br />
vernacular building practice developed<br />
in this area, which today is<br />
considered sustainable in many ways,<br />
such as passive energy strategies, recycling<br />
and use of local and organic<br />
materials. The overall characteristics<br />
of the farms are that they are almost<br />
always single-located, have their four<br />
wings built together, primarily built of<br />
local materials and orientated according<br />
to the prevalent west wind and the<br />
sun. The building practice was pre-<br />
<br />
the farms were supported by a mixed<br />
economy which included farming and<br />
fishing, and sometimes the farm owner<br />
also held the position as wreck master<br />
<br />
Abeline’s Farm, situated near Hvide<br />
Sande at Holmsland, exemplifies the<br />
farm in the dunes and follows the particular<br />
vernacular building practice,<br />
which characterizes these farms. The<br />
<br />
<br />
with the barn and finishing with the<br />
farmhouse. The farm was owned by the<br />
same family and passed on from generation<br />
to generation. Abeline’s Farm was<br />
<br />
afterwards. Today Abeline’s Farm is<br />
regarded as one of the best preserved<br />
farms of Holmsland.<br />
2. Case study methodology<br />
The methodology used is a case<br />
study methodology applying a comparative<br />
analysis technique of two<br />
courtyard dwellings in order to explore<br />
human factors of sustainability in<br />
building. Two cases have been selected,<br />
of which one is situated in Egypt and<br />
the other in Denmark. The criteria for<br />
the cases selection have been carefully<br />
chosen to secure common basis of<br />
<br />
dwellings situated in rural contexts,<br />
built under hard conditions such as<br />
scarce resources and harsh climate,<br />
involve earth building technology.<br />
<br />
by local officials. As to age, the Egyp-<br />
<br />
Danish dwelling is built in stages from<br />
<br />
and cultural contexts widen the range<br />
of identified sustainable principles and<br />
illustrate how inhabitants in different<br />
climates and cultures tackle challenges<br />
in both diverse and similar ways.<br />
<br />
of sustainability, of which human factors<br />
are emphasised. Human factors<br />
can be both tangible and intangible,<br />
and they primarily touch upon social,<br />
cultural and economic aspects of sustainability.<br />
Yet, these aspects of sustainability<br />
may also lead to environmental<br />
sustainability. The features of the cases<br />
that will be analysed and compared are<br />
the following: ‘climate responsive design’,<br />
‘layout and spatial organization’,<br />
‘rational use of building materials’ and<br />
‘relationship between dwelling and in-<br />
<br />
is analysed for the two cases in terms<br />
of culture and way of life, the method<br />
of analysis is based mainly on in situ<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
Figure 3. A collective shots for the Mayor house showing from left to right, the passive climatic responsive solutions<br />
in coping with hot climate like shaded courtyards, small windows facing prevailing favourable winds and staircase<br />
that acts as air shafts (Source: Dabaieh).<br />
observations combined with a detailed<br />
documentation of specific facts about<br />
local vernacular building techniques<br />
and ethnographic descriptions.<br />
3. Comparative analysis<br />
3.1. Application of climate<br />
responsive design in Mayor house<br />
The case study from Egypt is located<br />
<br />
which is in a higher altitude and characterized<br />
by hot daytime temperatures<br />
and much lower overnight tempera-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
maximum day temperatures is within<br />
-<br />
<br />
a daytime temperature can reach up<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
areas as the altitude makes for lower<br />
temperatures that often drop below<br />
freezing in winter. Generally, the humidity<br />
is low and rains are rare, but<br />
strong sand storms during windy seasons<br />
raise sandy dust, these are par-<br />
<br />
April. These dusty winds are important<br />
factors in the adaptation of the dwellings<br />
to the desert climate because wind<br />
direction is unstable and dwellers have<br />
to create effective solutions to avoid its<br />
hazardous effects.<br />
Environmental characteristics of the<br />
architecture, the buildings’ south and<br />
west exterior walls are shaded to avoid<br />
the unbearable heat of the sun, especially<br />
in summer. Passive ventilation<br />
solutions are applied using bottomless<br />
pottery vessels that are inserted into<br />
the ceilings of the last floor during<br />
construction in places where these<br />
holes can serve both as both skylights<br />
for indirect light and ventilation openings.<br />
They allow pleasant air to flow<br />
down from the roof floor to the ground<br />
floor. In addition, all these openings<br />
also serve as smoke exhaust ducts, for<br />
example, for bread ovens or kitchens if<br />
<br />
cold on winter nights or during a sandstorm,<br />
the openings can be closed by a<br />
piece of pottery or by a cotton pillow.<br />
The staircase shafts or interior courts<br />
also serve to create ventilating air flows.<br />
The average thickness of external<br />
<br />
lators,<br />
create natural thermal regulation<br />
and provide protection against<br />
the extreme temperatures that build<br />
up between the outdoor and indoor<br />
climates. The dimensions of openings<br />
<br />
<br />
small to avoid direct sunrays and reduce<br />
glare in summer. Some are placed<br />
facing north to capture pleasant winds<br />
on summer nights and the others face<br />
south for warm sun in winter. Inhabitants<br />
tend to close the windows firmly<br />
with cotton pillows whenever needed<br />
to protect them from glare, sand<br />
storms and strong winter winds. The<br />
house residents tend to open windows<br />
for cross ventilation on summer evenings<br />
to get rid of warm heat transmitted<br />
from the walls during day time.<br />
This leads them also to use ingenious<br />
systems for air traps; for example,<br />
the courtyard and the staircase shafts
Figure 4. Climate responsive design as seen in Abeline’s Farm, showing from left to right: half-hipped roofs reduce<br />
wind pressure on the gables, wide eaves protect the building from precipitation and summer sunlight, and pebbles<br />
lead precipitation away (Source: Eybye).<br />
function as wind catchers or as wind<br />
scoops.<br />
3.2. Application of climate<br />
responsive design in Abeline’s Farm<br />
Denmark has a temperate coastal<br />
climate according to Vahl climate classification.<br />
This climate is characterized<br />
by close distance to the sea, windy<br />
weather and frequent precipitation.<br />
<br />
winters are mild. Average daytime<br />
<br />
in winter average daytime temperature<br />
<br />
scarce in Scandinavia and sky is cloud-<br />
<br />
daylight must be secured. The area of<br />
Holmsland is characterized as harsh in<br />
particular, as it is more rainy and windy<br />
<br />
important in this area is to protect the<br />
building from precipitation and wind.<br />
<br />
<br />
precipitation and daylight form climat-<br />
<br />
Abeline’s Farms is situated in the flat<br />
area just east of the dunes, as they pro-<br />
<br />
the four wings of the farm together secures<br />
a sheltered courtyard. The farmhouse<br />
is east-west orientated, so the<br />
prevalent wind only cools the gable. In<br />
order to respond to precipitation the<br />
buildings have slanted roofs to lead<br />
<br />
placed in the ridge to minimize problems<br />
with leaks. The wide eaves protect<br />
the walls. At the base of the buildings<br />
ground is paved with pebbles to lead<br />
precipitation away and prevent mud<br />
splashes, as thatched buildings have<br />
no gutters. Ensuring a suitable amount<br />
of daylight is central to the wellbeing<br />
of the inhabitants, particularly during<br />
winter, and the farmhouse has a large<br />
number of windows to the south.<br />
<br />
ter<br />
sun is low, sunlight comes deep into<br />
the southward rooms. In summer, sun<br />
light only comes into the front part of<br />
the southward rooms. Sunlight thus<br />
contributes to heating during the cold<br />
winter months, while the house is kept<br />
cool during summer.<br />
3.3. Layout and spatial organization<br />
of Mayor house<br />
<br />
Desert is family-and kin-oriented.<br />
<br />
neighbourhood as their kin. Social organization<br />
is primarily based on blood<br />
relations, which play a main role in the<br />
site selection, configuration, grouping<br />
and location of dwellings within towns<br />
<br />
<br />
societies and evidence of the community<br />
strength is shown in the organizing<br />
of space. A strong architectural<br />
base has evolved to enrich the lives of<br />
inhabitants through reflecting their socio-cultural<br />
structures and values. It is<br />
for this reason nearly impossible to isolate<br />
cultural and traditional artefacts<br />
and ways of producing them from the<br />
influence of religion, norms and daily<br />
practices in the final building outcome<br />
<br />
The design and configuration of the<br />
house basically depend on the way the<br />
<br />
The oven and the small chicken coop<br />
are placed on the top floor nearby the<br />
kitchen to make it easy to manage dai-<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
Figure 5. Layout of Mayor courtyard house showing the organization of rooms and spaces<br />
(Source: Dabaieh).<br />
ly activities. The location of openings<br />
is decided by the wife as well, that is,<br />
it is up to her where to place the windows<br />
to the courtyard of the grandparents’<br />
house and to the street to monitor<br />
passers-by.<br />
<br />
major role in the spatial organization<br />
of the house. For example, privacy<br />
is highly represented in the design of<br />
the dwelling. The concept of privacy<br />
is based on a mixture of religious and<br />
cultural norms. The hierarchy of spaces<br />
allows and reflects privacy in different<br />
types of social activities. Space<br />
is planned to change gradually from<br />
semi-public spaces to semi-private to<br />
private. In the same time the concern<br />
for thermal comfort is still achieved by<br />
providing proper shading and allow<br />
for cross ventilation between different<br />
<br />
guests from the town community representatives<br />
that should be in a place<br />
where women can walk around the<br />
house freely without being noticed by<br />
strangers. Also the urban design of<br />
the town allows for houses common<br />
courtyards to be connected to the town<br />
tunnelled streets and cool recess. The<br />
<br />
neighbours in parallel with finishing<br />
her household activities without being<br />
visible to the outside.<br />
<br />
<br />
a main hall in the centre for family<br />
gatherings, meals and socialization.<br />
You can find a degree of complexity<br />
that is derived from the diverse needs<br />
for a large extended family living together<br />
and functional office space for<br />
<br />
Generally, there is great flexibility in<br />
changing the functionality of spaces.<br />
Adding rooms and extending houses<br />
both horizontally or vertically are common,<br />
easy and affordable. For example,<br />
when the children grow up and decide<br />
to marry, depending on the available<br />
space and the family’s financial situation,<br />
the parents add another room for<br />
the newly married couple or they build<br />
another attached house with an internal<br />
connection. There is also flexibility<br />
in the functional use of space. For example,<br />
the entrance hall on the ground<br />
floor is normally employed for multiple<br />
functions. It can be used as a reception<br />
<br />
day time and in the afternoon is used<br />
as dining and sitting area while at night<br />
as sleeping area on cold winter days.<br />
<br />
change in functions.<br />
The roof floor is an important part
Figure 6. Layout of Abeline’s Farm including organization of rooms in the farmhouse<br />
(Source: Eybye).<br />
of the house with many facilities for<br />
conveniences and daily activities. To<br />
provide a natural fence around the roof<br />
floor, long palm tree branches are used.<br />
For more privacy, tall exterior fences<br />
<br />
built. They reach up to 1.5 metres and<br />
are designed with high openings used<br />
for ventilation and to make it easy to<br />
look through and keep an eye on the<br />
community members’ comings and<br />
goings. Above and beyond the view<br />
from the street, ringed by high parapet<br />
walls, are sleeping porches, which<br />
inhabitants use as mentioned on sum-<br />
<br />
grain and mud bread ovens have their<br />
own spaces on the roof floor, as does<br />
the chicken coop. Grain storage has<br />
always had a very particular meaning<br />
especially in old times. It is to store the<br />
grain and other food essential to the<br />
family’s survival for the whole year.<br />
The toilets in the house are dry toi-<br />
<br />
order to allow air circulation to get rid<br />
of bad smells. The lack of covering also<br />
allows sun rays to speed up the process<br />
of drying the waste and killing any bacteria.<br />
The toilet is located on the mezzanine<br />
level between the ground and<br />
the first floor. The orientation of the<br />
toilet is in the opposite direction from<br />
the prevailing wind. The toilet has an<br />
opening in the bottom of this tower to<br />
collect the wastes when they are completely<br />
dry twice a year. The wastes are<br />
used as soil fertilizers or fuel for ovens.<br />
3.4. Layout and spatial organization<br />
of Abeline’s Farm<br />
A household typical of a Holmsland<br />
farm would include the farmer, his<br />
wife, their children, one or two maids<br />
hold<br />
would usually include the former<br />
owners of the farm. As part of<br />
the making over the farm, the former<br />
owners received accommodation and<br />
support by the new owner (often a son<br />
<br />
secure their old age. A farmer holding<br />
position of wreckmaster was obliged<br />
to accommodate wrecked sailors after<br />
shipwrecks. Finally, a household could<br />
include tenants, foster children and<br />
summer tourists. Hence, the typical<br />
farm of Holmsland would be a small<br />
community of different people (An-<br />
<br />
Layout and spatial organization of<br />
Abeline’s Farm highly reflects a large<br />
household and local climate conditions.<br />
The four wings of the farm are<br />
organized as follows; to the north is<br />
the large barn providing shelter, to the<br />
west is the stable, to the east the gate<br />
wing providing sheltered access to the<br />
courtyard and to the south is the farm-<br />
er<br />
reduces outer walls and thereby loss<br />
of heat. The shape of the farmhouse<br />
is long and narrow. Hence, all rooms<br />
are provided the possibility of natural<br />
daylight and moreover, the house can<br />
be ventilated naturally by opening the<br />
windows. The primary living rooms<br />
are placed in the middle of the house<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
facing southwards to take advantage<br />
of sunlight, optimize thermal comfort<br />
and reduce use of energy having only<br />
cesses<br />
are placed in connection to the<br />
primary living rooms, which reduces<br />
use of energy for heating. Practical<br />
rooms such as kitchen, scullery, larder,<br />
pantry and milk room are placed<br />
northwards as storing food and dairy<br />
in cool rooms are important. Porches<br />
and entrance halls reduce loss of heat,<br />
and one never enters directly from outside<br />
into a living room. The gables are<br />
climatic buffer zones. To the west are<br />
the scullery and maid’s chamber. To the<br />
east were rooms for the former owner<br />
of the house. This part of the house was<br />
later rebuilt to accommodate summer<br />
tourists.<br />
The traditional Danish farmhouse<br />
is accessed from the courtyard, which<br />
was used for all kinds of purposes.<br />
msland<br />
are accessed from the south<br />
– and not through the courtyard. The<br />
courtyard of Abeline’s Farm was primarily<br />
reserved for the dwellers of the<br />
farm and their doings. Animals were<br />
only rarely found in the courtyard.<br />
3.5. Rational use of building<br />
materials in Major house<br />
Earth is an environmental building<br />
material and copes efficiently with the<br />
harsh arid desert climate, especially<br />
during hot summers. It was mentioned<br />
<br />
based on Hassan Fathy’s experience<br />
in Egypt that traditional earthen interiors<br />
remain cool during the day and<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
costs almost nothing because its material<br />
is obtained from the surrounding<br />
environment. In addition, a house built<br />
with such local resources can be easily<br />
enlarged at low cost, as need arises. As<br />
people build by themselves, there is no<br />
cost for workers’ fees. In fact, neighbours<br />
and families help each other in<br />
<br />
are no transportation or manufacturing<br />
costs. Although earth may be<br />
perceived as a weak building material,<br />
due to desert vernacular trial and error<br />
experimentation of uncountable ideas,<br />
earth structures have managed to survive<br />
for centuries. Also the delicate<br />
craftsmanship, wisdom and accumulation<br />
of experience have led to good<br />
designs that are comfortable for living<br />
and sustainable to this day.<br />
Due to the shortage of natural resources<br />
and raw materials in the desert,<br />
there are several creative ideas and<br />
solutions that maximize the use of the<br />
scarce available resources adopted in<br />
this house. They used by-products of<br />
buildings materials. For example, when<br />
tree trunks are used as beams for roof<br />
support, the medium sized branches<br />
that remain are used for wall supports<br />
in corners or in making small shelves<br />
in kitchens and living areas or for windows<br />
or lintels for doors. The small<br />
branches are then tied together as a<br />
mesh to be used as secondary layers<br />
over the main roof beams and used in<br />
a vertical science with a wooden frame<br />
as small interior doors. Finally, the leftovers<br />
of small wood pieces are used as<br />
a fuel for ovens.<br />
<br />
women in the town collaborated to-<br />
<br />
for raising walls and roofs and doing<br />
the first plastering layer of the house.<br />
<br />
water for the clay mix. They also help<br />
in the mud brick casting process, assisting<br />
by handing the bricks to bricklayers<br />
during building and by doing<br />
the final interior and exterior render-<br />
<br />
the exterior together with men in some<br />
cases. During the lifetime of using the<br />
building, the ladies in the house do a<br />
monthly maintenance and rendering<br />
of the floors and walls. They sprinkle<br />
new clean sand on the floors and the<br />
roof of the house every month. They<br />
are also responsible for regular maintenance<br />
of the houses if needed in case<br />
of cracks.<br />
Room sizes are rather small due to<br />
limited availability of long wood logs.<br />
The same goes for ceiling heights, as the<br />
higher the ceilings the thicker the bearing<br />
walls must be and this reduces the<br />
room areas as well. The flexible structure<br />
system makes it easy to connect<br />
the house together with neighbouring<br />
ones with possibility of extension.<br />
Some of the wood logs are reclaimed
wood from old and demolished houses<br />
in the town.<br />
3.6. Rational use of building<br />
materials in Abeline’s Farm<br />
The building materials for Abeline’s<br />
Farm were primarily provided from<br />
the local environment. As mentioned,<br />
the area was characterised by a number<br />
of different landscape types. Inlets<br />
provided reed for thatching, meadows<br />
provided turf for the ridge and mud for<br />
adobes and mortar, while beaches provided<br />
pebbles the courtyard paving and<br />
shells for mortar. Furthermore, ship<br />
wrecks provided timber, metal and all<br />
<br />
auctions at the wreck masters’ farms.<br />
<br />
side of the inlets and was transported<br />
by boat across the inlet to the area.<br />
Economically, local materials such as<br />
reed, turf, mud and pebbles were cheap<br />
but required hard work.<br />
Lack of forests meant that timber<br />
on a large scale was recycled from ship<br />
wrecks and old houses being dismantled.<br />
In Abeline’s Farm timber parts<br />
such as beams, rafters and collar beams<br />
are recycled from wrecked ships, and it<br />
is likely that wooden floors and ceilings<br />
also are recycled from ship wrecks. A<br />
few pieces of furniture are wreckage<br />
as well. Recycling was very common<br />
practice all over Denmark, as materials<br />
were either expensive or required hard<br />
<br />
sources tell us that whole houses have<br />
been dismantled, moved and rebuilt in<br />
<br />
In preindustrial time, timber was<br />
the most important building material<br />
in Denmark, and almost all vernacular<br />
dwellings were half-timbered constructions<br />
with wattle and daub infill.<br />
In contrast, the farms in the dunes are<br />
built of bricks and adobes. As men-<br />
<br />
was challenged by lack of forests, and<br />
this is presumed to be one of the reasons<br />
why masonry spread from Holland<br />
to Friesland and further up the<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
where bricks have longer durability<br />
than wood. Yet, brick baking was<br />
costly due to the consumption of fire<br />
wood. Hence, rational building practice<br />
developed. In Abeline’s farm walls<br />
exposed to weather were masonry,<br />
while inner walls, walls surrounding<br />
the courtyard and the north side of<br />
the barn were built of adobes, as these<br />
<br />
came from the meadows, where it was<br />
knead and cast into adobes. Then the<br />
adobes dried, perhaps covered with<br />
straw or sea weed as protection from<br />
weather. Adobes for building were usually<br />
made the year before construction,<br />
so their full shrinkage was obtained.<br />
Adobe walls are vulnerable to humidity<br />
and precipitation and therefore,<br />
they were plastered and lime washed<br />
as protection layer to extend their du-<br />
ularly<br />
fragile, and they were made of<br />
baked bricks. The farmer would often<br />
produce his own bricks for masonry<br />
with help from his farm hand and<br />
children - just like the adobe manufac-<br />
tumn<br />
and was knead and moulded to<br />
bricks in the early part of the following<br />
summer. The bricks dried in the empty<br />
barn during summer, was moved to<br />
the gate room in harvest and baked in<br />
small brick kilns in autumn. The baking<br />
process produced bricks of heterogeneous<br />
quality, and the weakest bricks<br />
were used in less exposed parts of the<br />
building, such as cornices and masonry<br />
arches, as these often were protected<br />
by the wide eaves of the building (Jen-<br />
<br />
Roofs are thatched with reed. This<br />
is a highly flexible material that easily<br />
adjusts to the shape of the roof. Furthermore,<br />
reed is hollow and works as<br />
insulation. Thatched roofs contribute<br />
to reduced energy consumption. Depending<br />
on climate and orientation,<br />
a thatched roof is expected to last for<br />
<br />
worn out, it is used as fertilizer and<br />
thereby recycles back to nature. The<br />
only disadvantage of reed is fire risk.<br />
<br />
qualities were important to vernacular<br />
dwellers. Different types of wood possess<br />
different abilities. Usually the most<br />
exposed building parts, such as lower<br />
parts of doors are made of stronger<br />
wood types such as oak to prolong durability.<br />
Altogether, the construction of<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
Abeline’s Farm point to deliberate use<br />
of strong and weak materials in accordance<br />
with climate, use of protection<br />
layers to prolong durability and recycling,<br />
which reduced efforts in obtaining<br />
and processing materials.<br />
3.7. The Major house and the<br />
inhabitants<br />
The roles of the inhabitants in the<br />
building procedures in desert communities<br />
are allocated among family<br />
members. These roles are more like<br />
basic life activities and habits than<br />
<br />
building process never stops, but is al-<br />
<br />
and maintaining dwellings is a dynamic<br />
practice that develops according to<br />
current needs and past customs, and<br />
that helps dwellers feel engaged and<br />
interactive with their dwellings. All<br />
family members share work and different<br />
tasks are distributed among them.<br />
Rules allocate work differently in the<br />
different oases since all rules are based<br />
on the local cultures and traditions.<br />
<br />
<br />
women have, throughout history, taken<br />
a central role in planning, construction<br />
and use of desert vernacular buildings.<br />
<br />
in all the building phases in addition<br />
to taking part in the regular monthly<br />
and annual maintenance. Everyone in<br />
the town learn various construction<br />
<br />
responsible for raising walls and roofs<br />
and doing the first plastering layer of<br />
<br />
bringing water for the clay mix. They<br />
also help in the mud brick casting process,<br />
assisting by handing the bricks to<br />
bricklayers during building and by doing<br />
the final interior and exterior rendering<br />
of the house. They may decorate<br />
the exterior together with men in some<br />
nance<br />
and rendering of the floors and<br />
walls. They sprinkle new clean sand<br />
on the floors and the roof of the house<br />
every month. They are also responsible<br />
for regular plastering maintenance<br />
for the houses twice a year and some<br />
times more if needed in case of structure<br />
cracks.<br />
3.8. Abeline’ Farm and the<br />
inhabitants<br />
The dwellers of Abeline’ Farm supported<br />
themselves by a mixed economy.<br />
This was reflected in the situation<br />
and the layout of the farm. The farmhouse<br />
was large due to accommodation<br />
of wrecked sailors. In times with<br />
scarcity of money, the western part of<br />
the house was let to a family. Hence,<br />
the layout of the house had to be flexible<br />
to support variable needs and able<br />
to adopt changes to a certain degree.<br />
Preferably changes were made within<br />
the existing farmhouse, such as accommodation<br />
rooms for the former owner.<br />
There are, however, examples of other<br />
farmhouses which have been extended<br />
lengthwise to adapt to changes.<br />
Abeline’s Farm is built of materials<br />
from the local environment, and as<br />
more of these are organic, they need<br />
regular maintenance. Particularly the<br />
outer adobe walls needed regularly<br />
maintenance, which took place every<br />
spring and was done by the females of<br />
the farm. Sealing up roof and painting<br />
woodwork such as gates, doors and<br />
windows were also important. In general,<br />
maintenance was considered as part<br />
of everyday work and it took place in<br />
the times of the year, when the dwellers<br />
were not preoccupied with fishing or<br />
harvesting. Furthermore, the applied<br />
building materials possess the quality<br />
of possible repair. An example is the<br />
lower parts of window frames, which<br />
are more exposed to rot and therefore<br />
can be changed without discarding the<br />
whole window, thus saving resources.<br />
The south elevation of the house with<br />
its symmetrical composition and neoclassical<br />
elements indicates that the<br />
dwellers were proud of their farm and<br />
made it a point of honour to maintain<br />
their house.<br />
4. Commonalities and differences<br />
in acclimatization and resource<br />
efficiency practice<br />
Despite very different cultures and<br />
climates, the two vernacular dwellings<br />
in this study pointed to similar<br />
challenges and solutions. Our analysis<br />
revealed that vernacular architecture<br />
arises from a rare mixture of tradition<br />
and a variety of personal preferences.<br />
Vernacular housing reached a high
level of design perfection and that is<br />
particularly due to the use of inherited<br />
traditions in the building process.<br />
Dwellers have managed to reach more<br />
or less the same solutions, methodologies<br />
and best practice adapting to harsh<br />
climate to create adaptive environmental<br />
solutions. Though this study has<br />
focused on the social, cultural and<br />
economic aspects of sustainability, the<br />
principles pointed out are to a large<br />
extent also examples of environmental<br />
sustainability. From the two case studies<br />
we found some common sustainable<br />
and resource efficient practices<br />
from which:<br />
Dwellings are carefully built in accordance<br />
with local climate using<br />
passive strategies for lighting, cooling<br />
and heating, which reduces energy<br />
consumption.<br />
Inhabitants take part in both design<br />
and construction phases, which encourage<br />
resource savings and rational<br />
building practice.<br />
Self-help building process as locals<br />
build their own dwellings, so there<br />
is almost zero labour cost.<br />
The sustainability of managing the<br />
balance between preservation and<br />
use of local resources and of the<br />
limited local materials.<br />
Economic perception in using local<br />
building materials which are almost<br />
cost-free, such as the use of wood<br />
trees grown on their farmlands and<br />
the cast mud bricks using earth<br />
from their surroundings.<br />
cal<br />
available resources and an ability<br />
to be inspired by the cradle to<br />
cradle ecological cycles from surrounding<br />
nature.<br />
Almost no waste product is produced<br />
during buildings process.<br />
High degree of reuse such as earth<br />
material, timber etc.<br />
Dwellings are flexible to changes<br />
in space configuration or for future<br />
extension.<br />
tained<br />
and repaired, prolonging durability<br />
and reducing waste.<br />
All family members take part in<br />
maintenance process so reducing<br />
maintenance cost and keeps the<br />
building in a good shape.<br />
<br />
in the climatic adaptation and responses:<br />
The adaptation to cope with heat<br />
versus and cold weather which are<br />
ventilation versus wind and precipitation.<br />
Different approaches to daylight:<br />
avoiding direct sunlight to reduce<br />
glare versus encouraging daylight<br />
especially in winter time.<br />
Shaded courtyards to provide summer<br />
cool air for cross ventilation<br />
versus exposed courtyards to direct<br />
sun for winter heating.<br />
5. Lessons learned and<br />
recommendations for application<br />
in contemporary building design<br />
Thus an important issue today is how<br />
we can learn from vernacular practice<br />
and still be able to respond to modernity<br />
and at the same time respond to<br />
the need for sustainability, recyclable<br />
materials and green technologies. One<br />
lesson to learn from our case studies to<br />
be adopted in contemporary design is<br />
encouraging using natural local building<br />
materials and building methods<br />
rather than costly imported materials.<br />
That makes the building process more<br />
resource efficient and reduce a lot of<br />
<br />
<br />
material and methods allows the use of<br />
existing work force of craftsmen and<br />
skilled locals and that it also reduces<br />
costs compared to procedures using<br />
imported building methods and ma-<br />
<br />
are conscious about the future, as they<br />
develop logical solutions, especially as<br />
regards the comfort inside their dwellings.<br />
Second, building in accordance with<br />
local climate prolongs durability of the<br />
<br />
dwellers must consider heat, ventilation,<br />
wind, precipitation and daylight<br />
in the design of the building. Hence,<br />
passive energy strategies can be applied,<br />
which improve comfort and<br />
reduce energy consumption. Furthermore,<br />
possibilities of the building site<br />
must be considered to take advantage<br />
of contextual elements and situate the<br />
dwelling advantageously.<br />
Third, knowledge of materials’ qualities<br />
are important to build in a ratio-<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
nal manner. Vernacular dwellers know<br />
that exposed parts of buildings need<br />
strong materials and sheltered part can<br />
do with weaker materials. Use of protection<br />
layers prolong durability in a<br />
cheap manner, thus reducing resource<br />
consumption.<br />
Finally, in present building practice<br />
enormous amounts of waste are generated,<br />
as buildings being demolished are<br />
considered to be rubbish and down cy-<br />
<br />
houses must be seen as resources and<br />
<br />
the use of ‘simple technology’, such as<br />
vernacular building practice, materials<br />
over,<br />
‘simple materials’ as wood, earth<br />
and clay can be maintained and repaired,<br />
thus reducing waste, resources<br />
and energy.<br />
5.1. Sustainable recommendations<br />
for application in contemporary<br />
building practice<br />
The study shows that adobe buildings<br />
have many sustainable qualities<br />
<br />
norm in both Egypt and Denmark that<br />
people tend to prefer industrialised<br />
modern building materials, as adobe<br />
are considered to be old fashion. Furthermore,<br />
adobe buildings need maintenance,<br />
which doesn’t contribute to<br />
their popularity. However, in order to<br />
meet the needs for sustainability this<br />
construction principle should be considered,<br />
as it also offers human aspects<br />
of sustainability. A number of these<br />
sustainable principles, which easily apply<br />
in contemporary building practice,<br />
are listed below:<br />
Using natural building materials as<br />
it has no carbon footprint and can<br />
be recycled back to nature when the<br />
building is dismantled.<br />
Local materials reduce transportation,<br />
economic costs and keep your<br />
neighbour employed.<br />
<br />
durability and reduces resource<br />
consumption.<br />
Applying passive energy strategies<br />
whenever possible to reduce relying<br />
on active mechanical systems.<br />
6. Conclusions<br />
The frame of sustainability in this<br />
paper comprises both tangible and<br />
intangible aspects for two adobe residential<br />
courtyard buildings in two extreme<br />
climatic and cultural conditions<br />
in Denmark and Egypt. Hence, the<br />
analysis tackled human aspects particular<br />
to social, cultural and economics<br />
of sustainability. This relates to items as<br />
climate responsive design, layout and<br />
spatial organization, rational use of<br />
building materials, durability, flexibil-<br />
<br />
selected based on certain criteria from<br />
which both dwellings are built under<br />
harsh climate conditions, scarce resources<br />
and built with adobe building<br />
technology. It was clear from the study<br />
that cultural and social characteristics<br />
need to be considered in this analysis<br />
as they give insight into the physical<br />
setting, explain many variables and<br />
clarify the reasons for specific characteristics<br />
of the built environment.<br />
This comparative case study shows<br />
that human aspects are very important<br />
in order to build in a sustainable<br />
manner and that vernacular dwellings<br />
display a wide range of ingenious solutions<br />
in order to be resource efficient.<br />
The vernacular in both cases is a record<br />
of the lifestyle of the past when inhabitants<br />
were trying to find a sustainable<br />
way of life, just as they are trying to now.<br />
Vernacular exhibits the potential of the<br />
local community to organize spaces,<br />
evolve a strong architectural base and<br />
enrich their lives through their own lo-<br />
<br />
needed for the influence of human factors<br />
in climatic adaptation in buildings<br />
as such factors are always missing and<br />
the focus normally is on physical and<br />
tangible building practice. Our study<br />
was based mainly on our observations<br />
<br />
needed by involving residents to share<br />
their own experience and using post<br />
occupancy evaluation to assess the efficiency<br />
of passive strategies applied.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
The authors would like to acknowl-<br />
son<br />
Foundation for sponsoring this<br />
part of post-doc research at Lund<br />
university in Sweden and the Aarhus<br />
School of Architecture and Realdania<br />
for granting the Ph.D. project ‘Sustain-
ability in Danish architectural heritage<br />
- building design, practice and techniques’.<br />
References<br />
Abelines gård: En<br />
strandfogedgård på Holmsland Klit.<br />
Hvide Sande: Den selvejende institution<br />
“Abelines gård”<br />
Den vestjyske<br />
klitgård<br />
Forlag ApS.<br />
<br />
Encyclopedia of the archaeology<br />
of ancient Egyp<br />
tion<br />
and Statistics(http://www.capmas.<br />
<br />
A future for the<br />
past of desert vernacular architecture:<br />
testing a novel conservation model an<br />
applied methodology in the town of Balat<br />
in Egypt. Diss. Lund : Lunds universitet.<br />
<br />
Klima og arkitektur. -<br />
<br />
Forlag.<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Balât, Etude<br />
ethnologique d’une communauté rurale.<br />
Institut français d’archéologie orientale<br />
<br />
Bebyggelse og<br />
landskab på Holmsland Klit. Aarhus:<br />
Arkitektskolen i Aarhus.<br />
set:<br />
byggeskik og egnspræg, gode raad<br />
om vedligeholdelse og istandsættelse,<br />
<br />
Building<br />
Without Borders: sustainable construction<br />
for the global village. Gabriola,<br />
<br />
Mawaiz wa<br />
al-’i’tibar bi dhikr al-khitat wa al-’athar,<br />
<br />
Egypt.<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case<br />
from Denmark and Egypt
A research on the continuity of the<br />
original settlements: A case study<br />
on Kemaliye/Erzincan<br />
Emre TORBAOĞLU 1 , Yüksel DEMİR 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
2<br />
<br />
<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.14633<br />
Abstract<br />
One of the most important reasons of settlements looking like each other, despite<br />
the differences of their geographies and cultures, is the cultural disengagement<br />
due to the uniformity of socio-cultural stratification. This simultaneously<br />
creates negative impacts on many original settlements. Consequently; today, we<br />
need design approaches, aiming to provide solutions for the disconnection of<br />
people and spaces to help continue the architectural and urban characteristics of<br />
original settlements while they are in a process of development. This study handles<br />
such approaches in line with the “critical regionalism” concept of Frampton.<br />
A theoretical basis is formed over Giancarlo De Carlo and his architectural approach<br />
in Urbino can be assessed within the framework of critical regionalism.<br />
Over this theoretical basis, Kemaliye, chosen as the study location, is evaluated in<br />
terms of continuity, in light of data based on field practices.<br />
Keywords<br />
Kemaliye, Cultural continuity, Local data, Vernacular architecture, Critical<br />
regionalism.
1. A critical view of current<br />
architecture practices within the<br />
context of cultural continuity<br />
<br />
forcing us to face a contradictory process,<br />
which aims to connect on a single<br />
entirety while preserving or rebuilding<br />
cultural variety; has caused certain approaches<br />
in architecture, working in<br />
opposite directions. Some of these approaches<br />
focus on regional identities,<br />
attempting to establish a unity with<br />
them, and aiming to let them keep up<br />
with the new era; while others aim to<br />
impose their presence, ignoring such<br />
identities. The first of these two approaches<br />
provide “cultural continu-<br />
<br />
their lives as individuals in harmony<br />
with their environments. The other<br />
approach ignores cultural variety, environment<br />
and social connections and<br />
creates an effect which alienates people<br />
to their own environment. Defined as<br />
“current architecture practices” in the<br />
study, this attitude ignores different<br />
contexts and the basic characteristics<br />
of cultural areas, and drives many original<br />
settlements to a process of disconnection.<br />
Settlements, which have been able<br />
to preserve their originality, are accepted<br />
as archives, containing all abstract<br />
and solid traces of the history of humanity<br />
and nature. Having a local landscape<br />
with natural and cultural values,<br />
and preserving their regional identities,<br />
such settlements are defined by<br />
Scazzosi as centuries-old palimpsest:<br />
These are parchments where traces of<br />
every era come one after another, intertwine<br />
with those to be left for future,<br />
within a constant change (Scazzosi,<br />
<br />
in time and traces of such changes can<br />
often be seen in the physical and social<br />
environment. Understanding these<br />
traces is important for reshaping the<br />
essence of humans within the current<br />
change processes for keeping up with<br />
the era. Therefore, such traces should<br />
be considered as documents guiding<br />
new practices, enabling cultural continuity,<br />
and forming the urban memory.<br />
Berman states that understanding<br />
traditions is important for feeding and<br />
enriching our own modernity. Therefore,<br />
culture should not be seen as a<br />
cult, containing nostalgic elements,<br />
but as a source of feeding for the on-<br />
<br />
these ideas, we can say that it is critical<br />
to understand the local essence and<br />
the pieces that form the entirety before<br />
any design interventions on original<br />
settlements. Therefore; approaches,<br />
in which cultural and social forms of<br />
previous centuries are re-explored and<br />
contexts are taken into account, must<br />
<br />
using tradition as a source of logic and<br />
information, advocating that traditions<br />
must be continued not formally but intellectually,<br />
must be adopted.<br />
However, if we look at the design<br />
interventions at such settlements within<br />
the framework of current architecture<br />
practices; we can mention two frequently<br />
seen trends. These trends can<br />
be defined as nostalgic approaches, advocating<br />
the inviolableness of the “old”<br />
by only preserving local characteristics<br />
or attempting to create the “new” by<br />
emulating the “old”, or as destructive<br />
approaches totally ignoring the values<br />
that form the regional identity. It is<br />
obvious that in both situations, there<br />
are attitudes that do not attempt to establish<br />
a relationship with the local essence.<br />
In the first approach, the “old”<br />
is frozen in time or recreated with a<br />
superficial point of view, and “original<br />
settlements” are turned into decorative<br />
cities. This will cause a misperception<br />
in society and cause a blur in the difference<br />
between the past and today. In the<br />
second approach; the “old” is outcast<br />
or even destroyed to let standardized<br />
environments take over original settlement<br />
patterns.<br />
According to Levi-Strauss, if it<br />
is attempted to recreate old forms, it<br />
would be inevitable for new forms to<br />
gradually become monotonous and ultimately,<br />
reach solutions that are ultimately<br />
weakened. On the contrary, he<br />
states that we should know humanity<br />
is rich enough in terms of options to<br />
surprise everybody and that progress<br />
is not achieved by this extremely easy<br />
“adjusted similarity” image, which we<br />
lazily approach, but as a product of<br />
a process full of adventures, disconnections<br />
and scandals (Levi-Strauss,<br />
<br />
a futile effort to recreate completed and
forgone times, and we should be open<br />
for new trials.<br />
So, how should such new trials be?<br />
How can a compromising relation be<br />
established between current architecture<br />
practices, which ignore and outcast<br />
the “old”, and original settlement<br />
<br />
concept of “critical regionalism” may<br />
give us alternative points of view aiming<br />
to produce a modern architecture<br />
based on context, in parallel with universal<br />
processes.<br />
2. A strategy of resistance against<br />
standardization in architecture:<br />
Critical regionalism<br />
Critical regionalism concept is an<br />
attitude opposing the recreation of<br />
traditional forms and the formalist<br />
attitude of regionalism. This concept<br />
suggests using an exploring construction<br />
language in modern architecture,<br />
revealing and respecting the local essence<br />
instead of a simple copying-imitating<br />
approach. At the same time,<br />
it tries to establish a system of new<br />
regional values by clashing universal<br />
values with regional values. Frampton<br />
considers critical regionalism as a strategy<br />
of resistance against the uniformity<br />
caused by modernism and against the<br />
historical approaches in architecture.<br />
He propounds this concept as a camp<br />
against the standardization caused by<br />
current architecture practices in preserving<br />
and reviving local cultures in<br />
architecture. Within the framework<br />
of critical regionalism, he advocates a<br />
stance against the dominant forms of<br />
current conditions, while on the other<br />
hand, accepts the liberating effect of<br />
<br />
Critical regionalism is based on<br />
the “place sensitivity”, which can be<br />
strongly perceived, defined by experience<br />
and based on its own context. In<br />
<br />
gionalism<br />
as an approach which cannot<br />
be described as internationalism<br />
but which can not be connected to the<br />
folkloric or historical concepts of the<br />
region, either.<br />
Critical regional architecture contributes<br />
to the improvement of cultural<br />
interactions by focusing on the relationship<br />
of the building with the loca-<br />
<br />
its socio-cultural position, instead of<br />
considering regional styles. In essence,<br />
it considers people as part of the natural<br />
and cultural environment they live<br />
in. It prefers the awareness about the<br />
tectonic reality of architecture instead<br />
of understanding the artificial environment<br />
only based on image with a superficial<br />
approach. It suggests creating<br />
a modern structure in harmony with<br />
the location, without taking formative<br />
and technologic references. It aims to<br />
contribute to the development processes<br />
of settlements by making small<br />
interventions, instead of large-scale urban<br />
interventions.<br />
3. Approaches based on<br />
field practices in original<br />
settlements: Design approach<br />
of Giancarlo De Carlo<br />
Rethinking on “Giancarlo De Carlo<br />
Architecture”, which we can study<br />
under the concept of “critical regionalism”,<br />
may give hints on creating a<br />
new product by being connected to<br />
the “local essence”. De Carlo adopted<br />
an approach which evaluates natural<br />
and socio-cultural data, attempting<br />
to establish a relation with previous<br />
architectural languages by taking historical<br />
processes into account. Based<br />
on the necessity to create a connection<br />
between society and modernism, he<br />
worked with an approach, taking human<br />
experience and human perception<br />
as basis. Indispensible principles<br />
of a design process that is based on<br />
continuity are deep analysis of location<br />
and participating values.<br />
The design method developed by<br />
De Carlo based on field practice states<br />
the necessity of performing theoretical<br />
and practical studies together in design<br />
interventions on original settlements.<br />
The projects he materialized in Urbino<br />
are successful examples connecting<br />
with the local context, converting and<br />
using traditional architectural principles<br />
forming the regional identity, and<br />
thus, contributing to cultural continuity.<br />
At Urbino, where De Carlo worked<br />
for approximately half a century; he<br />
gathered the municipality, the university,<br />
independent researchers and<br />
residents on a common platform, determined<br />
the requirements of the set-<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
Figure 1. Aerial view of Urbino identifying four of De Carlo’s conversions (1) Faculty of Economics, (2) Magistero,<br />
(3) Ramp and stables, (4) Faculty of Law (Source: Jones, P.B. & Canniffe, E., 2007).<br />
Figure 2, 3, 4. Analytical sketches of De Carlo (McKean, 2004).<br />
tlement in line with their opinions and<br />
developed his suggestions.<br />
Urbino is an ancient settlement ,<br />
<br />
region in eastern Italy. The history of<br />
the city dates back to the Etruscan period,<br />
which took place before the Roman<br />
period. Pattern of the city, which<br />
reaches today, usually belongs to the<br />
medieval age. There were additions<br />
to the city in the renaissance period.<br />
Among these, the Ducal Palace built<br />
by Francesco di Giorgio for Duke Fed-<br />
-<br />
<br />
difference from other historical Italian<br />
cities, emphasizes that history and nature<br />
is intertwined here and that it is<br />
hard to distinguish new human interventions<br />
within the original pattern of<br />
<br />
De Carlo started his zoning plan<br />
studies in a period when the settlement<br />
physically began to deteriorate and local<br />
economy was being attempted to be<br />
revived by tourism. He studied sensitively<br />
on both the urban and rural environment,<br />
and had a special relationship<br />
with the residents and the history<br />
of the city. Starting as he undertook<br />
<br />
this relationship turned to a series of<br />
simultaneous interventions. Such interventions<br />
range from constructing a<br />
university settlement outside the city<br />
walls, rehabilitation of some structures<br />
at the historical settlement, faculty<br />
building designs, rearrangement of the<br />
<br />
of Urbino, to designs of academician<br />
-<br />
provement<br />
of the university was also<br />
selected as a way to revive the settlement.<br />
However; this also meant that<br />
the population would be multiplied<br />
and De Carlo developed a dual strategy<br />
to overcome this problem. He settled<br />
faculty buildings within the historical<br />
city center, and positioned dormitories<br />
Figure 5, 6. Site plan sketches of Collegio della Colle (NAI, 2005).
Figure 7, 8. Perspectives of dormitories (NAI, 2005).<br />
at the hillsides outside the historical<br />
city center, where he defined as a new<br />
settlement area.<br />
Jones describes the design approach<br />
of Giancarlo de Carlo as such:<br />
“De Carlo is playing a long game at<br />
Urbino, often with a light touch and<br />
with no great compulsion to over-impose<br />
his personal signature. Oblivious<br />
to the calls of fashion, De Carlo builds<br />
with a view to centuries past, and looks<br />
<br />
citizens yet to come. It is hard to think<br />
of another contemporary architect<br />
who has contributed so much to one<br />
place. Without his intervention the<br />
whole development of the town and<br />
its university would have taken a different<br />
and almost certainly more destructive<br />
turn. Ordinary old buildings<br />
in the centre would probably have been<br />
destroyed. With his struggle to understand<br />
the relationship between buildings<br />
and human institutions, his concern<br />
with shared memory, his careful<br />
<br />
De Carlo has demonstrated a method<br />
that seems to me the precise opposite<br />
posing<br />
from without, it discovers from<br />
<br />
De Carlo emphasizes the necessity of<br />
reinterpreting the past to solve the current<br />
requirements of a settlement. He<br />
suggests starting with the deep reading<br />
of the land in this interpretation process.<br />
In this process, which he defines<br />
as a genetic code analysis, he researches<br />
how buildings are positioned according<br />
to the sun, light, wind, water,<br />
streets, pathways and green texture.<br />
He describes it as a repeating process,<br />
including experimental arrangement<br />
and transformation. Urbino became an<br />
instrument of principles for De Carlo<br />
to explore and develop region reading<br />
<br />
its forms and places, it is necessary<br />
to understand their reflections on the<br />
current social and physical situation.<br />
De Carlo tells that, to work in such a<br />
cultural landscape, first of all, history<br />
must be considered as a flowing wa-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
“I believe a lot in the revelatory ca-<br />
<br />
interpret the meaning of what has remained<br />
engraved, not only does one<br />
come to understand when this mark<br />
was made and what motivation behind<br />
it was, but one also becomes conscious<br />
of how the various events that have left<br />
their mark have become layered, how<br />
they relate to one another and how,<br />
through time, they have set off other<br />
events and have woven together our<br />
<br />
4. Why Kemaliye?<br />
<br />
<br />
its unquestionable natural and cultural<br />
values. Located northwest edge of<br />
the Eastern Anatolian Region and the<br />
southwest of Erzincan province; Kemaliye<br />
is a riverside settlement locat-<br />
<br />
<br />
one of the social and trade centers of its<br />
region from the past to the present. Located<br />
on the Silk Road, the settlement<br />
was ruled by the Sassanid, Persians,<br />
Romans, Byzantines and Ottomans be-<br />
<br />
circumstances, the population movement<br />
to metropolitan centers has also<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
Figure 9. Aerial view of Kemaliye (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
Figure 10. Settlement pattern identified with nature (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
Figure 11. Tree-Leaf diagram (URL-1).<br />
affected Kemaliye. Population of the<br />
<br />
together with the surrounding villages<br />
near the end the 19th century, has<br />
decreased in years due to migrations<br />
<br />
<br />
importance today, has shifted the re-<br />
<br />
tourism.<br />
Designing his projects from the data<br />
he gathers in his field researches, particularly<br />
anthropology studies, Dutch<br />
architect Aldo Van Eyck describes the<br />
<br />
<br />
with his “tree-leaf ” diagram as above.<br />
We can say that the complex relation<br />
between house and city established<br />
by Van Eyck is also valid for Kemaliye.<br />
Kemaliye is an entirety, whose<br />
values cannot be considered separately<br />
from one another; no house, tree, person<br />
can be considered individually. The<br />
nature-space-human relationship has<br />
created a specific settlement pattern<br />
here. The regional identity, which has<br />
developed on the basis of a piece-entirety<br />
relation, is the product of a rational<br />
idea based on centuries ago.<br />
The basic components, forming the<br />
regional identity value of Kemaliye, are<br />
the natural structure and established<br />
cultural values of the settlement. An<br />
original settlement with its urban space<br />
character, which developed on the basis<br />
of these factors, Kemaliye stands on<br />
a different point among Anatolian settlements<br />
with such characteristics.<br />
4.1 Research methodology<br />
In this study; all analysis and evaluations<br />
on Kemaliye settlement texture<br />
are based on the field studies performed<br />
by Kemaliye Research Group<br />
<br />
<br />
studies, which started as a student initiative,<br />
were planned as an architecture<br />
education model based on field<br />
practices to complete the theoretical<br />
knowledge gathered at school. With<br />
the workshop studies carried out after<br />
the summer field researches, suggestions<br />
of solution were developed to<br />
maintain the original texture of the settlement.<br />
These recommendations were<br />
shared with Kemaliye public on var-<br />
<br />
aiming to use the studies for the benefit<br />
of the settlement. Said studies form the<br />
<br />
<br />
titled “A Research On The Continuity<br />
of the Original Settlements: Kemaliye<br />
Sample”.<br />
The main goal of these researches<br />
were to analyze the factors that form<br />
the regional identity of Kemaliye with<br />
various points of view, detect the problems<br />
related to the current status and<br />
develop solution suggestions for these<br />
problems with the contribution of the<br />
residents. In these studies, carried out<br />
on the basis of mutual interaction, it<br />
was also aimed to reinforce the awareness<br />
of the residents for the environment<br />
they lived in. For these purpose,<br />
under the study, a collective production<br />
with an architectural, social and<br />
cultural content was performed with<br />
the participation of students and executives<br />
from various disciplines. The<br />
analyses performed were associated<br />
with each other and a feedback method<br />
was developed, so, it was attempted<br />
to understand the deep connection between<br />
the architecture and socio-cul-
Figure 12, <strong>13</strong>, 14. Sketches describing the settlement texture, 2002 (Kemaliye Research Group Archive).<br />
tural structure. Data from the social<br />
events performed in this context, and<br />
from the verbal history study, were<br />
overlapped with architectural analyses<br />
to discuss the relations between the<br />
past and the present.<br />
Architectural researches were carried<br />
out within the framework of a program<br />
where theoretical and practical<br />
studies were performed together. Analytic<br />
sketches, visual recording techniques,<br />
literature scanning and verbal<br />
history methods were used for documenting<br />
and analyzing the settlement.<br />
Regional architecture basin was considered<br />
in different scales as the settlement,<br />
street, house and details, and<br />
the factors that form the settlement<br />
texture were examined. The relationship<br />
between the urban location layout<br />
and house-street analyses were made<br />
and the effects of topography, water<br />
and cultural structure on the regional<br />
architecture were researched. Changes<br />
over time on the houses and streets,<br />
sis<br />
of Alper, titled “A Research on Ke-<br />
<br />
/ Kemaliye Evleri ve Yerleşim Dokusu<br />
Üzerine Bir Araştırma”, were reviewed<br />
and an inventory study was performed,<br />
covering comparative evaluations. As<br />
a result of the architecture analyses,<br />
an erosion of values was seen all over<br />
the settlement. The factors causing this<br />
problem were discussed with the residents<br />
and alternative urban, architecture<br />
and social suggestions were developed<br />
for the future of the settlement.<br />
Differences between the past and<br />
present of Kemaliye, and changing<br />
lifestyles are handled with the verbal<br />
history study performed. The verbal<br />
history study has become an instrument<br />
for analyzing the cultural elements<br />
that formed the urban location<br />
and architecture layout, by influencing<br />
the architectural researches. The crafts,<br />
which formed the basis of the commercial<br />
structure in the past, and which are<br />
about to be lost today, and the effects of<br />
these crafts on traditional architecture<br />
are again discussed under the verbal<br />
history study. Social studies included<br />
film and documentary shows, slide<br />
shows; art, handicraft, music, sports<br />
and drama workshops for children;<br />
and sculpture studies. These studies<br />
aimed to increase the awareness of particularly<br />
the young population for their<br />
environment.<br />
4.2 Urban space and architectural<br />
character analysis of Kemaliye<br />
effects of natural elements<br />
<br />
the trends of gradual topography usage<br />
and shifting towards Karasu Valley are<br />
the main factors in Kemaliye, helping<br />
form the urban character and architectural<br />
layout. At the settlement, which is<br />
positioned over three main sets; green<br />
areas stand out on the first set near the<br />
river. These sections consist of vineyards<br />
and gardens, and a low-density<br />
housing can be mentioned. Within<br />
vineyard areas, there are cottages, locally<br />
named as “hinzan”.<br />
Kemaliye has many water sources<br />
and settlement units are concentrated<br />
around these water sources. Particularly,<br />
the second set, covering the<br />
<br />
defined as the vital point of the settlement,<br />
has the characteristics of a settlement<br />
center with its land structure<br />
suitable for settlement. Spreading the<br />
<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
Figure 15, 16. Houses set on rocks as an extension of the topography (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
to the entire settlement has created the<br />
dense green pattern, one of the main<br />
elements of the local landscape. With<br />
the canal systems, water can be taken<br />
to the gardens, yards, sinks and coolers<br />
in houses. These water canals, which<br />
can be used both functionally and as<br />
a visual natural landscape device also<br />
provide natural air-conditioning.<br />
<br />
Site, where the settlement ends, construction<br />
opportunities are limited due<br />
to suddenly elevating land conditions.<br />
Although there are no structures today<br />
on this area, it was found by verbal<br />
historical researches that, in the past,<br />
there were settlements of terrace houses<br />
in this district.<br />
tions,<br />
using topographic data with a rational<br />
approach. Due to the land structure,<br />
all floors of the houses can be<br />
associated with the outside, except for<br />
roof floors. So, different indoor layouts<br />
can be created, based on functional<br />
and social requirements. Some houses<br />
are based on hard and steep rocks and<br />
built over them. On this regional architecture,<br />
which is in ultimate harmony<br />
with nature, some settlement units are<br />
located as an extension of the topography.<br />
In this settlement, shaped according<br />
to land conditions, characteristic street<br />
formations draw attention. Developing<br />
perpendicularly to the slope, the<br />
streets use a system formed of wide, inclined<br />
stone steps. A bevelling system<br />
is developed as a way to reduce sharp<br />
turns on the streets, which are narrow<br />
at certain points. These special details,<br />
which sometimes use overlap systems,<br />
contribute to the creation of the street<br />
character. Another street type, which<br />
defines the urban character is the “torta”.<br />
Created as the houses cross over the<br />
streets, “torta”s also act as passages.<br />
Although it is essential to use local<br />
materials for creating the regional<br />
architectural languages in Anatolian<br />
settlements, there is a significant distinction<br />
between the regional architecture<br />
and the natural environment in<br />
Kemaliye. The main components of the<br />
architectural language, displaying the<br />
characteristics of a superior workmanship<br />
based on fine materials, are wood,<br />
stone and cob. Kemaliye houses are<br />
built with “hımış” construction technique<br />
and built with wooden beams,<br />
mud joints, rubbles up to the main<br />
floor; and with cob filled wooden carcass<br />
at the main floor and roof.<br />
Development of wooden architecture<br />
in the region despite rough conditions,<br />
and its turning into a widespread<br />
construction system practiced at the<br />
whole settlement, has caused to distinguish<br />
Kemaliye from its surrounding<br />
settlements. In this natural environment,<br />
consisting of cliffs and orchards,<br />
there are no forest areas that can provide<br />
the wood, which can be used as<br />
<br />
to Kemaliye are in Refahiye, north of<br />
the settlement, and there are no direct<br />
connections between these two settlements.<br />
According to the information<br />
gathered from the verbal history study,<br />
the logs supplied from Refahiye forests<br />
were brought here over Kemah,<br />
through the Euphrates River. In this<br />
method, called “apart”, logs were tied<br />
to each other and sent over Euphrates<br />
<br />
processed at carpenter shops by the
iverside and turned into construction<br />
materials.<br />
Wood and stone, used as structural<br />
elements in the general design approach<br />
based on principles of functionality<br />
and strength, were also used<br />
as fine coating materials. Wood is<br />
commonly used both as wall or floor<br />
coating. Width of wall coatings usually<br />
<br />
is a socio-economical indicator; higher<br />
the purchasing power of the house<br />
owner, wider the coating. Service,<br />
walking, and roof areas of the houses<br />
are coated with the flooring system<br />
called “rıhtım”, which is unique to Kemaliye.<br />
Rıhtım is a finishing detail of<br />
the multi-layered, soil-based flooring<br />
system, formed by lining up small river<br />
rocks side by side.<br />
Among this regional architecture<br />
based on natural materials, metal sheet<br />
coatings draw attention as an industri-<br />
-<br />
<br />
wooden walls and soil roofs, became<br />
an important factor to preserve the regional<br />
identity until today. This method,<br />
developed for preventing the negative<br />
effects of time, can be assessed as<br />
a creative solution for protection, discovered<br />
by the local public. With this<br />
new situation, radically affecting the<br />
regional identity of the settlement, Kemaliye<br />
became a place, which realized<br />
its own evolution. So, without losing its<br />
essence, it succeeded in maintaining its<br />
continuity by using the opportunities<br />
provided by the modern times.<br />
4.3. Reflections of cultural<br />
background<br />
Kemaliye houses abstracts the traditions<br />
and elements of daily life, and<br />
add them into the structure. These abstract<br />
traces are details that enrich the<br />
modest nature of the houses. Figurative<br />
door knobs and locks, wooden engravings<br />
in fixed hardware, patterns at<br />
“rıhtım” floors, inscriptions and stone<br />
embossments on walls, high windows,<br />
ironwork patterns are details that include<br />
these traces. This planning approach,<br />
displaying features in parallel<br />
with the traditional Anatolian civilian<br />
architecture, are separated together<br />
with these details and created an original<br />
identity for the settlement. Such<br />
traces prove that even one nail in these<br />
houses can have a meaning, that each<br />
<br />
a story, and that wise eyes can read<br />
these stories. This houses are immortal<br />
works, which tell what happened<br />
once upon a time inside to the people<br />
of today, making them immortal, way<br />
above just meeting the need for accommodation.<br />
The cultural interaction, beginning<br />
with Istanbul from the Ottoman<br />
times, and still continuing today, has<br />
been effective in the development of<br />
<br />
immaterial acquisitions gathered in Istanbul<br />
by the Kemaliye people living<br />
there, returned to the settlement as<br />
an original architectural language. As<br />
well as the use of wood, the definitive<br />
element of the architectural character,<br />
the delicacies in indoor details are the<br />
indicators of this effect.<br />
The knobs, arranged separately<br />
for the use of men and women, with a<br />
low sound from one, and a high sound<br />
from the other, were formed depending<br />
on the beliefs and traditions of the<br />
region. The reason for this distinction<br />
is to have the visitors knock according<br />
to their genders to allow the household<br />
prepare accordingly. This separation,<br />
beginning from the door, continues<br />
<br />
“selamlık” section, and women were<br />
<br />
the “selamlık” room, a coffee stove is<br />
placed as a service unit. This section<br />
becomes independent from the other<br />
sections of the house with an inner<br />
door. This way, it was possible to host<br />
men and women in different floors,<br />
particularly in weddings and funerals.<br />
It is possible to see various reliefs<br />
and inscriptions at the entrances or<br />
corner stones of some houses. These<br />
reliefs express the population and fertility<br />
of the house with their sizes or<br />
quantities. Another example for symbolic<br />
details are the nails pounded on<br />
the threshold upon arrival of a bride.<br />
They express that the bride is a permanent<br />
member of the house.<br />
All abovementioned definitive elements<br />
of the urban constructs and<br />
architecture character can be reviewed<br />
over the Efeoğlu House in detail to<br />
better understand the subject. Efeoğlu<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
Figure 17, 18, 19. Ground floor plan, east elevation, section, Efeoğlu House, 2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
<br />
Street, which could mostly maintain its<br />
originality. In the architectural layout<br />
<br />
and the trend to opt for scenery played<br />
an effective role as the main determinants<br />
of the regional architecture. It is<br />
evations<br />
to the house, which is settled<br />
on the topography with different layers.<br />
The main entrance of the house is<br />
at the yard section, called “hayat”. “Hayat”<br />
has a systematic layout of its own<br />
and is also used at the outdoor space of<br />
the house. These sections, covering the<br />
boiler, fountain, cooling and seating<br />
functions play an important role in the<br />
layouts of houses. Consisting of living<br />
and service functions, these locations<br />
also act as social places for women.<br />
On this floor, where living quarters are<br />
<br />
inant<br />
positions for scenery. “Selamlık<br />
room”, opening to the yard, and the<br />
“bride room” downstairs are examples<br />
of the reflections of the social structure<br />
on architecture. Both locations can be<br />
accessed from outside without using<br />
indoor areas. These traditional houses<br />
make the walls facing Karasu Valley<br />
special with various protrusion and<br />
spacing arrangements. Increase of wall<br />
spaces on this direction and high windows<br />
are the indicators of this effect in<br />
<br />
covered with hipped roof, as in most<br />
Kemaliye houses.<br />
5. Assessment of Kemaliye in the<br />
context of continuity<br />
Preserving its original character to<br />
a great extent until recently, Kemaliye<br />
now faces developments that threaten<br />
its urban memory and regional identity.<br />
In the first field studies performed<br />
<br />
settlement pattern greatly preserved<br />
its original identity but at the same<br />
time, was exposed to some negative<br />
interventions. These findings were<br />
discussed with local authorities and<br />
residents on a common platform to develop<br />
solutions. However, since then,<br />
no developments for solution has been<br />
achieved, and this caused more serious<br />
problems today.<br />
tion<br />
processes, trying to solve the current<br />
requirements of the settlement<br />
with an attitude that does not consider<br />
type zoning plans and local context is<br />
Figure 20, 21. Board, stressing unplanned development (“Don’t let Green Eğin turn gray) 2002, TOKI Housing<br />
2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).
the main factor to create the problem<br />
at hand. The new settlement process,<br />
beginning particularly after the mar-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
which do not conform with the settlement<br />
pattern and adhere to general<br />
planning and city-planning principles,<br />
and which are unacceptable in terms<br />
of zoning laws, settlement cultures and<br />
awareness of preservation; the settlement<br />
pattern is being destroyed rapidly.<br />
If such applications continue, the<br />
regional identity, defined as original,<br />
will disappear in near future and “the<br />
green”, which used to dominate the<br />
settlement, will surrender to the “the<br />
gray”.<br />
Another factor that triggers the situation<br />
is the problem of preserving the<br />
traditional houses. Due to changing social<br />
structures, lack of comfort conditions,<br />
migration, inheritance problems<br />
and economical hardships, most houses<br />
are empty and without maintenance.<br />
Some of these houses, which could not<br />
stand against the impacts of time, are<br />
destroyed, and the rest will also be lost<br />
if necessary precautions are not taken.<br />
Interventions to meet current needs,<br />
or keep the buildings standing, often<br />
result in destructive impacts, far from<br />
modern preservation approaches. The<br />
problem of quality of the restoration<br />
practices, which were expected to solve<br />
this issue and which gradually increase<br />
in recent years, unfortunately causes<br />
irreparable errors. Unconscious use of<br />
industrial construction materials, loss<br />
of traditional production techniques<br />
due to the popularity of such materials,<br />
and their not being transferred to next<br />
generations are the main reasons of the<br />
problem. In most of the applications,<br />
historical traces are destroyed and the<br />
buildings are given a brand-new look.<br />
This reduces everyday the number<br />
of traditional houses, which preserve<br />
their originality, and creates a negative<br />
impact on the pattern integrity. Ignoring<br />
the individual losses in traditional<br />
structures causes a deterioration of the<br />
component-entirety relationship in the<br />
settlement, and consequently weakens<br />
the regional identity by time.<br />
Change in the settlement within<br />
<br />
<br />
Street. This assessment was performed<br />
by overlapping the data in the doctorate<br />
thesis of Prof. Dr. Berrin Alper<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
street that connects the market center<br />
trict,<br />
cutting the slope perpendicularly.<br />
In this street, activities of important<br />
businesses such as forging, textile<br />
and customs used to be gathered, and<br />
there were many blacksmiths, carpenter<br />
shops, textile cooperatives and related<br />
textile-painting workshops and<br />
customs stores. Approximate length of<br />
<br />
difference in elevation. The traditional<br />
<br />
floors; bottom floor, ground floor, yard<br />
floor and terrace floor, and they preserve<br />
their original plan schemes. The<br />
houses, whose originality are damaged<br />
because of poor add-ons and sloppy<br />
repairs, still reflect the character of the<br />
settlement when assessed as a whole.<br />
In all houses on this street, it is possible<br />
to find the metal sheet wall coatings<br />
and hipped roof practices, developed<br />
to preserve the traditional houses all<br />
over the settlement.<br />
Alper, in her study, found that<br />
<br />
original pattern character. However;<br />
we see that, by time, the street faced<br />
negative interventions. It is detected<br />
that the pressure of concrete buildings<br />
on the original street character increases<br />
gradually, and so, the “street scale”<br />
is being lost, particularly in the areas<br />
where dormitory buildings are located.<br />
Other than these irreparable destructive<br />
interventions; it was understood<br />
that the unqualified add-ons on traditional<br />
houses deteriorate the massand-wall<br />
ratios of houses and create<br />
negative impacts on the street again,<br />
but with necessary precautions such effects<br />
can be removed. Fully consisting<br />
of stone steps due to rough topographic<br />
conditions, this street is covered with<br />
locked parquet stones to provide vehicles<br />
traffic today. The canal systems,<br />
acting as natural landscape equipment;<br />
has been interrupted at certain points<br />
due to low-quality repairs. However,<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
Figure 22. Gençağa Street layout plan, 1990 (Alper, 1990).<br />
Figure 23. Gençağa Street layout plan, 2009 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
Kemaliye houses can be a part of the<br />
street, through the continuity of stone<br />
and water used in yards and internal<br />
locations. The flow and transition from<br />
the street to the house in the settlement<br />
layout were interrupted with these new<br />
practices and now, there are borders<br />
between the houses and the street.<br />
<br />
hipped-roof carpet and painting ateliers<br />
on the street, built with masonry<br />
system. These ateliers were production<br />
lished<br />
in line with the carpet industry,<br />
flecting<br />
the period they were built in,<br />
the ateliers were distinguished with<br />
their architectural styles from traditional<br />
architecture, but at the same<br />
time, they were extremely in harmony<br />
with the original settlement pattern.<br />
<br />
<br />
potential locations for meeting the requirements<br />
of the settlement, and giv-<br />
craft<br />
center” and “youth center”. With<br />
the suggestions developed based on<br />
“industrial archeology” concept, these<br />
production buildings were considered<br />
as important elements of the urban<br />
memory.<br />
<br />
demolished and dormitories were constructed,<br />
neglecting the street scale and<br />
pattern. Dormitories, a major requirement<br />
of the settlement because of the<br />
increasing student population, were<br />
positioned on this street although there<br />
were more suitable areas, and the ateliers,<br />
one of the indicators of the urban<br />
memory, are unfortunately destroyed.<br />
These “new” buildings, which can be<br />
<br />
“adjusted similarity”, are replicas that<br />
are distant from the context, built by<br />
Figure 24, 25. Textile and painting ateliers demolished in 2004 (Atölye Kolektif Archive).
emulating “the old”.<br />
-<br />
<br />
6. Conclusion<br />
The product of a holistic structure<br />
of ideas, continuing for centuries, Kemaliye,<br />
is today in the middle of a cultural<br />
breakdown process. The analyses<br />
performed under the study revealed<br />
that recent developments threaten the<br />
urban memory and regional identity of<br />
Figure 26, 27. Boys’ and girls’ dormitories (Atölye Kolektif Archive).<br />
the settlement. According to De Carlo,<br />
urban memory is a source to use for<br />
maintaining the continuity of settlements,<br />
as an element that carries our<br />
cultural and historical values and provides<br />
urban awareness. It is essential to<br />
protect the urban memory for understanding<br />
the present of a settlement,<br />
detect its needs and plan its future. If<br />
we consider the problem over De Car-<br />
<br />
will conclude that, in order to provide<br />
the continuity of original settlements,<br />
it is necessary to approach current<br />
architecture practices with a point of<br />
view that is based on centuries ago and<br />
aimed at the future, without yielding to<br />
<br />
understanding, new designs must be<br />
approached with a point of view that<br />
is internally explored, not externally<br />
imposed. In line with this idea, it can<br />
inquire the recommendations of architects,<br />
societies and their habitats more<br />
extensively, trying to explore their lifestyles,<br />
thought systems and traditions,<br />
and make positive contributions in the<br />
<br />
end, architecture must be ethically and<br />
culturally more responsible than ever<br />
now.<br />
In light of these opinions, some<br />
strategies can be suggested to contribute<br />
to preserving and maintaining the<br />
original settlement pattern, while Kemaliye<br />
is in a process of development.<br />
Rediscovering the Spaces<br />
ment<br />
that realizes its own evolution,<br />
first of all, its values must be reconsidered<br />
and deeply analyzed. Rediscovering<br />
the rational idea underlying<br />
the regional architecture may show<br />
the way in new practices in the future.<br />
This rediscovery process must be for<br />
understanding the relation between<br />
people and site organization, taking<br />
into account the natural environment<br />
and socio-cultural bonds. If the solutions<br />
in the original settlement pattern,<br />
developed with a modest approach,<br />
can be transformed in line with modern<br />
principles and used as a source of<br />
information, said cultural breakdown<br />
can be prevented. For example; principles<br />
of gradual usage of topography<br />
and opting for the scenery are dominant<br />
elements in the creation of the<br />
urban location and architecture layout.<br />
tional<br />
architecture can create solutions<br />
unique to the settlement when recon-<br />
<br />
Although rediscovering the locations<br />
mean discovering the thought<br />
structure that created the original<br />
character for creating new designs; at<br />
the same time, it means the assessing<br />
and converting the existing structures<br />
in line with modern requirements.<br />
If non-functional locations are given<br />
functions again, unlike the demolished<br />
textile-painting ateliers mentioned in<br />
study, the urban memory would be<br />
preserved. In this context, ways to turn<br />
traditional houses that are deserted<br />
for the reason that they cannot meet<br />
<br />
tions<br />
that can be inhabited and used.<br />
These houses, built with great sensitivity,<br />
are places that transcend time, still<br />
remain in harmony with the environment,<br />
and are able to meet the requirements<br />
of users. The most urgent need<br />
for traditional houses is the rearrangement<br />
of kitchen and bathroom hardware,<br />
and heating systems according to<br />
modern conditions. For this, designing<br />
a modular system that can be applied<br />
in all houses may be a practical solution.<br />
These new hardware can be used<br />
indoors or as modern outdoor add-ons<br />
in yards. With these simple interventions,<br />
the houses will be revived.<br />
The need for accommodation, a major<br />
problem in settlements, can be met<br />
by converting unused houses to hostels<br />
or dormitories. This way, a continuous<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan
usage can be achieved in summer and<br />
winter to contribute both economically<br />
and socio-culturally.<br />
Establishment of the Regional Research<br />
Laboratory<br />
Kemaliye stands out as a settlement<br />
with the potential of becoming the<br />
cultural center of Upper Euphrates<br />
Basin, when the region is considered<br />
as a whole. Because of this, a multidisciplinary<br />
research laboratory must be<br />
established to understand and maintain<br />
the natural and cultural structure,<br />
which forms the essence of the regional<br />
identity, particularly the settlement<br />
center and its almost intact villages.<br />
This laboratory can evaluate the changes<br />
in architectural, cultural, social, geological<br />
and geographical areas, and ensure<br />
that the relation between the past<br />
and the future can be established in a<br />
reconciliatory way. For this, the main<br />
purposes must be planning national<br />
and international scientific, art and cultural<br />
researches and events; carrying<br />
out inventory studies to preserve and<br />
maintain the cultural and artistic assets<br />
of Kemaliye, and thus, help preserve<br />
the urban memory and contribute to<br />
the development process of the settlement.<br />
This suggestion can be improved<br />
by using the methodologies of The International<br />
Laboratory of Architecture<br />
<br />
<br />
can be exemplified as similar establishments.<br />
The research laboratory must<br />
be established as a platform based on<br />
participation, where meet local administrations,<br />
universities, independent<br />
tection<br />
board authorities and residents<br />
meet.<br />
The research laboratory can also<br />
act as a production and consultation<br />
center to improve the quality of restoration<br />
practices. Workshops can be established,<br />
where experienced stone and<br />
wood masters transfer their knowledge<br />
to the new generation, and traditional<br />
construction techniques can be continued.<br />
These workshops will allow the<br />
settlement pattern to be reused within<br />
a common architecture language,<br />
bringing together house owners and<br />
construction craftsmen under an organization<br />
where necessary materials<br />
are manufactured, and where the settlement<br />
pattern will be perceived to be<br />
built by a single hand.<br />
Above strategies can prevent the<br />
cultural breakdown process and help<br />
Kemaliye continue its existence as<br />
an original settlement equipped with<br />
modern values. This way, Kemaliye<br />
would evolve its regional identity,<br />
which it brought from the past, and<br />
carry it on to the future.<br />
References<br />
<br />
Dokusu ve Evleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma<br />
(A Research on Kemaliye Settle-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
dernity,<br />
Iletisim Publishing, Istanbul.<br />
<br />
Architecture: A Critical Theory,<br />
<br />
storing<br />
Identity to the Regional Land-<br />
en,<br />
Connecticut, USA.<br />
-<br />
<br />
Urbino is an inventive reworking of old<br />
and new, in which interventions grow<br />
of weaving the existing with modern<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Elsevier, Burlington, USA.<br />
-<br />
key.<br />
<br />
Carlo: Layered Places, Edition Axel<br />
<br />
<br />
Search of a Utopia of The Present, Rotterdam.<br />
sessing<br />
the Landscape As Cultural and<br />
Historical Heritage, Landscape Re-<br />
<br />
<br />
Grid and The Pathway in Architecture<br />
<br />
URL1 Available online, http://www.<br />
pinterest.com/herrerohurtado/arquiclick-aldo-van-eyck/,<br />
Accessed 19 Sep-
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept<br />
of imageability in third space<br />
reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya–Indonesia<br />
Rully DAMAYANTI 1 , Florian KOSSAK 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
and Planning, Petra Christian University, Surabaya, Indonesia<br />
2<br />
<br />
Sheffield, United Kingdom<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.36349<br />
Abstract<br />
The aim of this article is to extend Kevin Lynch’s theory in the ‘Image of the<br />
City’ (1960) by adding ‘meaning’ to the urban spaces observation because Lynch<br />
focused on the legibility factor only. The ‘meaning’ observation in this article is<br />
through the reading of space as ‘third space’ creation given by Lefebvre, Soja and<br />
Bhabha. The understanding of ‘third space’ (include the first-second spaces) gives<br />
a deeper understanding of the urban areas especially for urban areas that bear<br />
specific social condition of cultural hybridization. The understanding does not<br />
only read the physical layer, but also cultural and historical layers. This article is<br />
based on a study in kampungs (urban village) in Surabaya, Indonesia, with specific<br />
respondents of young adults aged 20-25 years old. This study shows that by<br />
adding ‘meaning’ to the urban elements identification of Lynch’s especially in the<br />
view of third space reading, the result shows that elements related to the social<br />
construction within the place is the most crucial elements rather than elements<br />
with strong in legibility.<br />
Keywords<br />
Imageability, Kampung, Place-meaning, Third space.
58<br />
1. Introduction<br />
The theory of Imageability from Kevin<br />
Lynch (1960) is still discussed and<br />
applied because it widened the scope<br />
of urban design and planning practice<br />
by considering qualities of main<br />
urban elements that are paths, nodes,<br />
edges, landmarks and districts. This article<br />
aims to extend Lynch’s theory of<br />
imageability that put emphasis on the<br />
component of ‘identity’ and ‘structure’<br />
of the urban elements as two important<br />
factors in affecting environmental<br />
image, before ‘meaning’. Lynch put less<br />
emphasis on the factor of ‘meaning’ because<br />
it bears an un-fixed and relatively<br />
definitions based on the reader’s categorization<br />
in society and culture.<br />
The ‘meaning’ observation in this<br />
article is through the reading of space<br />
as ‘third space’ creation. Third space is<br />
a symbolic space that represents a crisis<br />
in identity triggered by social discrimination<br />
issues. The case study of<br />
kampungs is affected by the issue of<br />
unjust situation of the social and physical<br />
stratification of the city. The main<br />
argument in highlighting ‘meaning’ is<br />
on the perspective that human’s social<br />
life in a place is the main factor of urban<br />
space quality that develops meaning<br />
of place and urban elements. It is<br />
especially for urban setting that experience<br />
dynamic changing in terms of<br />
space, time and society or is read as<br />
‘third space’, and has low in legibility/<br />
visibility factor.<br />
The article is based on a study in<br />
kampungs (urban village) in Surabaya,<br />
Indonesia, with specific respondents<br />
of young adults aged 20-25 years old.<br />
The study explores the urban elements<br />
that are perceived and conceived by the<br />
respondents through Lynch’s method<br />
and a supplementary approach of socio-anthropological<br />
views (to explore<br />
meaning). The applied techniques are:<br />
mental map making, interviews, and<br />
an archival study.<br />
2. Kevin Lynch’s theory<br />
of imageability<br />
Lynch’s theory of imageability is discussing<br />
the quality of cities according<br />
to the legibility factor of the elements<br />
that are perceived by the observers.<br />
The term ‘visible’, which he calls as<br />
‘legible’, is a visual quality that can be<br />
understood through studying mental<br />
images as a result of people’s memories<br />
and meanings (Lynch 1960). The urban<br />
elements are read or analyzed into<br />
three categories: identity, structure,<br />
and meaning. His study focuses on the<br />
two most communicable dimension<br />
of the conversation of observer and<br />
environment, which are identity and<br />
structure. Identity means a distinction<br />
from other objects; structure means a<br />
relationship to larger pattern of other<br />
elements, and meaning means a practical<br />
and emotional value for the observer.<br />
It requires first the identification of<br />
the elements from others, second the<br />
relationship to others, and the last is its<br />
meaning. The first and second are the<br />
most legible/visible of the physical elements<br />
in cities, while the third is very<br />
relative in cultures.<br />
Lynch highlights the five major elements<br />
in cities that enhance the imageability,<br />
which are paths, edges, districts,<br />
nodes, and landmarks (Lynch 1960).<br />
Paths; it is the most legible element<br />
in the city image. The observer walks<br />
along the linear form, such as streets,<br />
walkways, canals or railroads. Observers<br />
experience the city while moving<br />
through it. The path element creates<br />
a relation arrangement and relation<br />
<br />
create a boundary between two or<br />
more close regions or districts, linear<br />
breaks in continuity. It could be shores,<br />
railroad cuts, and walls. The element is<br />
not as strong as paths, but for observers<br />
it is an important character in or-<br />
<br />
of urban landscapes that have a similar<br />
or common character, which observers<br />
could mentally experience ‘inside of ’.<br />
The observer always identifies from the<br />
inside with exterior reference from the<br />
<br />
an intersections or junctions between<br />
paths where observers can enter the<br />
points, for example an enclosed square.<br />
It is a break of movement transportation.<br />
Landmarks are points of reference<br />
that simply defined a physical<br />
object: signs, buildings, mountains, or<br />
shops. Some elements can be seen at a<br />
distance, but some are very simple objects<br />
that are familiar to the observers.<br />
These elements must be patterned<br />
together as nets of paths, clusters of
1<br />
This book is<br />
translated to<br />
English from its<br />
original French<br />
language entitled<br />
‘La Production de<br />
l’espace’ in 1974,<br />
as part of the book<br />
‘The Survival of<br />
Capitalism’. His<br />
writings until today<br />
has been affected<br />
many authors such<br />
as David Harvey,<br />
Edward Soja,<br />
Homi Bhabha and<br />
Dolores Hayden.<br />
2<br />
Edward Soja is<br />
an urban planner<br />
with point of<br />
view from postmodern<br />
geography.<br />
His concept is<br />
particularly<br />
connecting spatial<br />
theory and<br />
cultural geography,<br />
reflecting in his<br />
three books from<br />
1989, 1996, and<br />
2001 entitled:<br />
‘Postmodern<br />
Geographies’,<br />
‘Third Space’, and<br />
‘Post Metropolis’.<br />
3<br />
Regarding term<br />
‘third space’ or<br />
‘lived space’, there<br />
are difference in<br />
these three views:<br />
Bhabha’s own ‘third<br />
space’ in cultural<br />
marginality,<br />
Soja’s concern<br />
‘lived space’<br />
under the newcultural<br />
politics of<br />
identity locate in<br />
third space; and<br />
Lefebvre’s lived<br />
space require a<br />
contradictory realm<br />
of alienation and<br />
liberation.<br />
landmarks, or mosaics of districts with<br />
sometimes overlapped and interrelated<br />
<br />
material of a city form. In the urban<br />
context, all elements operate together.<br />
Images may differ from time to time,<br />
season-to-season and day-to-day.<br />
Lynch’s theory is based on his re-<br />
-<br />
<br />
area of approximately 1.5 by 2.5 miles<br />
was studied in each case. He chose<br />
Boston because of its vivid form, Jersey<br />
because of its formlessness, and<br />
<br />
grid pattern. Lynch’s methods included<br />
cognitive mapping, in-depth oral interviews,<br />
travel maps, direct observations,<br />
field reconnaissance walks, random<br />
pedestrian interviews, aerial and<br />
ground-level photography and syn-<br />
<br />
diverse methods, Lynch succeeded in<br />
identifying internal consistency from a<br />
relatively small sample of interviewees<br />
-<br />
<br />
Instead of the robust character of his<br />
theory in imageability that is still discussed<br />
until today, Lynch on his later<br />
study and writings reflects his self-critique<br />
to his own theory particularly in<br />
meaning development that is culturally<br />
based. Generally, Lynch’s main focus<br />
of all his study and writings are to argue<br />
the importance of sense of place<br />
in people’s live; and to highlight that<br />
urban design is not just about physical<br />
arrangements to satisfy today’s<br />
needs, but also as a fundamental human<br />
values and rights such as justice,<br />
freedom, control, and creativity (Lynch<br />
1990). He defines ‘meaning’ on his later<br />
books. Summary of Lynch’s works after<br />
the ‘Image of the City’ explains as<br />
follow, especially in defining meaning:<br />
meaning of place is related to time (history)<br />
and the observers’ background<br />
in terms of social class and spatial be-<br />
veloped<br />
by people’s sense of legibility,<br />
experience and place; the development<br />
of meaning of place/urban elements<br />
is affected by factors that is embedded<br />
within them such as accessibility,<br />
diversity, adaptability and comfort<br />
(Lynch 1981); and the last one is that<br />
meaning is related to people’s psychological<br />
feelings to their environment<br />
such as attachment, warmth, relaxation<br />
and interest (Lynch 1990).<br />
3. Third space reading<br />
3.1. The first-second-third spaces<br />
The ‘meaning’ observation in this<br />
article is through the reading of space<br />
as ‘third space’ creation. The third<br />
space concept is adopted from the view<br />
of space as social production that was<br />
firstly introduced by Henri Lefebvre<br />
in his book ‘The Production of Space’ 1<br />
ward<br />
Soja especially in the social production<br />
of space 2 . Parallel with these<br />
concepts, is a ‘Third Space’ concept by<br />
sizes<br />
on the socio-cultural effects of the<br />
crisis in identity triggered by the multiple<br />
elements in society. Lefebvre’s,<br />
Soja’s and Bhabha’s theories are used in<br />
this research especially to explore spaces<br />
with lower in visibility quality than<br />
social quality such as in kampungs.<br />
Lefebvre’s and Soja’s concepts extend<br />
the understanding of space instead of<br />
its physical characteristics, is by con-<br />
<br />
Lefebvre ‘space as fundamentally bound<br />
up with social reality, space does not exist<br />
in itself, it is produced’ (Schmid 2008,<br />
p.28). Soja introduced the ‘Trialectics<br />
of Space’ concept that observes spatiality<br />
through the investigation of three<br />
types of space: the first space (perceived<br />
space), the second space (conceived<br />
space), and the third space (lived space)<br />
(Soja 1996). The relationship of these<br />
three types of spaces is transformed<br />
into place meaning. The meaning is<br />
studied through quality of spaces, people’s<br />
activities, particular histories, and<br />
people’s perceptions/conceptions to<br />
<br />
has a different weight of focus in developing<br />
meaning, but each of these spaces<br />
always connects to time and social<br />
factors in a network of space, power<br />
and knowledge.<br />
Homi Bhabha highlights the idea of<br />
the cultural condition with a sense of<br />
nandez<br />
2010). The interaction of society<br />
in spaces over time creates a new<br />
hybrid-culture or/and a combination<br />
culture of previous ones. Bhabha calls<br />
this condition as a process of ‘third<br />
59<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya –Indonesia
60<br />
space’ creation (in urban spaces) .<br />
‘Third space’ is a term reflecting an intermediate<br />
condition or space, a state<br />
of in-between, neither one nor the<br />
other, neither here nor there (Bhabha<br />
<br />
the difference of spaces in colonial and<br />
post-colonial cities in terms of hybridization<br />
in society and culture. He argues<br />
that because of colonization, there<br />
is an unequal distribution of power between<br />
the colonized and the colonizer,<br />
which is superior to other. This condition<br />
brings a hierarchical system to the<br />
meaning development of the specific<br />
places.<br />
The understanding of the third<br />
space should be in regards the other<br />
two types of spaces. The main point of<br />
differentiation within these three spaces<br />
relates to: space, power, and knowl-<br />
<br />
weight of focus in the relationship of<br />
developing meaning, but each space<br />
always connects to time and social factors<br />
in a network of space, power and<br />
knowledge. It is important that these<br />
spaces are understood together and<br />
not in a rigid categorization, since they<br />
are interconnected, inseparable and in-<br />
<br />
to Soja himself, each space could be<br />
collapsed entirely into other spaces, because<br />
this is the fundamental relationship<br />
between time and social factors,<br />
or historicality and sociality.<br />
Soja regards the first space as perceived<br />
space, and what Lefebvre calls<br />
space practice. It is a human physical<br />
space, or space that could be understood<br />
through a human’s senses of<br />
seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and<br />
touching (Schmid 2008). Perceived<br />
space has various names, such as physical<br />
space, natural space, and space practice.<br />
This type of space is a real space<br />
that relates to everyday life, for example<br />
workplace locations, routes and<br />
spatial sets. In contrast to this physical<br />
space, Soja regards the second space as<br />
conceived space, which is needed to<br />
conceptualize space. Conceived space<br />
is commonly known as mental space,<br />
which Lefebvre names it as representation<br />
of space. This space occurs in relation<br />
to the observers’ perceptions of<br />
their perceived space; hence it is also<br />
called a metaphor of space. It is also<br />
including spaces that are expressed by<br />
people with specific knowledge such as<br />
architects, planners, artists, urbanists,<br />
and geographers (Soja 1996).<br />
The third space is lived space, which<br />
is a type of space that connects perceived<br />
space and/or conceived space.<br />
Lived space is a representational space<br />
as Lefebvre calls it. It is a symbolic space<br />
that can be understood through an exploration<br />
of interactions and networks<br />
resulting from politics, economic system<br />
and ideology, such as conditions of<br />
racism, patriarchy, and capitalism. The<br />
space is structured by an exploitative<br />
and discrimination of class and social<br />
relations, which are usually effected by<br />
issues of racism and unjust situations.<br />
Hence, this type of space creates a potentially<br />
insightful subjectivity, because<br />
it connects between the real space and<br />
imagined space. The view of lived<br />
space often leads to a discussion of crisis<br />
in identity. Specifically, Soja gives a<br />
special attention to lived space as space<br />
in the marginality in the discussion of<br />
the margins and those who are marginalized<br />
(Soja 1996).<br />
ic<br />
journal is to publish good-quality<br />
technical manuscripts. Therefore, authors<br />
are encouraged to follow these<br />
guidelines conscientiously; in particular,<br />
unnecessary formatting of the<br />
manuscript or the files containing the<br />
articles should be avoided. The emphasis<br />
should be placed on the content; its<br />
packaging should not be distracting.<br />
Consequently, the best layout is nearly<br />
invisible because no formal formatting<br />
is used that would disrupt the reader’s<br />
ability to concentrate on the content<br />
presented in the text.<br />
3.2. Third space understanding in<br />
meaning observation<br />
In the ‘Image of the City’, Lynch was<br />
too early to say that legibility is the main<br />
factor in designing ideal cities; therefore<br />
the misconception of this theory<br />
has been grown. Lynch’s idea regarding<br />
the meaning development that is after<br />
the process of elements’ physical identification<br />
and connection to other elements<br />
in a broader scale (identity and<br />
structure) is arguable. The contra argument<br />
comes from cities or urban areas<br />
with low imageability because they are
61<br />
Figure 1. The case study: Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1 to gang 4, and kampung of Kedondong Kidul gang-1.<br />
4<br />
In Lynch’s book<br />
‘The Image of The<br />
City’ 1960, Lynch<br />
mentioned that ”As<br />
an artificial world,<br />
the city should<br />
be so in the best<br />
sense: made by art,<br />
shaped for human<br />
purposes” (p.95)<br />
lack of elements with high quality in<br />
legibility; does it mean that this type of<br />
areas have low meaning for the citizens<br />
as well as the legibility? The main argument<br />
in highlighting ‘meaning’ is on<br />
the perspective that human’s social life<br />
in a place is the main factor of urban<br />
space quality that develops meaning of<br />
place and urban elements. In this case,<br />
Lynch’s explanation about the legibility<br />
factors that leads to the people’s orientation<br />
and emotional security is debatable.<br />
People living in low imageability<br />
or low legibility places has his/her own<br />
ways to navigate themselves in the environments<br />
that is (perhaps) not driven<br />
by the legibility as the main factors<br />
in orientation and emotional security.<br />
Through the third space understanding,<br />
the meaning observation<br />
of urban elements is a process to understand,<br />
analyze and evaluate urban<br />
spaces, which are through not only the<br />
navigational elements, but also people’s<br />
social experiences (activities and particular<br />
histories). People navigational<br />
ability does not represent their true<br />
environmental experiences in urban<br />
areas, which cover physical, cultural,<br />
and historical layer of space (Koseoglu<br />
and Onder 2011). The analysis of<br />
urban spaces should cover all of these<br />
layers. The observation of meaning<br />
through the third space is important<br />
especially for the future planning strategy.<br />
In third space understanding, the<br />
creation of meaningful cities is more<br />
important than that of beautiful cities .<br />
In discussing Indonesian cities,<br />
particularly the part of them that are<br />
kampungs, the consideration of third<br />
space creation is crucial. It is because<br />
the modernization process in the city<br />
has occurred in uneven situation. The<br />
process is concentrating only on areas<br />
with high economic value and accessibility.<br />
On contrast, most kampungs in<br />
Indonesia today are located in left over<br />
areas of the city and face a complicated<br />
social and political problem. Spatial<br />
and economics discrimination are<br />
triggered by urbanization and industrialization<br />
process within cities (Lefebvre<br />
1996); while political changes and<br />
economics segregation of a city creates<br />
marginalization of kampungs (Kusno<br />
2000). The focus of third space understanding<br />
is on the development of cultural<br />
hybridization through a process<br />
of discrimination and exploitation of<br />
class, gender and ethnicity. This is the<br />
process of third space creation in contemporary<br />
cities, especially for Indonesian<br />
cities. The meaning of place could<br />
be understood through the third space<br />
exploration.<br />
4. The case study of Kampungs<br />
The observation of meaning through<br />
the third space understanding is ex-<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya –Indonesia
62<br />
Figure 2. The pedestrian way of the main street (pedestrian, becaks, motorbikes, hawkers, trees etc).<br />
plored in the case study of kampungs<br />
in Surabaya in Keputran. The kampungs<br />
are: Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1<br />
gang=aisle/alley), and kampung<br />
of Kedondong Kidul gang-1. The<br />
main access entering these kampungs<br />
is from Urip Sumohardjo Street, except<br />
for Kedondong Kidul gang 1 kampung.<br />
It is the main street of the city and creating<br />
a spine of the city street structure.<br />
Keputran Pasar Kecil gang 1 is located<br />
directly in juxtaposition with the<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
destrian<br />
of the main street is physically<br />
separated the kampungs’ entrances<br />
with the main street. It also connects<br />
the kampungs with the shops and kampungs<br />
areas opposite them through the<br />
pedestrian-bridge over the main street.<br />
Shops, banks and other commercial<br />
facilities are grown along this pedes-<br />
<br />
working hour), many food/beverages<br />
hawkers occupy the pavement. It is also<br />
functioned as parking areas for motorbikes<br />
and becaks (becak=pedicab) to<br />
ride and park.<br />
The kampungs are placed side by<br />
side with a high rise building of BRI<br />
Tower with modern style and beautiful<br />
garden in the Basuki Rahmat area. The<br />
two are separated by a long permanent<br />
wall belongs to the modern building,<br />
and the spaces inside the wall are used<br />
as parking or service areas. Contrary,<br />
another side of the wall is a living<br />
space for kampungs’ dwellers, which is<br />
characterized by one-storey buildings,<br />
semi-permanent, and organic pattern<br />
of housing layout and street with organic<br />
infrastructure provision. The<br />
area inside the wall is for commercial<br />
use and was planned and designed professionally,<br />
while behind the wall is for<br />
human who live by surviving on a day<br />
to day basis.<br />
5. The Kampungs reading<br />
5.1. The first and second space<br />
In order to understand the conceived<br />
space of the kampungs, the exploration<br />
of the individual mental maps and the<br />
map compilation show that the spatial<br />
and elemental preferences of the young<br />
adults are focused on the path structure,<br />
especially the main alley of his/<br />
her kampung and smaller alleys as its<br />
branches. The way they drew the paths<br />
is also the way he understood the path.<br />
Figure 3. The commercial district and the kampungs.
Figure 4. The mental maps.<br />
They recognize the main street in terms<br />
of transportation and speed; there is no<br />
direct connection with houses/ buildings<br />
that face the street. On the other<br />
hand, the alley has a strong connection<br />
with the houses/warungs, the alley<br />
comes after the houses development,<br />
and therefore the path that is formed<br />
follows the space left after the houses<br />
development. In addition, the social<br />
connection between houses and the<br />
alley is strong, the houses are private<br />
space and the alley is the semi-private<br />
space.<br />
The kampungs’ alleys are memorized<br />
in two conditions: the structure<br />
and the order dimension related<br />
<br />
They imagined the kampungs’ structure<br />
in three degree of importance: the<br />
most important is the alley where his/<br />
her house is located, alleys that connect<br />
their neighbourhood to the main<br />
street, the types of connecting alleys,<br />
and the last is the dead-end alleys. In<br />
the individual maps, they know most<br />
all of the kampung details along his/<br />
her alley: the number of houses, colour<br />
of the benches, members of groups that<br />
hanging out in specific areas, any trees<br />
and greenery. The closer the elements<br />
to his/her kampungs’ alley and alleys<br />
connecting to the main street, clearer<br />
and more detail elements memorized<br />
by them. The focus of their mental map<br />
drawing is not on the location of individual<br />
houses (as commonly done), but<br />
on the alley of his/her kampung as the<br />
main location of social activities.<br />
They did not indicate all public facilities<br />
in those kampungs; only some<br />
that were related to his activity; such<br />
<br />
booths, public toilets, the cyber café,<br />
the warung, and the barbershop. They<br />
are relatively small facilities, but signif-<br />
<br />
areas are also memorized, such as the<br />
<br />
and a vacant land nears the bamboo<br />
trees. Since greenery is lacking in these<br />
kampungs, the availability of big trees<br />
is also noticed as an important element<br />
based on interviews and kampung’s<br />
map identification. There are four big<br />
belimbing trees (belimbing = star fruit)<br />
located inside the front yard of some-<br />
<br />
near the entrance of Keputran Pas-<br />
<br />
landmark. The kampungs’ dwellers<br />
(mostly from Keputran Pasar Kecil<br />
<br />
believe that these graves belong to<br />
<br />
inaccessible for the public (only open<br />
for the kampung leaders), the young<br />
adults respect this grave because of its<br />
historic sacredness.<br />
The young adults have strong preferences<br />
along the main alley especially<br />
spots for social meeting or hanging<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya –Indonesia
Figure 5. The dynamic evolution of the city from 1678 to 2005.<br />
ic<br />
group occupies a specific spot at a<br />
specific time in a day. In the day-time,<br />
groups of children and women occupy<br />
spaces near the open space (the Bull’s<br />
ground), while at night-time men from<br />
the kampung and outside do their so-<br />
<br />
has their specific territory at a particular<br />
time in the alleys and open spaces.<br />
This explicit agreement is understood<br />
and agreed by the kampungs dwellers,<br />
they never occupy any other groups.<br />
The kampung’s territory is seen by<br />
the young adults within the boundary<br />
of BRI Tower, parking area of BRI, the<br />
main street (and the pavement), Kepu-<br />
<br />
also other kampungs. Other kampungs<br />
that are attached to the two kampungs,<br />
namely kampung Kejambon, Panjunan<br />
ements<br />
to bound their territory. These<br />
kampungs border their kampungs, and<br />
they said that these kampungs are unsafe,<br />
ugly and too quiet. The gutter is<br />
an important element of navigation;<br />
despite its poor visibility being covered<br />
by dense houses on both sides. Kepu-<br />
<br />
terms of the working place for most<br />
kampungs’ dwellers and for the feeling<br />
of danger because people from<br />
the market like to get drunk and have<br />
brawls in the kampungs.<br />
In conceptualized their kampungs<br />
through maps, the focus of their map<br />
is not on the location of their houses,<br />
but on the alley of his/her kampung as<br />
the main location of social activities. In<br />
memorizing the alley, it differs based<br />
on the social spots: closer to the spot,<br />
more detail the elements been mem-<br />
<br />
public facilities elements are also related<br />
to the social activity in the alleys,<br />
besides its factor of visibility and vitality.<br />
In terms of sacredness, the elements<br />
of the ancestor’s graves are important;<br />
this is the only element that is absent<br />
from the young adults’ experiences fac-<br />
<br />
the social activity relationship and/<br />
or related to negative social meaning<br />
are elements that bordered the kampungs’<br />
territory, such as the gutter, the<br />
flat, the market, and the tower. These<br />
observations are based on a qualitative<br />
approach; however quantitatively,<br />
the two most mentioned are the cyber<br />
café and the areas around the warung<br />
of pak Tris.<br />
5.2. The third space<br />
In exploring the third space of the<br />
kampungs, this research observes the<br />
historical background of Keputran<br />
Kampungs before and after Independence<br />
in order to understand the current<br />
physical condition and social characters<br />
of the dwellers that are inherited<br />
from the past; and the exploration of<br />
the daily the rhythm of the kampungs’<br />
daily life.<br />
The kampungs of Keputran is older<br />
than the city itself or the same old with<br />
the Soerabaja Kingdom. Based on the<br />
<br />
Keputran had been appeared. Before<br />
the Independence, the kampung often<br />
has conflict with the landlords because<br />
the regulation of tax payment. In approaching<br />
the Independence, the kampung<br />
has significant role especially in<br />
protecting the city (or the nation) from<br />
the British troops. The kampungs’<br />
dwellers are commonly known as their<br />
‘arek’ spirit in defending the city with<br />
traditional weapons of bamboo runcing<br />
(bamboo runcing = sharp bamboo
65<br />
Figure 6. The kampungs’ alleys.<br />
branch). The spirit or personal character<br />
of ‘arek’ is embedded with the Surabayan<br />
young people especially from<br />
kampungs until today.<br />
pungs<br />
in the city are the place for immigrants<br />
from outside the city who<br />
occupy provided permanent houses<br />
or built non-permanent houses (slumming).<br />
Under the Kampung Improvement<br />
Programmes (KIP), the physical<br />
condition of kampungs in Surabaya<br />
was improved especially in providing<br />
concrete slabs for the alleys, public toilets,<br />
water supply and drainage. Instead<br />
of better living condition of kampung,<br />
the kampungs’ dwellers have been offered<br />
compensation from an office<br />
rental management to sell their land<br />
for the project of the extension of the<br />
business district. It was only some of<br />
the dwellers agreed with the compensation,<br />
but mostly not. Therefore, the<br />
negotiation between the management<br />
and the dwellers are continued until<br />
today.<br />
In today daily rhythm, the use of the<br />
kampungs’s space is varied based on<br />
the dimension of time, social activity<br />
and group of people. In the morning,<br />
mothers, children, and workers make<br />
use of the spaces especially the alley for<br />
their way of circulation to school and<br />
work place. In the afternoon, mothers,<br />
the hawkers and the money lenders<br />
are occupying the space in terms of<br />
transaction of things, money, news and<br />
<br />
Figure 7. The use of space in Banteng Ground.<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya –Indonesia
66<br />
the space is for young men and men to<br />
hang out, and sometimes got drunk,<br />
play gamble, and have brawls. The locational<br />
preferences of them are relatively<br />
similar, such as near warungs, gates,<br />
public facilities, or in alleys’ junction/<br />
intersection; the availability of furniture<br />
is also important. Specifically, the<br />
daily activities of the young adults are<br />
focus on their kampungs - work places,<br />
and their social space in the alley –<br />
home in a smaller scale.<br />
The observation of lived space as<br />
above shows that in historical perspective,<br />
the character of ‘arek’ that is<br />
now being represented by the ‘Bonek’<br />
character is embedded with their personal<br />
character of being free. ‘Bonek’ is<br />
a name for the fanatic fans of Surabaya<br />
football club. In current condition,<br />
‘Bonek’ is known through its reluctance<br />
character when there is a football<br />
match. The issue of eviction is giving<br />
them an uncertainty feeling of living in<br />
the kampungs. Instead of the KIP programmes,<br />
the dwellers feel ignorance<br />
from the local government, because<br />
the continuation of slumming process<br />
and the changing use of domestic to<br />
commercial uses. In terms of space usage,<br />
the alley is a meeting point of the<br />
community according to time, social<br />
activity and social group. It offers a<br />
multifunction usage and social structure<br />
that is merged and overlapped between<br />
private and public, and business<br />
and leisure needs.<br />
6. Discussion of the theory extension<br />
Through the exploration of the<br />
first-second space and the third space<br />
as above, it could be summarized that<br />
in understanding urban spaces, meaning<br />
is more important than legibility<br />
of urban elements. Kevin Lynch’s theory<br />
put emphasis on the legibility as<br />
the most important factor in evaluating<br />
and designing high quality urban<br />
spaces. In urban areas such as the kampungs<br />
when the physical and social<br />
conditions are in contrast with the city<br />
around them (identity crisis), the social<br />
life observation is more beneficial than<br />
legibility observation especially for the<br />
purpose of planning/design strategy.<br />
It is because the kampung is naturally<br />
built by the original people of the city<br />
for their life survival, which with less<br />
consideration from the local government<br />
at each stage of development.<br />
The understanding through the<br />
third space observation (include the<br />
first-second space) of the kampungs,<br />
gives a deeper understanding of this<br />
specific urban areas. The understanding<br />
is not only read the physical layer,<br />
but also cultural and historical layers.<br />
The first and second space exploration<br />
is inseparable, since the comparison<br />
of the real space (perceived or<br />
the first space) and conceptual space<br />
(conceived or the second space) is to<br />
study the observers’ physical and cultural<br />
layers of urban areas. The mental<br />
maps and interviews show not only the<br />
observers’ navigational ability in spatial<br />
knowledge, but also the elements’<br />
meanings. The spatial/elements preferences<br />
in their mental maps are developed<br />
through the meaning of each element<br />
related to their social life rather<br />
than only its physical characteristics.<br />
The third space observation explores<br />
the cultural layers through the daily<br />
rhythm observation, and also historical<br />
layers of the kampungs.<br />
The three types of spaces observations<br />
identify the most important urban<br />
elements according to the observers,<br />
which is the spots for their social<br />
activities. The spots are important for<br />
them, which are located along the main<br />
alley and represent their group identity.<br />
These spots are areas to do their favourite<br />
activities triggered by the contrast<br />
modernization. These activities<br />
are expressing their life as a result of<br />
cultural hybridization of modern and<br />
traditional way of life. The activity of<br />
‘cukrik’ party, Bonek gathering, gambling,<br />
gaming, and hanging out at night<br />
belong to them only; represent their<br />
identity of living in the kampungs. The<br />
areas around the warung and the cyber<br />
café have been mentioned in each techniques<br />
of data gathering used in this<br />
research. These two elements represent<br />
the group’ identity of specific young<br />
adults in the kampungs.<br />
In extending Lynch’ theory especially<br />
in terms of adding meaning, a<br />
combination of Lefebvre’s, Soja’s and<br />
Bhabha’s theories are used in order to<br />
highlight the view of space as social<br />
production through the third space<br />
creation. Lefebvre’s and Soja’s theories
are applied because of their approach<br />
in exploring space as social production<br />
in three different types of spaces. The<br />
theory of Trialectics of Spaces from<br />
Soja is applied to observe meaning<br />
in empirical level of this research by<br />
studying the perceived, conceived and<br />
lived spaces. Bhabha’s theory is applied<br />
in terms of his view in third space creation<br />
in cultural hybridization terms.<br />
The Lynch’s theory in evaluating and<br />
studying urban elements through their<br />
quality in legibility should be followed<br />
by an exploration of meaning. The legibility<br />
quality is studied through the<br />
first and second space exploration. The<br />
meaning exploration is studied by the<br />
third space exploration. The application<br />
of this extension is specifically for<br />
urban areas that bear specific social<br />
condition of cultural hybridization.<br />
Acknowledgement<br />
This article is based on an empirical<br />
work carried out in Surabaya in 2012,<br />
as part of doctoral study in School of<br />
field,<br />
UK. The study is sponsored by<br />
-<br />
tion<br />
of Petra Christian University Surabaya-<br />
Indonesia.<br />
References<br />
Bhabha for<br />
Architects <br />
London: Routledge.<br />
<br />
<br />
of Spatial Legibility. Procedia-Social<br />
and Behavioral Sciences, Elsevier, 30,<br />
1191–1195.<br />
Behind the Postcolonial;<br />
architecture, urban space and<br />
political culture in Indonesia. London:<br />
Routledge.<br />
Lefebvre, H. (1996). Writings on Cities.<br />
Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers.<br />
Lynch, K. (1960). The Image Of The<br />
City<br />
What Time Is This<br />
Place?<br />
Lynch, K. (1981). Theory of Good<br />
City Form<br />
Lynch, K. (1990). City Sense and City<br />
Design: writings and projects of Kevin<br />
Lynch<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The Urban Design<br />
Reader 2nd edition ledge.<br />
Schmid, C. (2008). Henri Lefevbre’s<br />
Theory of The Production of Space:<br />
towards a three-dimensional dialectic.<br />
-<br />
Space, Difference,<br />
Everyday Life; Reading Henri<br />
Lefebvre<br />
Thirdspace;<br />
Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined<br />
Places. Oxford: Blackwell<br />
Publisher.<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs,<br />
Surabaya –Indonesia
A relative study of microclimate<br />
responsive design approaches to<br />
buildings in Cypriot settlements<br />
Timothy O. IYENDO 1 , Ebunoluwa Y. AKINGBASO 2 , Halil Z. ALİBABA 3 ,<br />
Mesut B. ÖZDENİZ 4<br />
1<br />
<br />
Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta, North Cyprus, Turkey<br />
2<br />
<br />
<br />
Turkey<br />
3<br />
<br />
<br />
Turkey<br />
4<br />
<br />
European University of Lefke, Lefke, North Cyprus, Turkey<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.51423<br />
Abstract<br />
This study describe the microclimates, its effects on building design, and how<br />
it depends on the specific climate of a place. The aim of this study is to examine<br />
the microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in the Cypriot settlement<br />
through different basic elements of bioclimatic design for human comfort.<br />
The study focuses on selected buildings in Famagusta and Lefkosa district<br />
of North Cyprus, to understand the effect of microclimate design approaches on<br />
the vernacular and contemporary edifices. In line with climate characteristics;<br />
site planning, building form and orientation, vegetation, indoor ventilation, and<br />
building material was considered in this study. The research techniques applied,<br />
includes related frameworks, on-site observation, and interview with building<br />
dwellers. The findings suggested that the vernacular buildings and its environment<br />
are more sustainable when matched to contemporary buildings. Moreover,<br />
the study inference suggests that contemporary buildings should incorporate vernacular<br />
buildings responsive design approaches to maximise human comfort. The<br />
implication of the study serves as a guide for further investigation on designing<br />
microclimate responsive buildings.<br />
Keywords<br />
Microclimate, Bioclimatic design, Vernacular housing, Cypriot settlements,<br />
Human comfort.
1. Introduction<br />
<br />
the local climate is not a new concept as<br />
such. Tracing back from history, beside<br />
food, shelter is one of the essentials of<br />
human life on earth. The first humans<br />
built shelters and lived in caves to protect<br />
themselves from harsh climatic<br />
conditions, such as rain, precipitation,<br />
<br />
From the beginning of time, around the<br />
fourth century BC, the Greeks knew<br />
the importance of incorporating buildings<br />
with climatic conditions. Likewise,<br />
they are knowledgeable about<br />
the sun’s path and the need of placing<br />
windows on the southern orientation<br />
to capture adequate needed heat for<br />
thermal comfort. Much progress was<br />
<br />
when interest in architectural design<br />
with climate was first documented by<br />
one of the great philosopher, Vitruvius.<br />
Vitruvius argued that we must take<br />
note at the outset of the countries and<br />
climate in which buildings are built<br />
<br />
For instance, in the old capital city of<br />
Italy in Rome, builders were aware of<br />
the importance of mitigating tempera-<br />
<br />
walls with stone and their shadows.<br />
These walls were made of stucco bricks<br />
and were typically twelve to twenty<br />
feet wide, which allowed an extended<br />
area to be captured in the shadows of<br />
the walls keeping the city cool during<br />
the midday hours. The stuccoed walls<br />
serve as climate-responsive architecture<br />
or constructed to make use of the<br />
surrounding climate and its natural<br />
effects. In support of this, one study<br />
has shown that in most ancient Roman<br />
cities colonnades were built along<br />
both sides of their major streets to hinder<br />
climatic elements on pedestrians<br />
<br />
example, windows are kept to a minimum<br />
to prevent the sun from entering<br />
<br />
<br />
finishes are used to reflect light to keep<br />
the bright environment.<br />
From this context, it is obvious that<br />
local climate varies significantly within<br />
a small area due to changes in altitude<br />
and rainfall. Building techniques of local<br />
climatic have been developed over<br />
a long history of construction, and<br />
these have advanced to promote passive<br />
climatic conditioning to protect<br />
inhabitants from their harsh environments.<br />
Those ideas and techniques of<br />
city planning, building form, and construction<br />
methods offer great insight<br />
<br />
climate simulates needs for shelter and<br />
influence local culture, including local<br />
building materials. Similarly, studies<br />
have studied demonstrated climatic<br />
issues, which include both vernacular<br />
and modern buildings. This can<br />
be seen in Vitruvius, Koppen Geiger,<br />
<br />
provides useful data about climates<br />
and each of these studies unfolds the<br />
classification of selected climatic zone<br />
<br />
individuals design with a specific local<br />
environmental characteristics in mind.<br />
This creates an avenue to manipulate<br />
the relationship between the climates,<br />
(a)<br />
Figure 1. (a) Archetypal surviving (1st century A.D.) exterior stucco rendering on stone-faced<br />
concrete walls at Ercolano; (b) an exterior stucco rendering in the Middle East (Bronski, 2010).<br />
<br />
(b)
71<br />
the site, and the building, which in<br />
turn generates a local environment or<br />
microclimate around the building. The<br />
“mini climate” that is created around<br />
the building can decrease the apparent<br />
severity of the climate, that is, the work<br />
the building must do to make for a<br />
comfortable interior and exterior environment<br />
around the building. There is<br />
that tendency, if badly handled or designed<br />
can increase the severity of the<br />
local climate of the building (Moore,<br />
<br />
2. Links between the microclimate,<br />
site and buildings<br />
<br />
or macroclimate of a particular geographical<br />
location, the design should<br />
take into account the relationship between<br />
the climate, site, and occupants,<br />
as well as the building itself in order to<br />
have a building base on the local microclimate<br />
of the environment under<br />
consideration. This supports the notion<br />
that human thermal comfort in building<br />
design is achieved by understating<br />
the basic principles of bioclimatic design,<br />
which deals with maintaining of<br />
thermal comfort within the building.<br />
Thus, thermal comfort is achieved<br />
when there is a heat balance between<br />
human beings and the surrounding in<br />
-<br />
signing<br />
a climate responsive building<br />
require proficiency in the aspect of<br />
the climatic analysis of the area under<br />
consideration as whole, thereby providing<br />
design strategies which favour<br />
the use of renewable energy, effective<br />
site analysis, proper choice of building<br />
materials, construction techniques,<br />
building forms, orientations, as well as<br />
effective use of vegetation. However,<br />
these design strategies depend on the<br />
microclimate of an area, that is to say<br />
that bioclimatic architecture happens<br />
to be a concept of architecture which<br />
design helps conserve resources while<br />
facilitating the use of the local climate<br />
around a dwelling to construct a green<br />
home or building that is passively sus-<br />
<br />
2.1. Major factors manipulating<br />
human comfort<br />
-<br />
<br />
factors affecting human comfort as,<br />
temperature, humidity, in the form of<br />
vapour and precipitation, wind and air<br />
sure<br />
to radiant heat sources (solar radi-<br />
<br />
<br />
to mention that the air temperature<br />
and mean radiant temperature of a<br />
homogeneous environment affect the<br />
“dry” heat exchange of the body by<br />
convection and radiation. However,<br />
the rate of this heat exchange depends<br />
on the air velocity and on the clothing.<br />
Under constant conditions of air velocity<br />
and vapour pressure, a rise in the<br />
air temperature is responded to by an<br />
increase of skin temperature and sweat<br />
rate. Moreover, this rate also depends<br />
on the air velocity and humidity levels<br />
<br />
humidity of the air on the other hand,<br />
indirectly affects the thermal comfort<br />
of the body and determines the evaporative<br />
capacity of the air and hence the<br />
cooling efficiency of sweating.<br />
It is generally accepted that the internal<br />
temperature of the human body<br />
should for all time be reserved contained<br />
by the narrow limits at around<br />
37°C, any variation of this value is an<br />
indication of sickness, and an increase<br />
<br />
may lead to serious health problem or<br />
even death. Likewise, air movement is<br />
another factor that affects the thermal<br />
comfort by both the evaporative capacity<br />
of the air and the convective heat<br />
exchange of the body. The effect of air<br />
velocity on the evaporative capacity is<br />
interrelated with the effect of humidity,<br />
as well as the effect of air velocity<br />
and air temperature and the collective<br />
heat exchange are interrelated (Gut &<br />
cated<br />
that when the air temperature is<br />
below skin temperature these two effects<br />
work in the same direction. While<br />
on the other hand, if the air temperature<br />
is above the skin temperature<br />
these two effects operate opposite way<br />
<br />
comfortable environment for occupants<br />
or intended users, significant<br />
aspect needed to be considered which<br />
includes site condition and orientation,<br />
plan configuration, construction<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
72<br />
methods and materials, ventilation and<br />
shading properties, thermal mass, and<br />
landscape of the building surroundings.<br />
Furthermore, when all these elements<br />
combine, indeed, relaxed temperatures<br />
and high indoor air quality<br />
are attained. However, other personal<br />
variables that add to the human comfort<br />
ability includes activity, clothing,<br />
<br />
major factors needed to be considered<br />
when designing a climate responsive<br />
building includes the following:<br />
2.1.1. Building orientation and form<br />
It is important to consider the local<br />
climate during the first stage of building<br />
design. That is, an energy conscious<br />
design, which results in an energy efficient<br />
building, has to be based on the<br />
<br />
that in any building, the shape and the<br />
orientation of the building should be<br />
first defined considering the climate of<br />
the area, the wind, the temperature and<br />
the solar radiation. On the other hand,<br />
<br />
the most important design parameters<br />
affecting indoor thermal comfort and<br />
energy conservation on the building<br />
scale are orientation, building form,<br />
optical and thermo physical properties<br />
of the building envelope. These<br />
factors are of major concern in order<br />
to achieve the reduction and control of<br />
solar radiation as well as provision of<br />
natural ventilation and natural cooling<br />
of the external building surfaces by<br />
<br />
2.1.2. Building envelope and<br />
materials<br />
Building as a whole need to provide<br />
comfort for the occupant keeping the<br />
internal environment thermally balanced<br />
so that the occupants can perform<br />
their duties and the structures<br />
serve its function as a shelter (İpekoğ-<br />
<br />
construct a building that is thermally<br />
balanced, heat gain from outside of the<br />
building should be controlled and heat<br />
loss from the internal environment<br />
should be minimised via the building<br />
envelop. Contemporary methods of<br />
controlling heat loss and heat gain from<br />
a building suggests double skin facade<br />
as an effective means to balance the interior<br />
and exterior part of the building<br />
<br />
reliable material has an impact on the<br />
occupant depending on the climate,<br />
properties of materials such as ease of<br />
cleaning, roughness, emission of heat<br />
absorption of heat as well as its envi-<br />
<br />
2.1.3. Integration of renewable<br />
energies<br />
The global world today faces the<br />
challenge of averting the excess car-<br />
ly.<br />
It could be argued that over half of<br />
emitted energy lead to the accumulation<br />
of greenhouse gasses and ozone<br />
depleting gasses. Indeed, the overuse of<br />
the available resources has reached unacceptable<br />
limits, for example, regions<br />
like Europe has come up with measures<br />
of producing low energy consumption<br />
buildings with the aid of the European<br />
<br />
ed<br />
that renewable energy tends to have<br />
a high initial cost, but yields a prudent<br />
result at a later stage. Interestingly, the<br />
Eco friendly alternative has yielded<br />
subsentail benefit that promotes sustainable<br />
environments (Indraganti,<br />
<br />
2.1.4. Water bodies<br />
Water bodies are useful elements in a<br />
particular building environment which<br />
provides an alternative in designing a<br />
climate responsive building or environmentally<br />
conscious architecture<br />
through an intelligent use of water that<br />
proves to be effective in the enhancement<br />
of occupant comfort (Chmutina,<br />
<br />
<br />
and urban designers should work collectively<br />
toward implementation of this<br />
useful strategy, however, this need initial<br />
design consideration of individual<br />
buildings or units of the building. This<br />
strategy can be feasible when rain or<br />
storm water are collected and used in<br />
different ways in building surroundings,<br />
such as creating fountains, pools<br />
as well as pond, especially in summer<br />
times to enhance thermal comfort bal-
73<br />
2.1.5. Daylight Strategies<br />
Indeed, daylight has a positive and<br />
negative effect on the activities of<br />
buildings and their occupants, despite<br />
this, climate responsive buildings, energy<br />
conscious design, explore the potentials<br />
of natural ventilation, natural<br />
lighting and passive design to provide<br />
a comfortable environment (Susie,<br />
<br />
provision of day lighting strategy in<br />
buildings is to provide adequate illumination<br />
for the interior using the environment<br />
and architectural elements<br />
so that energy consumption can be<br />
reduced and visual comfort enhanced.<br />
It is of significance to note that daylight<br />
strategy is considered at the initial<br />
design stage in order to minimise<br />
the over reliance on electricity through<br />
transparent insulation, roof light, atriums,<br />
light duct and proper shading to<br />
avoid visibility glare from direct sun-<br />
<br />
2.1.6. Site vegetation/landscape<br />
Vegetation or landscape is an important<br />
aspect of design with climate<br />
and environmental conscious design.<br />
For example, vegetation such as trees<br />
can be used to protect the building<br />
from unwanted wind. It also provides a<br />
favourable atmosphere to buildings in<br />
sunny days, especially during summer<br />
as well as outdoor seating with some<br />
design architectural elements of outdoor<br />
spaces. In some places like India,<br />
they use deciduous trees on the south<br />
and eastern sides for shading, the occupied<br />
space during the summer and<br />
allowing solar penetration during the<br />
winter season (Kanagaraj & Mahalin-<br />
<br />
2.1.7. System participation in<br />
building design<br />
There are general system parameters<br />
to be considered when designing<br />
and building an ecological building or<br />
a climate responsive building, these include<br />
influencing parameters, design<br />
interface, and efficient mechanism.<br />
The Influencing parameters take into<br />
consideration factors that will an have<br />
effect on the proposed building and<br />
occupants upon completion, such as<br />
macro parameters, outdoor parameters,<br />
desired indoor parameters and<br />
human comfort parameters. In the<br />
design interface, this deal with factors<br />
that can be incorporated at the design<br />
stage to provide the desired comfort<br />
and function through analysis and effective<br />
use of macro climate, microclimate<br />
of the site, building design as well<br />
as human body and both factors work<br />
together to provide intelligent building.<br />
Similarly, the aspect of the efficient<br />
mechanism devoted to the macro and<br />
microclimate modification by addition<br />
or reduction of climatic factors using<br />
architectural elements and much more.<br />
Integration of passive and mechanical<br />
systems in building to work together<br />
in order to conserve energy as well as<br />
human regulatory and behavioural adaptation,<br />
which have a direct effect on<br />
human behaviour and their activities<br />
within the building (Kanagaraj & Ma-<br />
<br />
3. Microclimatic factors and human<br />
comfort in North Cyprus settlements<br />
From architecturally point of view,<br />
there are three focal considerations<br />
guiding tropical design, which includes<br />
the people and their needs, climate and<br />
its attendant ills and the materials and<br />
the means of building. This implies<br />
that, climate, sun, and humidity act as<br />
the main liabilities, whereas wind is an<br />
asset. In this view, Tzikopoulos, Karat-<br />
<br />
that, to attain comfort in hot and humid<br />
regions, bioclimatic factors must<br />
be taken into account in building construction,<br />
which includes topography,<br />
<br />
and movement of the sun and its impact<br />
during the year (i.e. Solar altitude<br />
<br />
suggests other climatic conditions such<br />
as prevailing wind patterns, incoming<br />
solar radiation, temperature, air moisture;<br />
environmental conditions such<br />
as daylight and shading of the construction<br />
site; mass, volume and size of<br />
building; local architectural standards,<br />
and availability of local building materials.<br />
In addition, the utilisation of vegetative<br />
cover or non-reflective flooring<br />
materials also helps in preventing reflected<br />
radiation and glare, as well as<br />
flattening day and night temperature<br />
swings within the interiors. Moreover,<br />
it has also been suggested that the cre-<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
74<br />
Figure 2. (a) Location of the three basic cities in North Cyprus map (Modified by author); (b) temperature data<br />
for Northern Cyprus (Dinçyürek, Mallick, & Numan, 2003).<br />
ation of the open arcaded hall situated<br />
on the south and proportioned in such<br />
a way to keep away the high summer<br />
sun, while letting in the low winter can<br />
increase comfort in hot humid regions<br />
<br />
In line with the Mediterranean climate,<br />
North Cyprus is the third largest<br />
island situated in the north – eastern<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
2a, North Cyprus climatic features can<br />
be scrutinised from four main regions;<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
northern coast, and Guzelyurt on the<br />
western coast. However, these regions<br />
are characterized in the same climatic<br />
zone called the semi-arid Mediterranean<br />
climatic zone and are in close<br />
proximity to each other. These regions<br />
can be categorised under three distinct<br />
climatic conditions, such as hot–arid,<br />
hot–humid, and composite climates.<br />
This is due to the geographical qualities<br />
such as topographical values and prox-<br />
<br />
Climatically, North Cyprus Island<br />
has an intense Mediterranean climate<br />
that comprises of typical seasons, long<br />
hot dry summer from (June – Septem-<br />
<br />
cloud cover or changeable rainy days<br />
ed<br />
by a short autumn and spring sea-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
2b, the average coldest daytime temperature<br />
in winter (January – Febru-<br />
<br />
the average maximum temperature in<br />
coastal regions is 32 oC. The maximum<br />
<br />
son<br />
extends from November to March,<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
4. North Cyprus climate responsive<br />
design approaches<br />
In hot and cold climate, climate responsive<br />
architecture uses special techniques<br />
and designs to help get the most<br />
benefit out of the natural environment.<br />
This is done by taking advantage of<br />
the surrounding environment and the<br />
average climate conditions of the re-<br />
<br />
known examples of buildings and settlements<br />
that employ such designs. To<br />
overcome variations in climatic conditions,<br />
North Cyprus buildings, implements<br />
several aspects of climate responsive<br />
design. However, the impact<br />
of climate on the architectural designs<br />
in rural areas can be seen more often in<br />
crowded villages.<br />
4.1. Compacted settlements/housing<br />
In the Vernacular Cypriot settlements,<br />
houses in towns and villages<br />
are characterized by optimal protection<br />
against solar radiation by mutual<br />
shading, which leads to compact<br />
settlements, narrow streets and small<br />
squares. The discerning factors of<br />
these buildings lie in the array of the<br />
dwellings, around social centre and<br />
especially in the narrow streets. These<br />
narrow streets that meet at the centre<br />
leave space open for westerly and<br />
more infrequently easterly winds and<br />
are designed in a way to shed shad-
Figure 3. (a) Map portrays a traditional quarter in Famagusta (Oktay, 2002); (b) a narrow<br />
Street in the traditional quarter of Arabahmet, Lefkosa (Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
ows to lessen the impact of acute heat<br />
<br />
demonstrated in Figure 3a & b, the<br />
narrow streets permit breeze flows and<br />
which, also facilitate passive cooling.<br />
Buildings are closely joined (Oktay,<br />
<br />
aly<br />
cluster their houses close together<br />
facing the south in order to minimize<br />
<br />
in North Cyprus settlement, compacted<br />
streets make it walking easier,<br />
due to the shade it casts on the streets<br />
and allows the occupants, particularly<br />
the women to sit in the street (Oktay,<br />
<br />
4.2. The use of vegetation<br />
ban<br />
environment are of functional, in<br />
landscaping and aesthetic as well as<br />
the climatic importance of its radiation<br />
absorbent surface and its evaporative<br />
and shade-giving properties. The<br />
vegetation in and around houses also<br />
has definite effects on air movement.<br />
Landscaping or vegetation around<br />
buildings improves the microclimate<br />
outdoors and indoors. It checks hot<br />
and dusty winds. Planting trees around<br />
building help in leaves transpiration<br />
and reduces temperature around the<br />
surrounding. Shade of plants or trees<br />
lowers daytime temperatures and heat<br />
emission at night, thus resulting in<br />
appropriate balanced temperatures<br />
for the occupant comfort. It balances<br />
the humidity in the building environ-<br />
<br />
much of the free water is absorbed and<br />
during dry periods, water is evaporated<br />
through vegetation. Figure 4 shows<br />
a typical example of how vegetation is<br />
used in Cypriot houses.<br />
4.3. Utilisation of the cooling<br />
effect of water<br />
<br />
region within North Cyprus, for example,<br />
in the Kyrenia area, water bodies<br />
are integrated close to buildings, which<br />
evaporate and therefore reduces the<br />
surrounding temperature, as well as for<br />
thermal balance of the building occupants<br />
in most cases.<br />
4.4. Usage of arcades, bay windows<br />
(cumba) cantilevered roofs<br />
<br />
<br />
pitch roof structures and their overhangs<br />
are all the expression of the cli-<br />
<br />
Figure 4. Describes the use of vegetation in Boyunca Street in Lefkosa (Authors archives,<br />
20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
Figure 5. A typical building in the Kyrenia<br />
area, portraying water boding around the<br />
building for cooling effect (Source: Authors<br />
archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
In Cypriot settlements, arcades, porches,<br />
colonnades, cantilevered roof or<br />
components, and membranes serve<br />
as traditional responses to the climate<br />
in the villages and urban settings;<br />
this gives an inward looking and provides<br />
a transition from indoor to outdoor<br />
light. The most prominent climate-modifying<br />
element in some of<br />
these houses is the arcaded hall, which<br />
is located on the south without exception.<br />
The porch, which is positioned<br />
in the southern part of the dwelling,<br />
is of great worth to Cyprus traditional<br />
dwelling and consists of a semi-open<br />
and arcaded space. It is more conducive<br />
in winter period due to the passage<br />
area, which is located in between<br />
the closed and open areas. It allows<br />
penetration of sunrays in winter and<br />
<br />
summer period, it provides an ideal<br />
space and allows for the cool flow of<br />
<br />
<br />
represented in Figure 7, it also serves as<br />
shading elements for most of the day’s<br />
especial sunny periods, and for heavy<br />
rainfall<br />
Figure 6. Portraying bay windows (Cumba)<br />
in a street- walled city of Lefkosa (Authors<br />
archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
4.5. Using of small enclosed<br />
courtyards in Cypriot houses<br />
Most of the Cypriot houses have<br />
courtyards due to the weather in the<br />
summer period, and are almost similar<br />
in shape, which is either rectangular<br />
or square in nature. The courtyard<br />
is where most of the daily activities<br />
are carried out and is used for various<br />
activities, which includes social gathering<br />
and entertainment (such as play-<br />
<br />
and eating of food, domestic works are<br />
done there during spring and summer<br />
periods, washed cloths are dried in the<br />
<br />
<br />
flowers and trees are grown to provide<br />
a fascinating eye-bird appearance of<br />
nature. In addition, vegetation in the<br />
courtyard act as evaporative agent and<br />
coolants in the courtyard. They also<br />
serve the purpose of air filters; such<br />
as dust in the atmosphere within the<br />
courtyard. Furthermore, the courtyards<br />
also serve as accommodation<br />
for the household pets, and traditional<br />
oven is used for baking bread for<br />
the household or visitor in the court-<br />
<br />
Figure 7. Cases of porch in a single storey Cyprus traditional dwelling (Günçe, Ertürk, &<br />
Ertürk, 2008).
77<br />
Figure 8. (a) A typical old traditional village Cypriot courtyard (Pulhan, 2008); (b) an<br />
archetypal courtyard Cypriot dwelling from the 1960s (Ozay, 2005).<br />
Moreover, the courtyards serve as<br />
wind protected exterior spaces in winter<br />
and cooling effect or cool air pools<br />
that occur in courtyards in summer to<br />
satisfy effective comfort of the occupants.<br />
It minimises the solar radiation<br />
impact on the outside walls and provides<br />
a cool area within the building,<br />
which is surrounded by rooms. Other<br />
requirements such as safety defence,<br />
privacy, and lifestyle are also attained<br />
in the Cypriot rural traditional dwelling<br />
courtyard. However, a centrally<br />
situated courtyard may not be suitable<br />
for houses in North Cyprus, due to the<br />
severe summer heat and sometimes<br />
compromises this intended purpose,<br />
because of inadequate cross ventilation<br />
within the courtyard (Pulhan & Nu-<br />
<br />
Figure 9. A dwelling with an effective<br />
terrace along salamis road in Famagusta<br />
(Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
4.6. Using balconies, terrace and<br />
canopies<br />
<br />
architecture, “courtyard styles” may be<br />
relevant for any type of building, be it<br />
residential, commercial, institutional<br />
or industrial. “Special places that are<br />
outside yet almost inside, open to the<br />
sky, usually in contact with the earth,<br />
but surrounded by rooms” (Blaser,<br />
troduced<br />
over their building windows<br />
to direct the airflow upwards and to<br />
serve as shading elements as well. Balconies<br />
above the ground floor are usually<br />
used as outdoor sitting area during<br />
the summer time when the sun intensity<br />
is much in order to have comfortable<br />
living spaces. The canopies also<br />
provide a sitting environment with a<br />
nourishing vista usually around pools,<br />
<br />
<br />
Cypriot dwellings or houses serve the<br />
purpose of food drying and clothes<br />
drying in some occasions. Construction<br />
provision of the balconies must<br />
ensure discontinuity of their extended,<br />
exposed structure to the air, which is liable<br />
to act as a thermal bridge to the internal<br />
slab. Unfortunately, most houses<br />
in North Cyprus are poorly designed in<br />
terms of balconies. The balcony is always<br />
narrowly constructed, especially<br />
in apartment buildings, and this undermines<br />
the intended purpose.<br />
4.7. The use of shading devices<br />
In Cyprus, shading devices are used<br />
in both residential and public buildings,<br />
but feature prominently in some<br />
public buildings. The need arises because<br />
of radiation experienced in the<br />
form of increased air temperature, radiant<br />
heat and glare mostly in the summer<br />
time, when there is much intense<br />
heating and need to keep the internal<br />
environment cool to control warm air<br />
or direct sunlight effect on the occu-<br />
equate<br />
shading reduces these effects<br />
considerably, and which call for both<br />
vertical and horizontal shading used in<br />
North Cyprus buildings.<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
Figure 10. (a) A mix-use apartment block with combined shading devices - horizontal<br />
shading devices (Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>); (b) apartment block with horizontal shading<br />
devices (Ozay, 2005).<br />
4.8. The use of bright colours<br />
<br />
buildings in Cypriot settlements are<br />
carefully painted with bright colours,<br />
this is due to the climatic condition of<br />
the area, and most of the colours that<br />
are used in their buildings are light or<br />
bright colours. Bright colours are applied<br />
in Cypriot building facades to<br />
reduce reflection of sun into buildings,<br />
since the reflection of sunlight increas-<br />
plication<br />
of bright colours in Cypriot<br />
building immensely facilitates in the<br />
reduction of heat penetration to the indoor<br />
environment, thereby providing a<br />
conducive surroundings for occupants,<br />
as well as reducing the defects of sunlight<br />
on the exterior walls.<br />
4.9. The use of building materials<br />
In line with climatic characteristics,<br />
building material was carefully selected<br />
in the rural areas of Cypriot settlements.<br />
For example, in the Traditional<br />
building material like ‘adobe’ is commonly<br />
used in the village settings, as<br />
it is locally available materials, which<br />
provides Its energy efficiency and can<br />
<br />
stone infill structures were mostly<br />
used instead of wood. Marble is used<br />
as flooring covering materials with<br />
respect to the climatic conditions. In<br />
some cases, yellow limestone and adobe<br />
are also used. However, in the rural<br />
area building materials and techniques<br />
are chosen based on topography and<br />
resources of the local environment. For<br />
example, in Mesaorian regions, adobe<br />
is the most substantial building materials<br />
in use. Stone is commonly used in<br />
the mountainous region, with respect<br />
to climatic and topographic conditions.<br />
Consequently, to attain climatic<br />
comfort for dwellers using the natural<br />
<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
The study indicates that designing<br />
with climate in North Cyprus is of two<br />
fold, the vernacular and contemporary<br />
buildings. The vernacular buildings<br />
and its environment are more sustainable<br />
compare to the modern ones. The<br />
organisation in the city and villages<br />
differs from each other, this account<br />
for more appropriate in the climate accommodation.<br />
Climatic condition and<br />
social aspect differences have driven<br />
specific acclimatization of the people<br />
through the buildings. In Famagusta<br />
Figure 11. Portraying the use of bright<br />
colour in Cypriot vernacular dwellings<br />
(Authors archives, 20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
Figure 12. A building depicting availability<br />
of local building material (stone and adobe),<br />
in Arabahmet, Lefkosa (Authors archives,<br />
20<strong>13</strong>).
Table 1. Classification of the vernacular and contemporary settlements in terms of sustainable and non-sustainable.<br />
Sustainable Unsustainable Sustainable Unsustainable<br />
1 Figure ground 2 Use of water bodies<br />
The narrowness of the streets<br />
While on the other hand,<br />
and arrangement of buildings<br />
scattered buildings create<br />
simply defines the surrounding<br />
irrelevant space and disqualifies<br />
space for alternate uses and users.<br />
the orientation and use of spaces<br />
Compacted streets and buildings<br />
created within.<br />
makes walking easier.<br />
<br />
water bodies (such as pond, wtaer<br />
<br />
wetland, stream e.t.c as a cooling<br />
device makes living comfortable<br />
for both human and animal species<br />
within immediate environment.<br />
On the other hand, absence<br />
of any water body and at<br />
the same time, absence of<br />
vegetation around buildings<br />
may insure more ventilation<br />
cost on the inhabitation.<br />
3 Street layout 4 Use of windows<br />
Narrowed street pattern was<br />
a delibrate climate adaptive<br />
mechanism that enables<br />
shadow casting which cools the<br />
frontages for sitting and walking<br />
comfortability<br />
Some newly developed parcel<br />
area divisioning does nt give<br />
cognisance to this potential and<br />
therefore creates some wider<br />
streets along parcel blocks.<br />
Large or small size of window frame<br />
also has respective roles in creation<br />
of comfort in a house. Likewise,<br />
the wooden or aluminium frame<br />
materials utilized determines the<br />
degree of heat absorption or air<br />
penetration into the building.<br />
Recent designed buildings<br />
are with larger window sizes<br />
in smaller numbers, which<br />
makes the assumed volume<br />
of air not to be properly cross<br />
ventilated.<br />
Use of Vegetation Roof utilisation<br />
To provide favourable<br />
atmosphere in sunny days,<br />
certain species or combination<br />
of many plant are used<br />
to support outdoor sitting<br />
elements. While same tree is<br />
use as wind blockage in the cold<br />
winter wind.<br />
<br />
environment increases the<br />
tendency of adverse discomfort,<br />
increase spread of diseases,<br />
high cost of housing renovation<br />
resulting from harshness of the<br />
heating and cooling of building<br />
walls.<br />
<br />
comfort in a house is through the<br />
adoption of cantilevered roofs and<br />
porches to help maximize the air and<br />
solar energy in either season which is<br />
used in the vernacular settings.<br />
While inexistence of alternate<br />
energy control methods<br />
would result in the adoption<br />
of mechanism that are more<br />
cost consuming.<br />
7 Use of Courtyard 8 Building material<br />
Beyond a space, the courtyard<br />
was for building and streets<br />
linkages, social, domestic and<br />
ventilation derivation<br />
Contemporary building designs<br />
assumes the role of courtyard<br />
as waste and irrelevant thereby<br />
deprived of such connections.<br />
<br />
timber and yellow stone materials<br />
were practically meant to moderate<br />
climatic temperatures.<br />
Metal, concrete, cement<br />
is most unique to the<br />
unsustainable contemporary<br />
houses.<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
and Lefkosa regions, several aspects<br />
of design with climate and sustainable<br />
architecture can be found easily, especially<br />
in term of acclimatization to the<br />
nature. However, this is a great im-<br />
<br />
some buildings, the concept of climate<br />
design and sustainability are totally<br />
neglected, especially in the apartment<br />
buildings within these regions. The<br />
newer developments, just similar to<br />
other cities in the world are neglecting<br />
the natural-local aspect, culture, and<br />
tradition of the users. The older material<br />
such as stone and earth has higher<br />
thermal lag than new constructed contemporary<br />
buildings. Wooden opening<br />
materials were effectively used-no glass<br />
house effect in the older houses. In addition,<br />
the new housing developments<br />
undermine the used of balconies,<br />
which is one of the ways to respond to<br />
the climatic condition for human comfort.<br />
When a building is designed with<br />
energy maximisation in mind, comfortable<br />
environment is achieved at a<br />
lesser cost. Resources used efficiently<br />
to judiciously manage waste and recycle<br />
as much as possible makes a living<br />
more sustainable. In the vernacular<br />
buildings, many of these features are<br />
considered greatly, while construction<br />
process is carried out, whereas, many<br />
of the contemporary buildings neglect<br />
the simple and basic facts that one can<br />
benefit from nature. Building in the<br />
newly developed quarters of Famagusta<br />
is seen to lack many of these basic<br />
natural mechanisms for a more conducive<br />
habitation, which does not only<br />
have an effect on man but also on the<br />
biological species available to the ecosystem.<br />
Just as a bird would inhabit on<br />
the trees that provides shade for man<br />
during a hot weather, the chances for<br />
such species of plant is likewise narrowed.<br />
Responding to climate through<br />
many of the above listed techniques<br />
creates a symbiotic relationship between<br />
man and nature through building<br />
design and construction. In this<br />
view, this study suggests incorporating<br />
the vernacular buildings responsive<br />
design approaches and its physical,<br />
environmental characteristic into the<br />
contemporary edifices for adequate habitants’<br />
comfort.<br />
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A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’:<br />
Analysing variations in vernacular<br />
architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology<br />
Warebi Gabriel BRISIBE<br />
<br />
Faculty of Environmental Sciences, Rivers State University of Science and<br />
Technology, Port-Harcourt, Nigeria<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.22931<br />
Abstract<br />
With the architecture of prehistoric sites and ancient civilizations constantly requiring<br />
new methodologies and forms of analysis, a new field of research the Archaeology<br />
of Architecture or ‘Archaeotecture’ has been designed to merge theory<br />
and method for that purpose. It combines aspects of ethnography, anthropology,<br />
archaeology and architecture to understand the material context of human social<br />
relations, culture and production as seen via architecture through time. Similarities<br />
have been drawn between prehistoric architecture and contemporary vernacular<br />
architecture of hunter-gatherer societies. This paper takes advantage of these<br />
similarities by employing methods used in ‘archaeotecture’ to ascertain cross-spatial<br />
and cross-temporal variations in the vernacular architecture of Ijo migrant<br />
fishermen in Nigeria. The Principal Co-ordinate Analysis which is a quantitative<br />
technique adopted from archaeology was applied in the analysis of architectural<br />
data to ascertain variations in vernacular built forms. The results indicated the<br />
existence of variations as well as the cultural transmission mechanisms that may<br />
have influenced these variations. The paper concludes by discussing and recommending<br />
the use of interdisciplinary cross-pollination of methods in examining<br />
variations in both vernacular and contemporary architectural studies.<br />
Keywords<br />
Variations, Archaeotecture, Vernacular architecture, Archaeology, Cultural<br />
transmission.
1. Introduction<br />
Variation involves a level of change,<br />
shift or deviation from a pre-established<br />
norm or standard. It comes<br />
about where alterations, additions or<br />
subtractions have been made to an<br />
existing model or standard over time.<br />
Variations in architecture may entail<br />
making slight and sometimes unnoticeable<br />
changes to building designs<br />
or materials used, or could involve a<br />
complete change of architecture with<br />
little or no notable semblance to the<br />
previous dwelling type (Steadman,<br />
<br />
<br />
This paper examines architectural<br />
variations across space and over time<br />
in the dwelling types of Ijo migrant<br />
fishermen in Nigeria. Ijo fishermen<br />
are aquatic hunter-gatherers who are<br />
known to migrate seasonally mainly<br />
following fish movement. Over time,<br />
daughter colonies of Ijo migrant fishing<br />
settlements have been formed in<br />
other countries along the West African<br />
coastline other than their ancestral<br />
<br />
result of transnational migration.<br />
The study from which this paper is<br />
derived examined variations in the base<br />
camp designs of Ijo migrant fishermen<br />
si<br />
Peninsula, Cameroon. Statistical<br />
data and analyses from that study has<br />
been obtained and used in this paper<br />
<br />
categorized as aquatic hunter-gatherers<br />
based on their nomadic lifestyle<br />
and reliance on aquatic resources<br />
<br />
in the material analogues, structure<br />
and activities of prehistoric and hunter-gatherer<br />
societies as discussed in the<br />
middle-range theory, some scholars<br />
propose that human societies could be<br />
studied in the present to discern material<br />
analogues with which to understand<br />
societies in the past and vice ver-<br />
<br />
<br />
the importance of “Ethnoarchaeology”<br />
in the study of artefacts and culture of<br />
current societies to make comparisons<br />
or parallels with past ones. Jarzombek<br />
<br />
the architecture of first societies looks<br />
at how indigenous societies build today<br />
in order to help inform the past.<br />
This paper also considers that “Archeotecture”<br />
as stated earlier, combines<br />
aspects of ethnography, anthropology,<br />
archaeology and architecture to understand<br />
the material context of human<br />
social relations, culture, production<br />
and spatial organisation through architecture,<br />
over time. Over the years<br />
quantitative techniques have been<br />
developed in archaeology to analyse<br />
cross-cultural and cross-temporal<br />
variations in material culture between<br />
prehistoric sites. As such, borrowing a<br />
methodology from archaeology to ascertain<br />
architectural variations in the<br />
vernacular built form of migrant fishermen<br />
is worth exploring.<br />
2. “Archaeotecture” -The archaeology<br />
of architecture<br />
<br />
rise of heritage as a national resource<br />
and means of establishing social and<br />
cultural inclusion, archaeologists<br />
whose primary analytical context is<br />
architectural, find themselves actively<br />
producing the object of such claims for<br />
heritage through their constitution of<br />
archaeological records and in particular<br />
the architectural objects of that record:<br />
buildings have had to move from<br />
being just dwellings to functional and<br />
<br />
As such, with the study of architecture<br />
being seen as an integral part of<br />
the field of archaeology, particularly<br />
settlement archaeology, Ayan Vila et al<br />
<br />
and multi-dimensional approach that<br />
views architecture as an active, living<br />
entity. They termed this study of architecture<br />
in archaeology as “archaeotecture”.<br />
Archaeology is traditionally concerned<br />
with the remains of all forms<br />
of material culture but archaeotecture<br />
focuses on the ‘monumental’ and ‘material’<br />
remains of built forms. It seeks to<br />
decipher what prehistoric built forms<br />
and settlements looked like using monumental<br />
and material remains.<br />
Investigating domestic architecture<br />
from an ‘archaeotectural’ perspective<br />
involves an integration of methods and<br />
theories from several disciplines. In<br />
fields such as art history and history,<br />
the study of artefacts focuses on identification<br />
and systemization of features
and their variations which is change<br />
<br />
that studying a house as with any other<br />
artefact requires description and classification<br />
so as to understand typology,<br />
patterns and sequence. Steadman<br />
<br />
archaeology is in itself inspiring new<br />
methodologies with which to study<br />
built forms.<br />
3. Reviewing methodologies in<br />
assessing architectural variations<br />
in archaeology<br />
The concept of variation suggests<br />
that a model had existed before a<br />
change was made. This has led to studies<br />
on how standardization can be<br />
assessed and differentiated from variations<br />
in most material cultures includ-<br />
tified<br />
continuity and standardization<br />
of dwellings as one of six approaches<br />
to the study of prehistoric built space.<br />
He emphasized that architectural continuity<br />
and standardization was used<br />
to identify aspects of socio-economic<br />
change over time, and standardization<br />
could be measured by studying repetitive<br />
design patterns within sites (Cut-<br />
<br />
Other researchers who looked at<br />
variations in vernacular architecture<br />
over time and the methods they used<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
in surface architecture. He used So-<br />
<br />
assumes that artefact similarities are<br />
mainly a product of cultural transmission<br />
of information within a popula-<br />
tion<br />
technique that is, the presence or<br />
absence of a combination of variables<br />
which generate classes of the building<br />
type. The spatial distribution of the<br />
building types should then represent<br />
the spatial structure of transmission<br />
according to shared ideas of building<br />
type design among groups.<br />
<br />
<br />
in studying variability or variations<br />
in Thule Inuit architecture. Romanou<br />
<br />
of studying spatial distribution patterns.<br />
She compared spaces in terms of<br />
their integration values and architectural<br />
attributes to ascertain the functions<br />
they were used for. These functions<br />
were then compared between and<br />
within dwellings of different phases<br />
to observe similarities or differences<br />
which are indicative of change or variation<br />
over time.<br />
tive<br />
approach by examining architectural<br />
continuity or change over time<br />
using the layering technique. This<br />
method involved placing plans for one<br />
horizon or phase over those of another<br />
phase and recording similarities based<br />
<br />
of the walls in the preceding house<br />
aligned with those of the succeeding<br />
house, then the succeeding house was<br />
<br />
If on the other hand there was less than<br />
ing<br />
house, the house was termed un-<br />
<br />
also employed this method to ascertain<br />
social and household organisation on<br />
the basis of change in internal building<br />
configuration in the prehistoric<br />
<br />
Continuity was also observed over<br />
<br />
northern Iraq, by layering or super-im-<br />
<br />
<br />
of four different Neolithic phases in the<br />
<br />
Showing how people divided the space<br />
around and between them following<br />
rules that changed to cope with evolving<br />
social and livelihood conditions<br />
<br />
4. What constitutes vernacular<br />
architecture?<br />
Although the use of the term ‘vernacular’<br />
has been popularly subscribed<br />
to by most scholars, there is no commonly<br />
accepted definition. Oliver<br />
<br />
many meanings as the cultures and<br />
<br />
is of the opinion that “the definition<br />
of vernacular is infinitely variable”<br />
<br />
<br />
vernacular architecture as architecture<br />
that,<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology
Comprises the dwellings and all<br />
other buildings of the people, related<br />
to their environmental contexts and<br />
available resources, they are customary<br />
or community built, utilizing traditional<br />
technology. All forms of vernacular<br />
architecture are built to meet specific<br />
needs, accommodating the values,<br />
economies and ways of living of the<br />
<br />
In a study on vernacular architecture<br />
compiled two decades ago, vernacular<br />
architecture was viewed as a product,<br />
a process and as knowledge. As a<br />
product he examines the information<br />
<br />
as a process it focuses on the relation<br />
of complex man-environment interac-<br />
<br />
natural and built environment (Turan,<br />
<br />
scholars began focusing more on categorisation<br />
than on a single definition.<br />
Aysan, focused primarily on three<br />
<br />
process by which definitions of the<br />
<br />
process by which methodologies for<br />
<br />
and thirdly, the criteria by which buildings<br />
were considered to be vernacular<br />
<br />
<br />
that actually looked at the definition<br />
of vernacular design in detail. His definition<br />
is not based on a single charac-<br />
terization<br />
that fits between extremes<br />
of a continuum but tending towards<br />
an ideal type. Within this continuum<br />
is a wide range of attributes of which,<br />
a dwelling type may possess some but<br />
not necessarily all of these attributes.<br />
He sub-divides these attributes into<br />
process and product characteristics.<br />
Product in this case describes the nature<br />
and qualities of the environment,<br />
while process looks at how the environment<br />
is formed and the various factors<br />
that combine to bring it to be.<br />
Seventeen attributes make up the<br />
process characteristics, while twenty<br />
attributes make up the product characteristics.<br />
The product characteristics<br />
include the relationship between<br />
culture, environment, climate, natural<br />
resources within the geographical location<br />
and the eventual architectural<br />
product. It highlights the role all these<br />
aspects play in the realisation of the<br />
product. The process is obtaining and<br />
harnessing the intuitive know-how required<br />
in blending these different facets<br />
into achieving a built form. Within<br />
these process/product characteristics<br />
is the aspect of variations of the built<br />
model, the existence of which adds to<br />
the characterisation of vernacular architecture.<br />
<br />
<br />
characteristics have been italicised and<br />
highlighted as these focus on variation.<br />
nacular<br />
designs often emanate from<br />
single models that undergo changes,<br />
which result in variations over time.<br />
This is the product but the process<br />
<br />
one of the characteristics of a vernacular<br />
dwelling is the degree or extent of<br />
change from the original model when<br />
variation occurs, as well as the rate or<br />
speed with which this change occurs.<br />
However rate or degree of change is<br />
not considered in isolation but often<br />
linked to factors that influence them.<br />
This study is therefore not just about<br />
vernacular dwellings of a particular<br />
culture but about the aspects of being<br />
vernacular. In one way it tests a certain<br />
aspect of the vernacularism of a dwelling<br />
type – variation or the tendency of<br />
dwellings to either evolve or change.<br />
<br />
attributes providing a range or continuum<br />
within which the vernacular exists<br />
in its barest form to its most ideal<br />
form, what ultimately distinguishes<br />
vernacular designs from other forms<br />
of architectural designs is the relationship<br />
to culture. Rapoport emphasizes<br />
this when discussing the importance<br />
of culture for house form (Rapoport,<br />
<br />
and in the later volume he offers an<br />
explanation of the concept of culture.<br />
However, I believe a deconstruction of<br />
this concept will be more justified from<br />
an anthropological and sociological<br />
perspective, as studies in culture and<br />
cultural theory have been pioneered<br />
and spearheaded by scholars from<br />
these two disciplines.
Table 1. Polythetic classification of vernacular design attributes (Adapted from Rapoport<br />
1990).<br />
S/No PROCESS CHARACTERISTICS PRODUCT CHARACTERISTICS<br />
Identity of designers <br />
<br />
Specific model, plan forms, morphology,<br />
shapes, transitions<br />
<br />
Nature of relationship among Elements and<br />
the nature of underlying rules<br />
Reliance on a model with Variations Presence of specific formal qualities<br />
<br />
Presence of a single model or many<br />
models<br />
Use of specific materials, textures, colours, etc<br />
Extent of sharing of model<br />
Nature of relation to landscape, Site,<br />
geomorphology, etc<br />
<br />
Nature of schemata underlying the<br />
model<br />
Effectiveness of response to climate<br />
<br />
Consistency of use of a single<br />
<br />
Efficiency in use of resources<br />
Of the house-settlement system<br />
<br />
Types of relationships among models In Complexity at largest scale due to place<br />
different types of environments<br />
specificity<br />
Specifics of choice model of design<br />
Complexity at other scales due to use of a<br />
Single model with variations<br />
<br />
Congruence of choice model and its<br />
Choice criteria with shared ideals of<br />
users<br />
Clarity, legibility and comprehensibility of the<br />
environment due to the order expressed by<br />
the model used<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the relation between environment and<br />
Culture/lifestyle<br />
Use of implicit/unwritten vs. Explicit/<br />
Legalistic design criteria<br />
<br />
Consciousness of the design process<br />
Degree of constancy/invariance vs.<br />
change/originality (and speed of change<br />
over time) of the basic method<br />
Form of temporal change<br />
Extent of sharing of knowledge about<br />
design and construction<br />
Open-endedness allowing additive,<br />
subtractive and other changes<br />
Presence of ‘stable equilibrium’ (vs. the<br />
<br />
Complexity due to variations over time<br />
(changes to model not of model)<br />
Open-endedness regarding activities<br />
<br />
environment (large range of non-visual<br />
<br />
<br />
Effectiveness of environment as a setting for<br />
Lifestyle and activity systems and other<br />
aspects of culture<br />
Ability of settings to communicate<br />
Effectively to users<br />
Relative importance of fixed-feature element<br />
Vs. semi-fixed feature element<br />
4.1. Ascertaining variations in<br />
vernacular architecture<br />
With the preceding argument made<br />
by Rapoport, we can say that change<br />
in itself is one of the characteristics of<br />
being vernacular or vernacular archi-<br />
<br />
that change is one of the main issues<br />
dominating the vernacular architecture<br />
discourse, with questions regarding<br />
the staticity, evolutionary changing<br />
patterns or purposeful dynamism<br />
of vernacular built forms resurfacing<br />
<br />
suggests that in approaching housing<br />
studies in general, lessons can be<br />
learned from the vernacular in the recording<br />
and documentation of building<br />
traditions and typological changes<br />
with time and in assessing changing<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology
needs of its occupants through time.<br />
As such, they suggest that in order to<br />
understand variations resulting from<br />
change in architecture over time lessons<br />
ought to be borrowed from the<br />
vernacular.<br />
However, this paper goes a step<br />
further to suggest that in the study of<br />
change and variation in dwellings, vernacular<br />
architecture has derived and<br />
can derive more lessons from ‘archeotecture’<br />
and so can housing studies.<br />
For variation or change over time to be<br />
fully understood, especially as it relates<br />
<br />
that architecture ought to be studied<br />
gested<br />
that vernacular architecture be<br />
studied as a product and an artefact.<br />
This is because most of the techniques<br />
for assessing standardization and variations<br />
have been developed mainly in<br />
the field of archaeology for studying<br />
variations in artefacts of material culture.<br />
However, these techniques have<br />
been applied not only to artefacts, but<br />
to architecture as well (Jordan and<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
4.2. Variations and the theories of<br />
cultural transmission<br />
Three main avenues by which<br />
change or variations can be introduced<br />
into architecture over time will<br />
be discussed when examining various<br />
theories on cultural transmission. The<br />
concept was originally referred to as<br />
diffusionism and was popular among<br />
<br />
now commonly referred to as cultural<br />
transmission with several theories developed<br />
around this concept. The main<br />
difference being that while diffusionists<br />
focused only on change, transmissionists<br />
expanded their research into rates<br />
of change, rates of error, conditions<br />
that affect the varying rates of change<br />
and different transmission mecha-<br />
<br />
Expressions of culture such as craft,<br />
music, folklore, language and art<br />
are traditions that are handed-down<br />
through generations. In some cultures,<br />
patterns of production are careful-<br />
<br />
but even in such cultures, where there<br />
are standardized forms of production<br />
processes, cultural evolution brings<br />
about certain changes in the transmission<br />
process or product through<br />
ined<br />
how variations in material culture<br />
evolve over generations through<br />
cultural transmission. Although time<br />
has been accredited as the main vehicle<br />
of change, time in itself does not<br />
necessarily effect change on material<br />
culture. Other factors often acting in<br />
conjunction with time have been identified<br />
as the main agents of change. The<br />
authors suggest that there are two main<br />
mechanisms by which variation is produced<br />
in material culture: variations<br />
generated unintentionally as a result<br />
of copying errors or borrowing other<br />
<br />
and variations produced intentionally<br />
by cognitive mechanisms. Either way,<br />
such inaccuracies or deliberate changes<br />
could occur during production and<br />
an accumulation of these could result<br />
in significant variations.<br />
Cognitive mechanisms are deliberate<br />
or intentional modifications made<br />
to an original pattern that brings about<br />
variations. They can also be innovations<br />
necessitated by production of<br />
material culture in a different context<br />
or through changing “worldviews” of<br />
<br />
<br />
come about as a response to new challenges<br />
posed by a different climate or<br />
location. Several studies carried out<br />
in this area have all attempted to answer<br />
questions relating to variation or<br />
change. Such as, how much change can<br />
be attributed to copying errors when<br />
reproducing material culture? (Eerkens<br />
<br />
be attributed to cognitive mechanisms<br />
effected by the expansion or splitting<br />
of a society into daughter populations,<br />
with each introducing modifications<br />
into what was originally the cultural<br />
norms? This is also known as phylogenesis<br />
or ‘branching’ (Collard and<br />
<br />
ly,<br />
how much change can be attributed<br />
to lateral borrowing of other cultural<br />
traits from adjacent groups through<br />
inter-community contacts? This concept<br />
is referred to as ethnogenesis or
field of archaeology, cultural anthropology,<br />
linguistics and evolutionary biology<br />
have examined these issues using<br />
mainly quantitative methods adopted<br />
from evolutionary biological studies.<br />
Although the forces or mechanisms<br />
that bring about variations have been<br />
identified, the question of which areas<br />
or at what point in the cultural transmission<br />
process, these forces tend to<br />
act still remains. This information is vital<br />
to this study as it helps to ascertain<br />
the points where variations are most<br />
likely to occur during the transmission<br />
of cultural information.<br />
In relation to migration, this paper<br />
examines how much change can be<br />
attributed to cognitive mechanisms<br />
brought about by the expansion or<br />
splitting of a society into daughter populations<br />
during migration. Also, how<br />
much change can be attributed to lateral<br />
borrowing of other cultural traits<br />
from other groups encountered during<br />
migration? The former is known as<br />
phylogenesis or ‘branching’ (Collard<br />
<br />
<br />
while the latter is referred to as eth-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
This paper shows how quantitative<br />
methods borrowed from archaeology<br />
are employed to test the influence of<br />
immanent forces such as ‘phylogenesis<br />
or branching’ and/or externalistic forces<br />
such as ‘ethnogenesis or blending’<br />
in architectural variation. The aim is<br />
to ascertain the effect of migration on<br />
the migrant fisher base camp dwellings<br />
<br />
<br />
4.3. Identifying causes of architectural<br />
variations quantitatively<br />
The study was initiated, based on<br />
the supposition that issues relating<br />
to migration, could result in changes<br />
that constitute significant variations<br />
between the dwelling models. These<br />
changes may either be developed from<br />
within the society itself or brought<br />
about by external influence from other<br />
neighbouring groups. In this research<br />
four of the neighbouring fishing<br />
<br />
Ilajes and Urhobos were selected for<br />
comparative study. Also, these groups<br />
practice migrant fishing and build base<br />
camp dwellings. Only architectural<br />
data involving external features of the<br />
base camp dwellings which were collected<br />
have been used. These external<br />
features or traits are required to produce<br />
the dichotomous or binary data<br />
used in the analysis.<br />
In addition to the architectural data<br />
obtained from the neighbouring ethnic<br />
groups, corresponding data from the<br />
<br />
state was also included. Firstly, to serve<br />
as a basis for comparison between the<br />
<br />
<br />
control to indicate if any of the other<br />
ethnic groups have any form of relatedness<br />
to the parent Ijo ethnic group<br />
<br />
sibilities<br />
between them. A list of all exterior<br />
features of base camp dwellings<br />
<br />
dichotomous data below.<br />
4.4. Dichotomous/binary data<br />
The main architectural traits in the<br />
<br />
<br />
as well. These sub-traits are known<br />
as multistate variables and have been<br />
<br />
records that a trait is present amongst<br />
<br />
records traits that are absent. The use<br />
<br />
this form of data is being referred to as<br />
<br />
corded<br />
include: construction elements,<br />
house components or other associated<br />
features.<br />
4.5. Measuring similarity:<br />
Coefficients and dichotomous data<br />
To represent the data in dichoto-<br />
ternal<br />
architectural features or traits<br />
were first identified. These traits are<br />
a compilation of the external features<br />
si<br />
peninsula common to all the five<br />
groups being compared, including the<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology
Table 2. Presence/Absence (dichotomous) data showing external architectural traits of each ethnic group (adapted<br />
from Brisibe 2011).<br />
Trait External Features Migrant Ethic Neighbours in Bakassi<br />
Trait<br />
No.<br />
<br />
Trait description<br />
Ibibio Andoni Ilaje Urhobo<br />
1 Main entry and other openings<br />
I<br />
<br />
of house<br />
<br />
Ii Use of doors <br />
Iii Use of smoke exits <br />
2 Shape<br />
Rectangular <br />
3 Roof<br />
I <br />
Ii <br />
4 Roof overhang<br />
I Extended <br />
Ii Reduced <br />
5 Roof Materials<br />
I<br />
Woven raffia palm<br />
<br />
<br />
Ii Zinc sheets <br />
6 Wall CladdingMaterial<br />
I Planks: Horizontal <br />
Ii <br />
Iii Thatch: Vertical <br />
Iv<br />
Whole palm fronds:<br />
Horizontal<br />
<br />
V<br />
Palm frond stems:<br />
Vertical<br />
<br />
7 Bathing facility<br />
I Separate unit <br />
Ii<br />
Unit connected to main<br />
building<br />
<br />
Iii No bathing facility <br />
8 Verandah<br />
I Large and spacious <br />
Ii Small <br />
Iii No verandah space <br />
9 Hearth space<br />
I<br />
Connected to main<br />
building<br />
<br />
Ii<br />
Separated from main<br />
building<br />
<br />
10 Communal building<br />
I Religious purposes <br />
Ii Social purposes <br />
11 Roof material for religious hall<br />
I Zinc sheets <br />
Ii Thatch <br />
12 Connecting walkways<br />
I <br />
Ii <br />
<strong>13</strong> Mini Jetty <br />
14 Embankments<br />
I Horizontal logs <br />
Ii Vertical timber stakes
Ijos. The technique which used in analysing<br />
dichotomous data to ascertain<br />
similarity between the groups is the<br />
ined<br />
the use of coefficients for the purpose<br />
of measuring similarity. However,<br />
in this study Coefficients were used<br />
simply to derive the matrix for the<br />
Principal Coordinates Analysis, which<br />
is the quantitative method employed to<br />
analyse the data. The Coefficients used<br />
<br />
the Jaccard Coefficient and the Alternative<br />
to the Jaccard Coefficient.<br />
An average of the three coefficients<br />
of the matrices was taken and the re-<br />
<br />
<br />
could be interpreted such that, half the<br />
attributes of the external architectural<br />
features of one group are present in<br />
another group. These matrices were<br />
then used in the Principal Coordinates<br />
Analysis to ascertain similarities between<br />
groups and ultimately the source<br />
of the variations.<br />
4.6. Interpreting principal co-ordinate<br />
analysis: Similarities between ethnic<br />
groups<br />
To analyse the data matrix and derive<br />
two dimensional scatter diagrams<br />
that indicate similarities between the<br />
<br />
Table 3. Average of all three coefficients<br />
(Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />
Zs Zj Za <br />
0.73<br />
0.41<br />
0.62<br />
0.55<br />
0.51<br />
0.41<br />
0.68<br />
0.48<br />
0.71<br />
0.58<br />
0.48<br />
0.50<br />
0.67<br />
0.78<br />
<br />
was used. Three different matrix data<br />
were used in this analysis and these are<br />
<br />
Coefficient, the Jaccard Coefficient and<br />
the alternative to the Jaccard Coefficient.<br />
The three different matrices were<br />
analysed separately to see if the results<br />
of the various scattergrams they generate<br />
would be similar.<br />
The scatter diagram or scattergram<br />
is a simple two-dimensional representation<br />
of the results with the ethnic<br />
groups indicated as points in the space.<br />
The distance between these points on<br />
the scatter diagram represents the similarity<br />
between the ethnic groups.<br />
4.7. Discussion on matrix of<br />
coefficients and principal co-ordinate<br />
analysis<br />
The interpretation of the results obtained<br />
from the matrix of coefficient<br />
<br />
<br />
bears less than half the attributes of<br />
the other group, it suggests that there<br />
are fewer similarities between both<br />
-<br />
<br />
strong similarities between the two<br />
groups. This result does not indicate if<br />
the two groups share a common ances-<br />
-<br />
<br />
if the similarities are due to ‘blending’<br />
or ‘branching’, the Principal Co-ordi-<br />
<br />
result represented in two-dimensional<br />
scatter diagrams or scattergrams.<br />
4.8. Interpretation of scatter diagram<br />
generated from all three coefficient<br />
matrices<br />
ficient<br />
where negative matches are con-<br />
<br />
<br />
groups with the strongest similarities<br />
in terms of external architectural<br />
features in their base camp buildings.<br />
This is supported by the clustering of<br />
the points within the bottom-right<br />
quadrant in the scattergram. This only<br />
partly supports the results of the simple<br />
matching coefficient by indicating<br />
-<br />
<br />
between these two points is the short-<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology
est. However, the fact that negative<br />
matches have been considered in the<br />
build up to this scatter diagram has to<br />
be considered.<br />
The scatter diagram derived from<br />
the alternative to Jaccard Coefficient<br />
<br />
bares strong similarities to both Ijos<br />
<br />
the initial findings that phylogenetic or<br />
branching forces exist between Ijos in<br />
ic<br />
or blending forces exist between Ijos<br />
<br />
further show that the strongest simi-<br />
<br />
and their Urhobo neighbours. Similarities<br />
between the Ijo and the Urhobos<br />
tions<br />
between the Ijos and their parent<br />
<br />
5. Discussions and conclusions<br />
The PCA analysis therefore reveals<br />
that one of the causes of variations between<br />
the Ijo base camp dwellings in<br />
<br />
<br />
from the Urhobos, whom they had<br />
more contact with during migration.<br />
However, it is important to note that<br />
the traits borrowed from their neighbouring<br />
group relates more to building<br />
components and external architectural<br />
<br />
spatial configuration.<br />
<br />
shows that the use of connecting walkways<br />
to indicate kinship ties and the<br />
use of living areas was used only by Ijos<br />
<br />
the architectural traits were not borrowed<br />
but cognitively developed. This<br />
means that in addition to lateral borrowing<br />
of traits, variations in Ijo base<br />
ed<br />
from cognitive modifications made<br />
by successive generations of fishermen<br />
over the years. Hence, the causes of<br />
variations in Ijo migrant fisher architecture<br />
can be traced to two sources or<br />
factors: lateral borrowing of traits from<br />
neighbouring groups as well as cognitive<br />
modifications made by the Ijos in<br />
<br />
Another important link made in<br />
this study is that between culture and<br />
change. This link is an attestation of<br />
Figure 1. Scattergram showing the similarity of the groups from<br />
simple matching coefficient (Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />
Figure 2. Scattergram of group similarity generated from Jaccard<br />
Coefficient Matrix (Source: Brisibe, 2011).<br />
Figure 3. Scattergram of group similarity generated from<br />
Alternative to Jaccard Coefficient Matrix (Source: Brisibe, 2011).
the advantage of interdisciplinary research,<br />
combining sociological and<br />
anthropological theories in the more<br />
practical fields of architecture and archaeology.<br />
Social and cultural change<br />
can be regarded as the ‘domino effect’<br />
of cultural transmission, following<br />
the theories of cultural transmission<br />
<br />
evidently the biggest contribution by<br />
archaeologists in this interdisciplinary<br />
union is the development of methodologies<br />
to facilitate the understanding<br />
of cultural transmission and variations<br />
in material culture. With current studies<br />
on architectural variation over time<br />
mostly involving longitudinal spatial<br />
classification methods, these are methodological<br />
and theoretical contributions<br />
that both vernacular and contemporary<br />
architectural studies could<br />
learn from, in ascertaining effects and<br />
causes of variations in dwelling.<br />
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<br />
Quantifying Archaeology,<br />
Edinburgh University Press<br />
<br />
<br />
Economic and Social Organization,<br />
Journal of Archaeological Research.<br />
<br />
<br />
home: The Architecture of Family and<br />
Society in Early Sedentary Communities<br />
on the Anatolian Plateau, Journal<br />
of Anthropological Research<br />
<br />
search<br />
in the Archaeology of Architec-
Journal<br />
of Archaeological Research<br />
<br />
tree, history as entangled bank: constructing<br />
images and interpretations of<br />
prehistory in south Pacific, Antiquity<br />
<br />
Archaeology,<br />
Language and History: Essays on Culture<br />
and Ethnicity<br />
Westport, Connecticut.<br />
<br />
<br />
‘Vernacular Architecture:<br />
Paradigms of Environmental Response<br />
Vol. 4pany<br />
England.<br />
The Origins of the<br />
Household in North Mesopotamia<br />
Houses and Households<br />
in Ancient Mesopotamia, Istanbul,<br />
Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch<br />
Instituut te Instanbul.<br />
-<br />
Archaeotecture: seeking<br />
a new archaeological vision of Architecture<br />
Archaeotecture:<br />
Archaeology of Architecture, Archaeopress:<br />
England.<br />
tecture<br />
and the Economics of Household<br />
Formation in the Prehistoric<br />
American Southwest. Human Ecology,<br />
<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from<br />
archaeology
Structural transformations of<br />
traditional architecture from<br />
Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy<br />
Selin KÜÇÜK<br />
<br />
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.39974<br />
Abstract<br />
In this study, a regular and temporal transformation of construction techniques<br />
between Hittite Traditional Architecture and Ottoman Traditional Architecture<br />
has been examined. Traditional houses, as a production of a manuscript culture,<br />
reflect an economic growth by their scale and advanced construction techniques.<br />
Hattusha, as a capital city of Hittites in Bronze Age and Bogazkoy as a region that<br />
wealthy immigrants (Dulkadirogullari) settled in Ottoman Age had been developing<br />
cities of different cultures.<br />
One fictional Hittite house and an existing Ottoman House (Özelevi) are the<br />
archetypes. These two archetypes in the southern part of Çorum had emerged<br />
with same materials in the same region and had proposed almost same structural<br />
solutions to environmental conditions in spite of approximately three thousands<br />
of years between them.<br />
Mud brick, natural stone and timber were the only construction materials used<br />
in buildings in Anatolia, quite different from the materials of the modern world.<br />
Accordingly, culture may define planning characteristics, yet local properties<br />
qualify construction techniques. Many studies show that the local construction<br />
materials and technologies used in the past are more sustainable than the ones<br />
used today. Consequently, transformations and adaptations of architecture, which<br />
generates awareness of sustainability, explored in those regions may help develop<br />
a good understanding of how the local traditional architecture can still help the<br />
construction of sustainable settlements.<br />
A secondary study will also examine how energy efficient buildings were built<br />
in Turkey in the hope that these building types could offer lessons to resist against<br />
newly emerging concrete giants.<br />
Keywords<br />
Hittite housing, Ottoman housing, Transformation, Traditional architecture,<br />
Energy efficiency.
1. Introduction<br />
Mesopotamia and Asia Minor nicknamed<br />
‘Motherland of Civilizations’<br />
sheltered some of the wealthiest civilizations<br />
and cultures of the world<br />
through the ages. However, technical<br />
and technological improvements<br />
caused economic reforms which eventually<br />
suppressed the growth of local<br />
architecture have forced people to live<br />
in densely-built mega structures in<br />
developing and industrialized cities of<br />
Turkey during last century. Thus villages<br />
and village houses have often been<br />
deserted or abandoned. Transformations<br />
from local architecture to concrete<br />
multi-storey apartments show the<br />
chaos that emerged in architecture.<br />
‘Deconstruction’ of the key phrases<br />
and terms employed in this paper<br />
would help the readers to get through<br />
to the thesis being presented. ‘Transformations<br />
of Traditional Architecture’<br />
was preferred instead of ‘Evolution of<br />
ment<br />
of Local Architecture’ for the title.<br />
<br />
architecture’ is used in the meaning of<br />
architecture that constituted of local<br />
natural properties as local materials,<br />
local climate and local landscape. Traditional<br />
architecture integrates local<br />
properties with anthropological properties<br />
like experimentation of local<br />
construction techniques, cultural adaptations<br />
and occupant’s requirements.<br />
Either transformation, development or<br />
evolution describe a ‘change’ during the<br />
time. However the difference is if they<br />
define a positive, negative or neutral<br />
change. Due to the change observed<br />
in traditional architecture, both in the<br />
negative and positive, ‘transformation’<br />
as a term was employed to define the<br />
change. There is an architectural wealth<br />
from each social group either civic, traditional<br />
or monumental buildings in<br />
Hattusha. Accordingly, since vernacular<br />
architecture identifies domestic architecture<br />
rather than traditional and<br />
monumental buildings, the term ‘traditional<br />
architecture’ which involves<br />
both domestic and monumental references,<br />
has been preferred.<br />
Despite having similar materials and<br />
invariable environmental conditions,<br />
construction techniques improve cumulatively<br />
in a local environment.<br />
Thus every building and any specified<br />
time through ages has its own identity,<br />
like humans. In this sense, identity<br />
of buildings are not changing because<br />
their identities are different. The varying<br />
things are ‘local techniques’ according<br />
to the experiential factor and<br />
‘traditional characteristics’ according<br />
to societies settled in. In addition to<br />
this, architectural imitations such as<br />
certain hotels in Hattusha were emulated<br />
to Hittite, Ottoman or Ancient<br />
Greek buildings which do not have<br />
identity, are apart from the matters examined<br />
in this research. These kind of<br />
imitations with their fake facades do<br />
not even symbolize any adaptations.<br />
Traditional houses were the most<br />
developed house building types constructed<br />
with local techniques apart<br />
from monumental buildings in pre-industrial<br />
term. Target behind traditional<br />
type’s enlarged dimensions in accordance<br />
with vernacular’s minimum<br />
space are satisfying nonessential human<br />
needs in addition to functionality<br />
and supplementing cultural properties<br />
on plan.<br />
The Hittite Capital City Hattusha<br />
<br />
lia<br />
are situated on the slopes of a high<br />
rocky topography. There are the Elmalı<br />
Mountains in the northwest side and<br />
Zincirli Mountains in the southern<br />
side on which the highest point Kam-<br />
<br />
level is Budaközü Stream which passes<br />
through the Boğazköy settlement<br />
plain, draws in Hattusha and reaches<br />
<br />
<br />
In Hattusha, a previous modest<br />
village had existed which has then<br />
<br />
<br />
years, different civilizations with miscellaneous<br />
beliefs, traditions and technologies<br />
have come to be established<br />
and settled in this location (Asurian,<br />
Hittite, Phrygrian, Hellenistic, Otto-<br />
ings<br />
from these cultures either underground<br />
or on earth are now struggling<br />
to survive with the modern world.<br />
Some of them are still being used by<br />
villagers although they would like to<br />
live in better conditions.<br />
<br />
1<br />
The reference<br />
‘Küçük, S. &<br />
Şahin, M. (2014).<br />
Archaeoacoustics:<br />
The Archaeology<br />
of Sound. Linda<br />
C. Eneix (ed.), The<br />
OTSF Foundation:<br />
Florida’ involves<br />
interactive sections<br />
of Hattusha which<br />
varies by ages.
Figure 1. Borders of Çorum which contains<br />
Boğazköy in southern part (Source: author).<br />
This study aims to generate a background<br />
for prospective energy efficiency<br />
comparison of Hittite Housing and<br />
a specific Ottoman House which were<br />
built in Hattusha. Because of having little<br />
evidence about Hittite construction,<br />
prospective efficiency results would be<br />
taken from an idealized reconstruction<br />
model of a fictional Hittite house.<br />
However, the Ottoman house which<br />
still stands and partially in use would<br />
give nearly correct results with respect<br />
to its exact three-dimensional model.<br />
Two and three-dimensional drawings<br />
and energy calculations would be done<br />
both manually and by utilizing computer-based<br />
programs.<br />
It is essential to explain how and<br />
with whose aid the fictional Hittite<br />
House’s prospective model was reconstructed.<br />
Initially, the extant local<br />
Figure 4. Section of Hattusha (Source: Selin Küçük, Echopolis,<br />
20<strong>13</strong>).<br />
Figure 2. Boğazköy village and Hattusha<br />
(Seeher, 2011).<br />
buildings were photographed and their<br />
<br />
<br />
for unobtainable information of construction<br />
techniques and building elements<br />
such as chimneys and openings<br />
within the walls. The study specially<br />
benefitted from Jürgen and Ayşe Seeher’s<br />
experimental archaeology stud-<br />
-<br />
<br />
interpretations on Hittite construction.<br />
2. Transformations of traditional<br />
architecture in Hattusha<br />
The cumulative experience of building<br />
materials’ behavior and structural<br />
solutions have improved over thousands<br />
of years. Structural solutions<br />
developed according to sensory observations<br />
until modern science accessed<br />
the technology to get climatic data.<br />
There is evidence that shows early<br />
small and scattered settlements<br />
from Chalcolithic Period in Hattusha<br />
around Büyükkaya Region. The Lower<br />
City and Büyükkale Regions were the<br />
settlements that had been used especially<br />
by Assurian Trade Colonies and<br />
<br />
Buildings were generally unsymmetrically<br />
planned, even though they had<br />
similar planning organizations with<br />
Hittite Houses.<br />
ments<br />
in Hattusha, fire places, chimneys,<br />
openings, roofs and water management<br />
systems of houses have been<br />
transformed. However, building materials<br />
and construction technics are al-<br />
istent<br />
prop structure of solid walls in<br />
Hittite architecture were presented later<br />
on just as in the case of Özelevi.<br />
Instinctive treatments and further<br />
methods of rural area construction<br />
Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy
have emerged, because people had<br />
reached this region coming from many<br />
cities. In fact, Özelevi has acquired<br />
slightly different characteristics compared<br />
to the village houses. It has larger<br />
windows instead of small windows,<br />
hipped roofs instead of plain roofs and<br />
are of enormous size instead of the<br />
modest size of the rural counterpart.<br />
In other words, Özelevi doesn’t reflect<br />
the ordinary characteristics of most<br />
of Boğazköy local houses for having<br />
registered design anxiety of an Ottoman<br />
house. However, it is an adaptation<br />
attempt of an Ottoman House to<br />
<br />
Boğazköy Houses that are still partially<br />
in use reflect the in-between period of<br />
time from Hittites to Ottoman Age.<br />
Both traditional houses from Hittite<br />
and Ottoman periods have geometrically<br />
straight and smoothly divided<br />
spaces and level differences of grounds<br />
observed in separated spaces. Both<br />
have unitary planning characteristic.<br />
Figure 5. A house in Büyükkale from Karum<br />
Age (Source: Naumann, 1991).<br />
2.1. Fireplaces and chimneys<br />
Chimney construction has proceeded<br />
by stages until modern intra-wall,<br />
intra-pavement or extra-tubular systems<br />
using varying materials. Comparisons<br />
between ovens of any Hittite<br />
House and Ottoman House indicates<br />
that the smoke occurred by the oven<br />
removed from interiors through different<br />
systems. Hittite probably ejected<br />
smoke via holes in housetops in Hittite<br />
age. The two ovens in the central<br />
rooms of Gal Mesedi House, which are<br />
not attached to the walls, support this<br />
an<br />
houses description in Koyuncuk as<br />
an example. In the description, there<br />
are circular planned domed houses<br />
described with a hole in the centre of<br />
<br />
oven in the centre of the living area and<br />
smoke emitted via an opening on the<br />
top. Dome’s function is to gather smoke<br />
before emitting. There are no circular<br />
planned buildings except a Turkish<br />
Bath (hamam) and Byzantine Church<br />
in Hattusha. Since most of the examples,<br />
even a high status person’s or a<br />
villager’s, are quadri-laterally planned,<br />
and there may be an inter-relation<br />
for chimney systems. Thus, there was<br />
probably a hood uptake raised from<br />
<br />
Additionally, there should be a wooden<br />
cover which was accessible with a<br />
deck ladder to shut the opening. However,<br />
double roomed simple-planned<br />
houses have been found in Büyükkaya<br />
Figure 6. Koyuncuk Houses (Source: Baytin,<br />
1951).<br />
Figure 7. Fireplace and chimney of a Hittite house (Source:<br />
author).
Figure 8. Filled fireplace of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />
from Early Hittite Age, where there is<br />
an inner wall façade attached next to a<br />
fireplace. This informs us about an unusual<br />
application for ejecting smoke.<br />
Here, there is a clay pipe system which<br />
extends from the fireplace upwards by<br />
<br />
<br />
It is known from Hattusha ruins that<br />
Hittite fireplaces had a simple structure;<br />
semi-circular or rectangular in<br />
shape, which is made of compacted<br />
<br />
2.2. Openings<br />
Openings affect human life owing<br />
to their shape, material and aesthetic<br />
appearance. These significant parts<br />
of buildings have been transformed<br />
through the ages. However the previous<br />
applications have significant contribution<br />
to the current implementations.<br />
Figure 9. Various interior and exterior windows and doors from<br />
Özelevi (Source: author).<br />
Dark caves and underground spaces<br />
which have no openings except an<br />
entrance were the initial shelters that<br />
people hid and protected themselves<br />
from strenuous environmental conditions.<br />
Caves became insufficient<br />
shelters since people needed to connect<br />
with natural light. Therefore, by<br />
constructing their own roofs and wall<br />
covered spaces with a hole at the top,<br />
they let the light come in. Immediately<br />
afterwards, more openings have been<br />
created on the wall in order to establish<br />
connections with nature biologically<br />
and psychologically. There are such important<br />
innovations as the transition<br />
from circular plans to rectangular floor<br />
plans and the use of different materials<br />
to build walls which directly affected<br />
the door and window constructions.<br />
It is known that openings placed<br />
within exterior walls or roofs were<br />
formerly closed with covers made of<br />
wooden, cotton and similar materials<br />
<br />
utilized same techniques to close small<br />
openings within the exterior walls of<br />
their houses.<br />
By the invention of glass and various<br />
shading and fencing systems in<br />
conjunction with their joint details and<br />
insulation solutions, openings evolved<br />
through time. Even though Hittite<br />
housing lacked this technology, massive<br />
mud-brick walls should supply a<br />
significant comfort level for interior<br />
spaces. Integration of these technologies<br />
would increase this level.<br />
Chimney holes within the plain<br />
roof, as long as their covers are open,<br />
provide daylight.<br />
2.3. Roofs<br />
Previous flat or dome shaped roofs<br />
that are made of the same materials<br />
with the walls and are generally<br />
constructed contiguous of the walls<br />
evolved into integrated exceptional<br />
systems having their own structure by<br />
using roof tiles or cladding materials.<br />
Disadvantage or weakness of clay material<br />
against humidity and raining activity<br />
has been removed by utilizing these<br />
water-resistant materials and systems.<br />
On the contrary, eaves and hipped roof<br />
are used in traditional Turkish House<br />
as it can be seen in Özelevi.<br />
Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy
2.4. Water management/sanitary<br />
installation<br />
Several Hittite Dams in Anatolia<br />
show their advanced knowledge and<br />
technology in water management sys-<br />
<br />
very close to Hattuşa, in Alacahöyük.<br />
In Hattusha, in Hittite Age, drainage<br />
systems diffused various houses on the<br />
narrow streets. This supports the idea<br />
of the presence of water management<br />
systems that were supplying water<br />
mostly from the local water sources.<br />
<br />
Organization and a permanent consideration<br />
of waterworks were facilitated<br />
by the foundation of the General<br />
Directorate of Civil Works (Bayındırlık<br />
<br />
Turkey. Moreover, drinking water had<br />
been supplied to Ankara the capital<br />
city of Turkey and the closest big city<br />
to Boğazköy by opening of the Çubuk-<br />
<br />
does not have sanitary installations,<br />
and even though its construction date<br />
is still not identified, it is believed to<br />
have been constructed earlier than<br />
the times mentioned above. However,<br />
there is a hole within the entrance hall<br />
floor, drawing off interior water via<br />
clay pipes, streaming north-west direction<br />
and reaching the retaining wall of<br />
<br />
2.5. Prop structure<br />
Despite being solid walls, prop<br />
structure has been used in addition to<br />
lacing courses (horizontal elements)<br />
in many local buildings in Boğazköy<br />
in the last few centuries. However, ac-<br />
<br />
and drawings, there were no vertical<br />
diagonal structural elements (props) in<br />
a solid wall even in another regions in<br />
ancient Anatolia. Yet all the supporting<br />
structural elements were vertical and<br />
horizontal.<br />
3. Proposal for a comparison<br />
of energy efficiency between<br />
Hittite and Ottoman housing<br />
Energy efficiency and renewable energy<br />
became very important subjects<br />
<br />
<br />
efficient building technology improved<br />
and many new systems have been de-<br />
Figure 10. Prospective reconstruction of a Hittite House<br />
(Source:author).<br />
Figure 11. Reconstruction of a Hittite house in Lower City by U.<br />
Betin (Source: Seeher, 2011).<br />
Figure 12. Local Boğazköy houses, sketches by Naumann in 1952<br />
(Source: Naumann, 1991).<br />
Figure <strong>13</strong>. Özelevi North-west façade (Source: author).
Figure 14. Plan of Gal Mesedi House<br />
(Schachner, 2015) (Source: Selin Küçük @<br />
DAI).<br />
signed. However, it should be noted<br />
that Hattusha village houses have been<br />
constructed for thousands of years in<br />
energy efficient ways without any sophisticated<br />
technologies. In addition<br />
to this, integration of the new efficient<br />
technologies to these village houses<br />
would yield much better efficiency results.<br />
In Turkey, since immigration of<br />
villagers to big cities and lack of builders,<br />
there is no more implementation<br />
possibility of them except reconstruction<br />
of specific buildings to construct<br />
such village houses.<br />
Climatic data from the building’s region,<br />
orientation of building and interior<br />
spaces, dimensions of rooms and<br />
openings, heating sources and types<br />
are significant parts of information<br />
necessary to consider energy efficiency<br />
<br />
Climatic conditions are immediately<br />
effective on local architecture. Highest<br />
comfort conditions for the users can be<br />
provided by consuming lowest energy<br />
Figure 15. Plan of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />
in conjunction with local climate based<br />
<br />
Heat transmission values of building<br />
components would be determined ac-<br />
<br />
<br />
transmission values for opaque and<br />
transparent components should be<br />
used for calculations. Prevailing wind<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
to obtain passive ventilation through<br />
openings.<br />
Exterior design temperature value<br />
for Çorum which is higher than aver-<br />
<br />
°C principally in order to determine<br />
the heating load. Maximum raining<br />
activity, which has been showed in the<br />
table below, is in May.<br />
Since relative humidity is remarkably<br />
low in Central Anatolia and Çorum<br />
is within a cold dry climatic zone,<br />
building adaptations such as small<br />
windows in order to keep warm air in-<br />
Figure 16. Wall ruins in Büyükkale A: infill and vertical wooden lacing course; B: mudbrick<br />
wall; C: horizontal wooden lacing course D: stone foundation (Naumann, 1991).<br />
Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy
side in winters and cool air in summers<br />
and thick walls as high heat insulation<br />
elements have appeared subsequently.<br />
People constructed living spaces<br />
for themselves and their animals according<br />
to their observations without<br />
scientific climatic data for thousands<br />
of years. Present scientific data would<br />
probably show how comfortable spaces<br />
they generated by using common<br />
sense.<br />
4. Conclusion<br />
Archaeological regions that are still<br />
in use or had been used for thousands<br />
of years demonstrate temporal transformation<br />
of architecture. Turkey has a<br />
great fortune of having research on that<br />
sort of places. Especially, ancient sites<br />
surrounded within thick walls, which<br />
symbolize influential civilizations,<br />
are relatively preserved. Additionally,<br />
modern villages have more interaction<br />
with previous local architecture. Ancient<br />
Ankara Castle and the settlement<br />
surrounding by its walls, Old City of<br />
Gaziantep and further examples are<br />
available.<br />
Excavating living areas and collecting<br />
information of occupants and<br />
construction techniques was the initial<br />
activity of this study. Observations of<br />
local architecture through time shows<br />
that people learnt from previous experiences<br />
and improved construction<br />
techniques cumulatively over thousands<br />
of years.<br />
It is understood that every place has<br />
its own history and background as well<br />
as unique characteristics. However,<br />
this study can be seen as a prototype<br />
for studies to be conducted in other<br />
regions in Turkey to investigate history<br />
of Hattusha region according to its<br />
variable occupants and construction<br />
techniques.<br />
Figure 17. Reconstruction of the walls in<br />
Great Temple, 1: foundation and socle stone<br />
blocks; 2: timber framework; 3:fill of earth<br />
and stones; 4: mudbricks; 5: wall plaster;<br />
6: lime-plastered floor on a layer of packed<br />
earth (Source: Seeher, 2011).<br />
Figure 18. Prop Structure of Özelevi<br />
(Source: author).<br />
Figure 19. Sketches from Boğazköy houses (Source: author).<br />
Figure 20. Average weather data of Çorum (Source: www.corum.climatemps.com, 2014).
Figure 21. Natural lighting and ventilation draft scheme of Özelevi (Source: author).<br />
Figure 22. Natural lighting draft scheme of Özelevi that executed manually (Source: author)<br />
1<br />
The reference<br />
‘Küçük, S. &<br />
Şahin, M. (2014).<br />
Archaeoacoustics:<br />
The Archaeology<br />
of Sound. Linda<br />
C. Eneix (ed.), The<br />
OTSF Foundation:<br />
Florida’ involves<br />
interactive sections<br />
of Hattusha which<br />
varies by ages.<br />
Proliferation of modern industrial<br />
cities may not change, yet rural areas<br />
are still mainly preserved especially<br />
in Central Anatolia. There are clever<br />
buildings designed by sensitive people<br />
which are still waiting to be discovered.<br />
However, forgetting local architecture<br />
and using only modern materials<br />
without traditional experiences would<br />
result in the world changing negatively<br />
and would lead to forgetting the lessons<br />
that can be learnt from the histo-<br />
<br />
<br />
movement almost over the world made<br />
a stand against contextually disconnection<br />
of modernism’s built environment<br />
from its natural and cultural environ-<br />
tional<br />
Movement, existing traditional<br />
pattern of Anatolia had been considerably<br />
surveyed and documented (Eyüce,<br />
<br />
The critical point is designing according<br />
to local information and constructing<br />
still ‘local’. Remembering<br />
what ‘local architecture’ means, would<br />
<br />
talks and local architecture makes its<br />
speech understandable.<br />
References<br />
Barınaktan Öte:<br />
Anadolu’da Kır Yapıları, Tepe Mimarlık<br />
Kültür Merkezi, Ankara.<br />
A. Müller-Karpe, E. Rieken, W.<br />
Sommerfeld, Saeculum. Gedenkschrift<br />
für Heinrich Otten anlasslich seines<br />
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Bacalar tekniği,<br />
yapısı, mimarisi ve Türk yapıcılığında<br />
baca. İstanbul: İstanbul Matbaacılık<br />
Climate, Average Weather of Turkey,<br />
Corum Climate & Temperature, Available<br />
online, http://www.corum.clima-<br />
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yöresinin iklim tipleri ve bazı öneriler.<br />
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Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy
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Geleneksel Yapılar<br />
ve Mekanlar. İstanbul: Birsen Yayınevi<br />
Hausladen G., Saldanha M., Liedl<br />
Climate Design:<br />
Solutions for Buildings that Can<br />
Do More with Less Technology, Basel:<br />
Birkhäuser<br />
Pencere bul:<br />
Yay Yayıncılık<br />
Hittite Walls in<br />
Boğazköy: A reconstruction of audio<br />
buffer zones through time, in: e-Pro-<br />
<br />
<br />
sion,<br />
Selin Küçük.<br />
Eski Anadolu<br />
mimarlığı. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu<br />
Basımevi<br />
Tarihten günümüze<br />
Anadolu’ da konut ve yerleşme (ed. Abbasoğlu,<br />
H., Özdoğan, M., Tanyeli, U. &<br />
Tapan, M.) ‘Hitit Krallığı’ nın başkenti<br />
Hattuşa’ da konut’ (s. 99-115). İstanbul:<br />
<br />
Energy efficiency<br />
and renewables: recent experience on<br />
mainland Europe. Herefordshire: Energy<br />
Advisory Associates<br />
Hattusha guide: a<br />
day in the Hittite capital. Istanbul: Ege<br />
Yayınları<br />
Geleneksel Türk mimarisinde<br />
yapı sistem ve elemanları.<br />
İstanbul: Türkiye Anıt Çevre Turizm<br />
<br />
ları,<br />
Unpublished Master dissertation,<br />
Trakya University, Edirne, TR.<br />
Evaluation of Thermal<br />
Performance of Gypsum Stabilized<br />
Adobe (Alker) for a School Building in<br />
İstanbul. Proceedings for the first international<br />
conference living in earth-<br />
<br />
-
Vernacular architecture as an<br />
alternative design approach with<br />
interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />
critical theory<br />
Maria I HIDAYATUN 1 , Josef PRIJOTOMO 2 , Murni RACHMAWATI 3<br />
1<br />
<br />
<br />
2<br />
<br />
<br />
3<br />
<br />
<br />
Indonesia<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.65807<br />
Abstract<br />
The aim of this study is to find an alternative design approach that can answer<br />
the challenges of global warming and universalization. By conducting a study<br />
on the possibility of vernacular architecture as one of the alternative design approaches,<br />
to obtain a design that is oriented to the locality but still receive the<br />
latest technology in order to obtain sustainable design.<br />
This study used a descriptive method with rhetoric as analysis techniques, to<br />
explain how the vernacular architecture can be used as a design approach that is<br />
significant at this time. This study is a library research so that the data used is the<br />
data in the form of paper documents and images obtained in the form of personal<br />
documentation and documentation done other researchers, as well as the writings<br />
of experts architecture. To support the analysis in order to get results, then use the<br />
interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory as a basis for analysis.<br />
The result of this research is an approach to the design of vernacular architecture<br />
as a method. It is expected that by using this approach can produce a design<br />
that can answer the above challenges and provide identity in its design, so that the<br />
values of the locality and the uniqueness of the design can be raised as a design<br />
force, hopefully.<br />
Keywords<br />
Vernacular architecture, Design approach, Paul Ricoeur.
1. Introduction<br />
lar<br />
architecture becomes interesting<br />
to study materials and even a lot of<br />
research and discussions with both<br />
academics and practitioners. Vernacular<br />
architecture if it is seen as a folk<br />
architecture of the past, then it would<br />
only be a stop discussion on the under-<br />
while,<br />
Global warming and the issue<br />
of universalization and international-<br />
<br />
world forces us to be thinking of a way<br />
or method that can be used as a design<br />
approach that can address the above<br />
challenges. In addition, advances in<br />
technology and materials is also an obstacle<br />
in doing the design, therefore, it<br />
takes a study to find an appropriate design<br />
approach, in order to remedy the<br />
situation.<br />
Vernacular architecture is by Ru-<br />
-<br />
<br />
described as folk architecture. The architecture<br />
is rooted in folk certainly<br />
works that reflect the community and<br />
edge<br />
is contained in the applied technology<br />
and occurring form and tested<br />
by time, as described both by Ozkan<br />
<br />
evolved from within communities and<br />
perfected itself with the test of time in<br />
conformity with societal, and technological<br />
climatic condition, and Law-<br />
<br />
human constructs that result from the<br />
interrelations between ecological, economic,<br />
material, political and social<br />
factors. Thus, vernacular architecture<br />
is expected to be one of the solutions<br />
to the challenges mentioned above by<br />
doing a reinterpretation in order to obtain<br />
optimal results for the survival and<br />
sustainability.<br />
The objective of the research is to<br />
find a method that can be used to perform<br />
design approach that will address<br />
the challenges of globalization, universalization,<br />
and internationalization<br />
which causes loss characteristics and<br />
identity of architectural works. This<br />
method is expected to accommodate<br />
a design that can raise the value and<br />
potential of local, resulting in a work<br />
of architecture that reflects the identity<br />
and characteristics of the environment<br />
in which the building is erected<br />
as such, then its presence is not alien<br />
to the environment and local communities.<br />
<br />
to perform the architectural design approach<br />
is usually referred to as archi-<br />
<br />
of Design can be described in a num-<br />
<br />
creation of a plan or convention for the<br />
construction of an object or a system (as<br />
in architectural blueprints, engineering<br />
drawings, business processes, circuit<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
some cases the direct construction of<br />
an object (as in pottery, engineering,<br />
management, and cowboy coding and<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
specification of an object, manifested<br />
<br />
goals, in a particular environment, using<br />
a set of primitive components, satisfying<br />
a set of requirements, subject to<br />
<br />
a design, in an environment (where<br />
<br />
In addition to these explanations, the<br />
design can also be in the description of<br />
both the process of making things (de-<br />
<br />
<br />
is a user-centered ... problem- solving<br />
<br />
sign<br />
is the craft of visualizing concrete<br />
solutions that serve human needs and<br />
<br />
some of the statements above design is<br />
the focus in this paper is the approach<br />
that will assist in the design.<br />
sary<br />
also be explained about the design<br />
<br />
a design approach is a general philosophy<br />
that may or may not include a<br />
<br />
to guide the overall goal of the design.<br />
Other approaches are to guide the ten-<br />
<br />
of approaches may be used if they do<br />
not conflict.
2. Method and material<br />
This study is part of my dissertation<br />
research and is a qualitative and descriptive<br />
research with Paul Ricoeur<br />
critical theory as a basis for analysis.<br />
<br />
for the techniques, to explain how the<br />
vernacular can be used as one of the<br />
significant design approaches at this<br />
point. The data used is the data in the<br />
form of paper documents and images<br />
obtained in the form of personal documentation<br />
or documentation of other<br />
researchers who have ever done, as well<br />
as the writings of experts’ architecture.<br />
<br />
to explain how the vernacular can be<br />
used as an alternative approach on architectural<br />
design.<br />
Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory (Ka-<br />
tation<br />
of vernacular buildings that can<br />
be analogized as a text that became his<br />
subject. The power of critical theory by<br />
Ricoeur is able to help configure a state<br />
into a narrative that changes the meaning<br />
with describing and evaluate them<br />
<br />
tion,<br />
means it done the reading, understanding,<br />
and explanation of a text, in<br />
this case, is the vernacular buildings.<br />
Ricoeur describes the interpretation<br />
as a movement toward the validity of<br />
the allegations and of explanation towards<br />
comprehension. Interpretation<br />
consists of allegations that are based<br />
on the experiences generated in the<br />
explanations that have to be validated<br />
by others, which ended in comprehension,<br />
which is another name to understanding<br />
informed and enriched with<br />
objective validation process (Kaplan,<br />
configuration<br />
of the narrative expe-<br />
<br />
interpretation of a model consisting of<br />
a description, explanation, argumentation<br />
and inter-subjective validation.<br />
In this interpretation theory, Ricoeur<br />
also takes over Dilthey distinction between<br />
explanation and understanding,<br />
but Ricoeur maintains that attitudes explanations<br />
and conflicting understanding<br />
must be integrated into a general<br />
theory of interpretation. Explanation<br />
and understanding are two moments in<br />
a dialectical unity and is a moment in a<br />
broader interpretation theory (Kaplan,<br />
<br />
<br />
all reach. Reading means interpreting<br />
and interpreting means understanding<br />
<br />
3. Result and discussion<br />
The results of the analysis that has<br />
been done by using narrative and rhetoric<br />
in the discussion, it was found<br />
that vernacular architecture as knowledge<br />
of the past was able to meet the<br />
challenges of globalization, internationalization<br />
and universalization. The<br />
ability to address these challenges has<br />
caused vernacular orientation and contains<br />
the knowledge about the natural<br />
environment and society, technology<br />
and materials, and the values of a local<br />
building.<br />
<br />
Ricoeur as the basis of the analysis, the<br />
knowledge of the past as the potential<br />
and power to understand, explain and<br />
be read as a result of interpretation<br />
which later became a concept to be<br />
expressed in the architectural design.<br />
Thus, the process is an approach to design<br />
that is done through the concept<br />
of vernacular as a method.<br />
Vernacular as a design approach<br />
can be described in the discussion that<br />
raised some examples of contemporary<br />
architectural works based on the<br />
work of the past through reading or<br />
interpretation of the material, shape,<br />
technology, and the natural environment.<br />
The results of the interpretation<br />
are subjective because it is influenced<br />
by background actors, so it is no longer<br />
the result of the design of the com-<br />
<br />
<br />
the language and style of the local<br />
<br />
new form of vernacular or vernacular<br />
contemporary.<br />
3.1. Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural<br />
Center<br />
-<br />
<br />
work inspired by local materials, the<br />
basic shape, and technology, but with<br />
new functionality designed carefully.<br />
Piano was reading of the traditional<br />
-<br />
Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />
critical theory
donia through the material, form, and<br />
technology. Piano interpret the whole<br />
building into a concept of the spirit<br />
which is ephemeral life. Here is understood<br />
that nature is ephemeral, therefore,<br />
the material taken from nature<br />
impermanent by nature anyway, so<br />
humans must exercise care to preserve<br />
with the redevelopment of the building<br />
construction, learn the technology and<br />
update the material. It is like that de-<br />
<br />
The spirit of the Pacific is ephemeral:<br />
traditional Kanak buildings are born<br />
in unison with nature and make use of<br />
<br />
the village’s continuity over time is not<br />
bound to the survival of each individual<br />
building, but rather to the preservation<br />
of a specific construction scheme.<br />
Building upon this civilization’s typical<br />
<br />
There are two things to consider in<br />
reinterpretation the traditional Kanak<br />
<br />
first revived construction Kanak capabilities<br />
and second use of new materials<br />
such as glass, aluminum, steel and<br />
the use of advanced technologies in addition<br />
to the natural materials of wood<br />
and stone. This is to keep the impression<br />
of the character of the traditional<br />
Kanak building remains reflected, as<br />
-<br />
<br />
Building upon this civilization’s typical<br />
deep bond with nature, the project<br />
followed two main guidelines: on the<br />
one hand evoking Kanak construction<br />
capabilities, while on the other<br />
hand making use of modern materials,<br />
such as glass, aluminium, steel and<br />
advanced lightweight technologies, in<br />
addition to traditional materials, such<br />
<br />
<br />
Technology related to tectonics in<br />
design approach of the cultural center<br />
building is also becoming an import-<br />
<br />
character and identity building. How<br />
do to interpret the expansion and<br />
re-interpretation of the strength of its<br />
design, it can be observed in a solution<br />
of its tectonic details.<br />
ing<br />
is a dwelling house with one function,<br />
but Piano can be able to develop<br />
a large scale building both in terms of<br />
functionality as well as scale and not<br />
<br />
environment shall be referenced to or-<br />
<br />
<br />
the traditional Kanak concept, as de-<br />
<br />
“The identity of the Kanak is not<br />
only reinforced through the form of<br />
the building but also through its relationship<br />
with the natural landscape…<br />
<br />
exterior spaces which further explore<br />
the relationship of the Kanak culture<br />
<br />
pathway which winds through the<br />
dense natural vegetation, traditional<br />
ceremonial grounds of the Kanak with<br />
traditional huts, an outdoor auditorium,<br />
and residences for visiting artists,<br />
lecturers, scholars and students. These<br />
Figure 1. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou<br />
Cultural Center and the Traditional Karnak<br />
Building (Source: Golling’s, http://www.<br />
fondazionerenzopiano.org/project/85/jeanmarie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/).<br />
Figure 2. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou Cultural Center detail<br />
construction (Source: Vasal, http://www.rpbw.com/project/41/<br />
jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/#).
111<br />
spaces, as well as the main building, integrate<br />
themselves and take advantage<br />
of the natural beauty of the site.” (Kari,<br />
<br />
3.2. Sendangsono<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
through Javanese architecture as ver-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
of how to design the architecture, as in<br />
write the following text:<br />
chitecture’<br />
is to speak humanity with<br />
Figure 3. Photo of the Marie-Jean Tjibaou Cultural Center<br />
landscape (Source: Golling’s, http://www.fondazionerenzopiano.<br />
org/project/85/jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/).<br />
Figure 4. Photo of the public building in Sendangsono pilgrimage<br />
(Source: Erwinthon postcard 1999).<br />
Figure 5. Photo of the detail landscape and architecture (Source:<br />
Erwinthon postcard 1999).<br />
imagery and its essence, such as its materials,<br />
its form and its composition...<br />
The ethos of the ideal architectural language<br />
and its appreciation is not primarily<br />
related with extravagant, luxury<br />
and expensiveness... Thus the introduction<br />
of the eminence of the architectural<br />
language is honesty, decency, integrity<br />
or as advised by philosopher Thomas<br />
<br />
vertatis (the beauty and ellegance ra-<br />
<br />
<br />
gunwijaya<br />
when readings or interpretation<br />
of Javanese buildings put forward<br />
the concept of simplicity, so when<br />
<br />
building, material as basic references<br />
because the material used in Javanese<br />
building is a natural material and sim-<br />
<br />
building, but there is absolutely no<br />
monumental impression tends even<br />
simple, honest and natural. Besides the<br />
material, the technology is also a part<br />
gunwijaya<br />
does this through technology<br />
by conducting re-interpretation and<br />
modify it.<br />
Javanese house cannot be separated<br />
nese<br />
always lies in a wide yard, so that<br />
between the house and yard becomes a<br />
complete unity. When this condition is<br />
cept<br />
of building and nature / environment<br />
becomes the basis for the design<br />
of the whole pilgrimage complex. Ev-<br />
<br />
concern to completion based on the<br />
vernacular Javanese architecture. In<br />
this processing project, landscape, material,<br />
shape, technology and tectonic<br />
has done with Javanese vernacular architecture<br />
design approach.<br />
3.3. St. Mary Puhsarang Kediri<br />
Church<br />
<br />
<br />
church building that is located in Kediri,<br />
East Java, Indonesia, not the middle<br />
of the city but in the countryside, the<br />
slope of the mountain and amid dense<br />
population. Pont was designing this<br />
church with the basic church idea for<br />
the local community and as misipost.<br />
-<br />
Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />
critical theory
112<br />
ty, it is the basis for the design of the<br />
<br />
Pont then read and interpret at once<br />
about the essence Javanese through a<br />
<br />
house form, materials, structure and<br />
construction, scale and environment,<br />
the design was made.<br />
Pont interprets Javanese home forms<br />
in principle similar to as a tent with<br />
arguments that do not really need the<br />
Javanese house wall, which essentially<br />
is a place for shelter, shelter from rain<br />
and the sun, not merely to take refuge<br />
<br />
It is also related to structure and<br />
construction, Pont tried to reinterpret<br />
the heavy Javanese structure becomes<br />
light structure without abandoning<br />
the essence of its structural, as well as<br />
<br />
<br />
the guidelines but are expressed in a<br />
manner and form new ones, resulting<br />
vanese<br />
characteristics.<br />
There is one thing that is interesting<br />
how Pont understands, explain and<br />
then interpreting the construction of<br />
the roof covering, with studied roof<br />
principles construction of the Javanese<br />
building, Pont found that the flexural<br />
properties of wood construction that<br />
can be replaced with a steel cable construction<br />
in the construction of the<br />
roof covering.<br />
<br />
the Javanese house building, Pont understands<br />
that use of the nature material<br />
is the strength of the Javanese architecture,<br />
therefore, Pont maintains the<br />
use of natural materials in the building.<br />
Figure 6. Photo of the transformation process from Javanese<br />
construction to Puhsarang church construction (Source: Maria I<br />
Hidayatun documentation, 2005).<br />
Figure 7. Photo of the detail roof coverings (Source: Maria I<br />
Hidayatun documentation, 2014).<br />
Deeper concern is situated on the<br />
tectonic, uniqueness in interpreting<br />
the details associated with spiritual<br />
<br />
the main guidelines for architectural<br />
completely resolve this church (Hi-<br />
<br />
<br />
that the design approach based on ver-<br />
<br />
Pont becomes a design force that can<br />
show the dynamics, harmony and unity<br />
and perfection of the whole building<br />
and the environment / nature, between<br />
Javanese and the spirituality. In<br />
this building is being demonstrated as<br />
<br />
and universality, that every part is use-<br />
<br />
<br />
clear that the vernacular as a tool can<br />
Figure 8. Photo of the St Marry Puhsarang Kediri Church complex (Source: Maria I<br />
Hidayatun documentation, 2003).
1<strong>13</strong><br />
globalization, as well as the universalization<br />
and internationalization.<br />
other<br />
alternative design approach in<br />
addressing the latest issues.<br />
Figure 9. Diagram of vernacular design approach (Source: Maria<br />
I Hidayatun, 2014).<br />
be used to help make the process of architectural<br />
design in order to answer<br />
about the issue and the phenomenon<br />
of globalization, internationalization<br />
and universalization. Vernacular oriented<br />
local wealth is able to overcome<br />
the symptoms of damage to nature by<br />
returning to the use and appreciation<br />
of local potential / local, with how to<br />
read, understand and explain and then<br />
interpreting back with knowledge and<br />
positive potential at the moment.<br />
4. Conclusion<br />
<br />
velopment<br />
of a global era can not be<br />
avoided, and it becomes a challenge to<br />
be overcome and addressed in order<br />
to minimize the occurrence of global<br />
warming and the loss of identity of a<br />
community is reflected in the architecture.<br />
Design approach with vernacular<br />
as a tool is an answer that can be justified.<br />
Therefore, there are two important<br />
points that must become consider,<br />
<br />
1. Parameter vernacular architecture<br />
als,<br />
nature and the environment, technology<br />
and structure.<br />
2. Interpretation as a basis of analysis.<br />
This theory has the advantage of<br />
doing readings, understanding, and<br />
explanation because interpretation can<br />
accommodate vernacular architecture<br />
parameters in order to get the design<br />
that can meet the challenges of today<br />
although the interpretation is subjective.<br />
Therefore, depending on the background<br />
of her interpreters.<br />
Vernacular as one of the alternative<br />
design approach can be used to answer<br />
the challenges of global warming and<br />
References<br />
Ricoeur’s<br />
Critical Theory<br />
<br />
Design Management,<br />
Managing Design Strategy,<br />
Process, and Implementation <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Renzo Piano. http://www.fondazione-<br />
rie-tjibaou-cultural-center/genesis/,<br />
<br />
Belajar<br />
Arsitektur Nusantara dari Gerja Puhsarang,<br />
Kediri, Tinjauan Ke-Bineka Tunggal<br />
Ika-an. <br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
Nilai-Nilai Kesetempatan dan Kesemestaan<br />
dalam Regionalisme Arsitektur di<br />
Indonesia -<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Designing<br />
for the Digital Age: How to Create Human-Centered<br />
Products and Services,<br />
Wiley Publishing, Inc., Indianapolis,<br />
Indiana.<br />
Learning<br />
from the Vernacular, in Lindsay<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Wastu Citra,<br />
PT. Gramedia, Jakarta, Indonesia<br />
<br />
<br />
tural<br />
future, Humanities Research<br />
<br />
Oxford dictionary, http://www. askoxford.<br />
com/concise_oed/design?-<br />
<br />
Traditional-<br />
Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s<br />
critical theory
ism and Vernacular Architecture in<br />
the Twenty-First Century, in Lindsay<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Time and<br />
Narrative, vol II<br />
<br />
Architecture<br />
Without Architects: A Short Introduction<br />
to Non-Pedigreed Architecture,<br />
<br />
<br />
Globalization:<br />
A Critical Introduction, Palgrave<br />
<br />
<br />
http://www.<br />
galinsky.com/buildings/tjibaou/ -<br />
<br />
-<br />
dazion<br />
<br />
jean-marie-tjibaou-cultural-center/<br />
<br />
<br />
Piano Building Workshop, http://www.<br />
-
Vernacular to modern in the search<br />
of sustainable development<br />
Shikha PATIDAR 1 , Brishbhanlali RAGHUWANSHI 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India<br />
2<br />
<br />
Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal, India<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.68077<br />
Abstract<br />
India has a rich cultural heritage. Madhya Pradesh is a state located in the Central<br />
India. It is known for its tribal culture and habitat. Each tribe has a unique<br />
settlement due to climate, topography and availability of materials. The culture<br />
and architecture are closely knitted. The paper aims to study the settlement of<br />
‘Saharia’ a primitive tribe from Madhya Pradesh. The objective is to understand its<br />
socio-cultural, ecological, architectural and economic aspects. The methodology<br />
adopted is to document and analyse ‘Saharia’ tribe on these aspects. Globalization<br />
had brought a major change in social and cultural life of people.The result focuses<br />
on the adaptation of appropriate technology using locally available materials and<br />
knowledge. It requires an innovative and creative approach to incorporate the<br />
traditional knowledge in the contemporary design. The work of architects who<br />
worked on similar ideology are studied. The paper concludes by learning lessons<br />
from vernacular architecture and its adaptation in the modern context.<br />
Keywords<br />
Adaptation, Settlement pattern, Sustainable development, Tribe, Vernacular.
Figure 1. Map of India showing differnet states (Source: http://geocurrents.info/ -Map.png).<br />
Figure 2. Map of Madhya Pradesh showing districts (Source: http://www.ndma.gov.in).<br />
Figure 3. Map of India showing tribes population in India (Source: http://tribal.nic.in).<br />
1. Introduction<br />
Madhya Pradesh is a state located<br />
in the Central India. It touches five<br />
states namely Gujarat, Rajasthan, Uttar<br />
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra.<br />
The state can be divided in four<br />
cultural zones such as Bundelkhand,<br />
<br />
zone has its own cultural identity such<br />
as language, dialects, customs, rituals<br />
and beliefs. The state is famous for<br />
its tribal arts and crafts in bamboo,<br />
wood, metal, metal casting, pottery,<br />
terracotta and textiles. According to<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
of them are Saharia,Gond, Bhil, Baiga<br />
and Korku.<br />
2. Culture and Architecture of<br />
Madhya Pradesh<br />
The state is famous for tribal culture<br />
and folk traditions. It is also known for<br />
its visual and performing arts. These art<br />
forms are closely associated with their<br />
beliefs, customs, religion and values. In<br />
textiles Mahaeshwari, Chanderi sarees<br />
are known for weaving, Bagh and Batik<br />
are known for printing. These designs<br />
are evolved and inspired from the surrounding<br />
environment. The weaving<br />
pattern in Maheshwari sarees ‘Laharia’<br />
is most dominating; inspired from the<br />
<br />
These patterns of textiles are also<br />
refleted in the vernacular architecture.<br />
<br />
daily life. It is a community activity<br />
performed each day after the work.<br />
Therefore, these activities have evolved<br />
the necessity of a community space like<br />
courtyard and chaupal in the settlement<br />
pattern. This resulted in a strong<br />
social binding among the community .<br />
Each tribe has its own way of settlement<br />
pattern on the basis of their culture and<br />
lifestyle like Saharia has circular, Bhil<br />
has scattered and Korku has linear. The<br />
interior walls of houses are depicted<br />
with the figures of birds, animals, trees<br />
and god-goddess through relief work.<br />
<br />
depicted on the walls are Pithora, Sanjha<br />
and on the floors are Mandana, Alpana.<br />
They adorn their roof tiles with<br />
human images and some figure which<br />
have something to do with witch-craft<br />
and evil spirts.<br />
Figure 4. Plan showing circular settlement pattern of Saharia tribe (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 5. Plan showing scattered settlement pattern of Bhil tribe (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 6. Plan showing linear settlement pattern of Korku tribe (Source: Author).
117<br />
Figure 7. The route map till ‘Khariyapura’ village (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps).<br />
Figure 8. The geology of the near by villages (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps/search).<br />
Figure 9. The settlement of Saharia tribe (Source: https://www.google.co.in/maps/search/).<br />
3. Objective<br />
The objective of the paper is to understand<br />
the socio-cultural, ecological,<br />
architectural and economic aspects of<br />
‘Saharia’ tribe. Saharia is a primitive<br />
tribe of Madhya Pradesh. They were<br />
formerly the dominant branch of the<br />
<br />
4. Methodology<br />
Morena distric has been chosen for<br />
the study of Saharia tribe, it is located<br />
on the north-west of Madhya Pradesh.<br />
The total population of Morena is<br />
<br />
<br />
ulation.<br />
As per the scheduled castes in<br />
the Constitution of India, Saharias are<br />
<br />
has been documented and analysed on<br />
various aspect of tribal settlement.<br />
5. Documentation of different<br />
aspects of vernacular settlement<br />
(a) Socio-cultural aspect<br />
Saharia word is derived from Persian<br />
word sahra, which means jungle.<br />
Saharias are called so because they live<br />
in jungle, dependent on forest for their<br />
livelihood. The tribe took their name<br />
from their habit of carrying axe in their<br />
hands. They belong to the cultural zone<br />
of Bundelkhand. They are found in<br />
Guna, Gwalior, Shivpuri, Bhind, Morena,<br />
Vidisha, Raisen districts of Madhya<br />
Pradesh. Saharia tribe lives in a closely<br />
knitted community among themselves<br />
but in isolation from the village and<br />
other tribes. The Morena district has<br />
<br />
<br />
As the tribal culture has a long<br />
standing stability in terms of its own<br />
identity. There is a greater unity of expression<br />
between its architecture and<br />
other areas of expression. It reflects in<br />
the way they dress, the way they built<br />
their houses and beautify them and<br />
even greater in the objects of their daily<br />
use. The fairs and festivals are an indispensible<br />
part of their life.<br />
awali,<br />
Tejaji and Assar puja (festival<br />
of rain). The God-Goddess worshiped<br />
are namely Thakur Baba and Beegasan<br />
Mata. The ‘oral tradition’ of stories,<br />
anecdotes, folk tales and puzzles are<br />
very popular among them (Mondhe,<br />
lar<br />
songs are Banna-bannai (blessings)<br />
and Rasiya (romantic songs) on the<br />
occassion of birth and marriages.<br />
Men wear a small dhoti (loincloth),<br />
saloako (shirt) and a safa (turban).<br />
Women wear a long skirt (lugda/ghaghara),<br />
upper garments (angi/coli/<br />
<br />
usually have their own unique designs<br />
of jewelley and ornaments. The popular<br />
motifs are snakes; fish and butterfly<br />
are intricately carved in the jewellery.<br />
They tattoo their bodies elaborately.<br />
They believe that every material thing<br />
is left here in this world but the only<br />
thing which goes with them to God is<br />
Figure 10. The unique forms of animistic ritual (Source: http://bravefestival.pl).<br />
Figure 11. The unique forms of animistic ritual (Source: http://bravefestival.pl).<br />
Figure 12. Tribal dance of Saharia tribe (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development
their tattoo marks. Tattooing is one of<br />
the traditional art of adorning women<br />
<br />
(b) Ecological aspect<br />
Ecological isolation influenced the<br />
Saharias to remain as cultural isolates<br />
<br />
beliefs associated with trees, most<br />
villages have secret spaces under the<br />
trees. Trees with medicinal values are<br />
<br />
Vachellia nilotica.<br />
As per case study, in Khariyapura<br />
village the settlement is on a plateau<br />
surrounded by the hills, cultivated land<br />
and forest. These type of settlements<br />
are evoloved from the ecological setting<br />
and helps them to keep a vigil and<br />
<br />
plateau, it is not easy for a stranger to<br />
find out a Saharia village. The Sahariyas<br />
maintained ecological equilibrium<br />
with their environment for ages,<br />
despite low level of technology (The<br />
Saharia Tribe: A saga of struggle for<br />
existence).<br />
There is a tradition of Gotra representing<br />
the family they belong. Usually<br />
they are named after plants, trees and<br />
<br />
Salkia- shorea robusta (tree), Phool<br />
Baguliya- stork (bird). The principal<br />
species of trees found in this area are<br />
Acaric arbica, Bassia latifolia. The region<br />
has a large variety of wild animals,<br />
especially in the area covered by forests.<br />
The animals commonly found are<br />
tiger, jungle pig, snakes etc. A variety<br />
of birds are found such as the grey partridge,<br />
pea fowl, peacock.<br />
(c) Architectural aspect<br />
Site selection<br />
Pahargarh is a village surrounded<br />
by the hills, there are few settlements,<br />
whereas ‘Khariyapura’ area is selected<br />
for a case study. There is a river close<br />
to the settlement. The surface is hard<br />
with sandy soil. The vegetation is of dry<br />
and deciduous variety. This is due to<br />
the nature of soil and partly due to the<br />
climatic condition of the region.<br />
Climate, typography and geology<br />
The climate varies with the natural<br />
divisions. The area experiences extremes<br />
of temperature during summers<br />
and winters. The Saharias are mainly<br />
inhabited in the hilly tract and south<br />
and central plateau areas. The hilly<br />
tracts in the western part are made up<br />
of sandstone which offers greater resis-<br />
<br />
The village<br />
A typical Saharia village is set<br />
against the background of hills and<br />
jungles with a stream nearby. They live<br />
in a cluster of huts on a hillock or highlands<br />
which remain green with plants<br />
and other shrubs during the rainy season,<br />
but dry during the summer. They<br />
live in separate hamlets in multi-ethnic<br />
villages. Sometimes, they also have two<br />
or more hamlets in a single village. Saharia<br />
always like to settle nearer to water<br />
source and forests to get sufficient<br />
supply of wild roots, tubers, fruits, veg-<br />
<br />
a crematorium at a distance from the<br />
village; memorials of dead are in the<br />
form of square platform.<br />
Settlement pattern<br />
The settlement is connected by the<br />
pedestrian pathway to the main road.<br />
The houses are oriented towards east,<br />
north and west forming a circular pattern.<br />
The entrance to the settlement<br />
is from the south. The front facade of<br />
all the houses are towards the centre.<br />
They have a tradition of joint family.<br />
The joint families have a bigger cluster<br />
while nuclear have smaller ones.<br />
After marriage, young couple makes<br />
a new house for themselves, adjacent<br />
to the family cluster. There is a place<br />
of worship in the centre of the settlement<br />
and adjacent to it is a community<br />
space called Choupal, where grandparent<br />
look after their children while parents<br />
are working on the fields. It is also<br />
a place where people sit together and<br />
discuss social and religious matters. It<br />
is also used to accommodate the guests<br />
during occassions. The settlement utility<br />
spaces like a well for drinking water,<br />
a small grocery shop for daily needs<br />
and they have to go to weekly market<br />
called ‘haat’ for major shopping.<br />
There is also has a primary school<br />
and a health centre. They sing and<br />
dance during festivals and ceremonies.<br />
The whole settlement pattern is called<br />
“Saharana” in local dialect. A Saharana
Figure <strong>13</strong>. The settlement pattern of Saharia tribe (Source: Mandal, 1998).<br />
Figure 14. The Saharana or a commnity space (Source: Mandal, 1998).<br />
Figure 15. The Saharia settlement in the ecological setting (Source: Author).<br />
means where the Saharia families lives<br />
in a cluster. At the time of marriage<br />
and on festive occasions the people of a<br />
Saharana come forward freely and participate.<br />
Members of a Saharana co-operate<br />
with each other and reciprocate at<br />
<br />
Dwelling<br />
The Saharia dwelling is called Tapra.<br />
The houses are rectangular in shape,<br />
divided into two parts. One part is used<br />
for storage; the other is utilized for<br />
cooking, sleeping and the centre there<br />
is a niche in the wall for worshipping.<br />
A corner of a family courtyard is used<br />
for bathing, though they usually take<br />
bath at tank, well or a streamlet. They<br />
don’t have lavatory in the house; they<br />
have a tradition to go in the open fields<br />
for nature’s call. A small open space<br />
in front of a house is used as courtyard.<br />
It is a multipurpose space used<br />
for cooking, drinking water storage,<br />
and household work. Boundary wall<br />
<br />
border of the house, used as informal<br />
sitting space. Beside this is a platform<br />
<br />
the open. The functions and aesthetics<br />
are closely related to each other. There<br />
is no division between the function<br />
and the aesthetic, the material and use<br />
of it. The walls are painted. Windows<br />
are not found due to extreme climatic<br />
conditions. The absence of plinth keeps<br />
the floor damp. A cattle shed is at the<br />
back of cooking area. They also have<br />
shed for pigs and chickens. In some<br />
other places it is found where locally<br />
available material is stone. Most of<br />
the construction is done by stone only.<br />
They perform their major activities in<br />
open. The main objects of stone craft<br />
in the village areas are idols of locally<br />
worshipped deities. Horses occupy a<br />
significant status as a symbol of power<br />
and force. It is found in different forms<br />
in murals, sculpture and even in the<br />
structural members of the built form.<br />
Construction method and techniques<br />
The materials used for construction<br />
of houses depend on locally available<br />
material. Houses are load bearing<br />
structure of random rubble masonry<br />
and mud mortar. They go for shallow<br />
foundation because of hard strata. The<br />
walls are made up of stones, plastered<br />
with mud; cow-dung is used as a finishing<br />
material. The walls are painted<br />
with lime, minerals and herbal colours.<br />
ity<br />
purposes. In order to prevent clay<br />
surfaces from cracking and crumbling<br />
a fresh coat of clay and cow dung is applied<br />
from time to time.<br />
Pitched roof is a common form of<br />
roof, regarded as the cheapest alternative<br />
for covering a structure. It is<br />
Figure 16. Plan of Saharia dwelling at Kahariya village (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />
Figure 17. Elevation of the dwelling (Source: Shikha Patidar).<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development
Figure 18. The cooking space in the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 19. The bathing space in the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 20. The informal sitting space in front of the dwelling (Source: Author).<br />
constructed in wood or stone. Wooden<br />
pitched roof consists of a system of<br />
joists, rafters and purlins arranged in<br />
the form of a triangular shaped truss.<br />
The wooden doors are pivoted, ledged<br />
and battened and paneled. Paneled<br />
doors made of single plank and carved<br />
with the motifs of birds, animals, human<br />
figure and geometry design.<br />
orated<br />
with the relief work. The Saharia<br />
women besmear the main doorframes,<br />
doorsills, courtyard and kitchen with a<br />
paste of yellow clay, chalk and ochre.<br />
They paint auspicious figures with<br />
these materials. This painting is done<br />
not only on special occasions and almost<br />
daily in the kitchen. This shows<br />
their aesthetic sense even in daily routine<br />
activities. It is very difficult for<br />
urbane to appreciate the vision behind<br />
this (Madhya Pradesh Tribal Museum).<br />
The clay figures are prevalent to<br />
mark both auspicious as well as inauspicious<br />
occasions. The construction<br />
method and techniques has evovled<br />
by the process of trail and error for<br />
ages. Stone image concretize a spiritual<br />
longing ensuring the continuance of a<br />
<br />
Aesthetic<br />
The walls are decorated with geometric<br />
patterns, floral and animal<br />
figures. The wall paintings and floor<br />
paintings apart from serving ritualistic<br />
purposes are believed to create a<br />
harmonious atmosphere in the house.<br />
They have stabilised mud flooring<br />
covered with cow dung and decorated<br />
with coloured clay borders defining the<br />
spaces. The clay commonly available is<br />
yellow ochre, white and red. A broad<br />
border painted in the house along its<br />
base lends grandeur to the dwelling.<br />
They are symbols drawn afresh each<br />
time in the courtyard, on the threshold<br />
and in other spaces of the house.<br />
Auspicious symbols drawn on the<br />
floor with rice paste ochre or yellow<br />
earth color is done by women drawn<br />
during festivals or rituals connected<br />
with seasonal changes, sowing of crops,<br />
the onset of rain, harvest or significant<br />
occasion in their family such as birth,<br />
puberty, marriage, pregnancy and<br />
death. The simple decoration of ochre<br />
and mud on the platform for keeping<br />
earthen pots and on sides of niches add<br />
charm to the surroundings. The relief<br />
work is usually done at the entrance<br />
and on the walls during the construction<br />
of the house, when the wall is wet.<br />
The similar relief work appears on the<br />
grain storage bins which is made of<br />
clay and husk.<br />
(d) Economic aspect<br />
Traditionally they are agriculturers,<br />
labourers and collectors of forest products<br />
and sellers of herbal medicines.<br />
Their agricultural income is marginal<br />
but they get substantial additional income<br />
from working in the forests and<br />
Figure 21. The construction of stone wall with mud plaster (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 22. The timber truss with the supporting wooden members (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 23. The stone roof with the supporting stone members (Source: Author).
121<br />
Figure 24. The decoration in the worshipping area (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 25. The floor decorated with yellow ochre (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 26. The ledged and battened door (Source: Author).<br />
Figure 27. The relief work on the granary (Source: Author).<br />
collecting minor forest produce such<br />
as honey, edible gums. They are good<br />
huntsmen. The main business is gathering<br />
and selling of forest wood, gum,<br />
honey, fruits and vegetables. Some of<br />
them are settled cultivators. The people<br />
of ‘Sahariyas’ tribe never bothered<br />
of their future, because they were confident<br />
that forests, which they respect<br />
and protect, would never leave them<br />
hungry. However, the other groups of<br />
society have exploited the forests to tilt,<br />
for meeting their self interests (The Saharia<br />
Tribe: A saga of struggle for existence).<br />
They possess a few cots (khatiya),<br />
some utensils, iron implements,<br />
scanty clothes, light bedding and small<br />
granaries. Bamboo baskets of different<br />
shapes and sizes are found in every<br />
house for daily use. One grinding<br />
stone is an essential item for a Saharia<br />
source<br />
management and respect the<br />
natural resoures like water, land and<br />
forest. They know the appropriate use<br />
the materials and try to use it without<br />
secondary processing. There is minimum<br />
wastage of energy and resources.<br />
Multipurpose uses of space make<br />
the houses small and economical. The<br />
houses are designed with the bare min-<br />
<br />
construction, the main trunk of the<br />
tree with desired diameter and length<br />
is used as the main supports, the smaller<br />
pieces of branches as rafters, purlins,<br />
battens and the leaves, bushes, grass as<br />
the covering material.<br />
6. Integration of vernacular and<br />
modern<br />
Vernacular traditions lead a way<br />
towards the sustainable built environment.<br />
The valuable lessons from<br />
vernacular can be integrated with the<br />
modern to produce sustainable de-<br />
<br />
need understanding of users way of<br />
life, social and cultural values. Aryana<br />
<br />
Charles Correa and Anandgram by<br />
<br />
examples of integration of vernacular<br />
and modern. Architects like Louis<br />
Kahn, Lourie Baker, Shirish Beri, Revathi<br />
and Vasanth Kamath, Satprem<br />
Maini, Anupama Kundoo and Yatin<br />
Pandya have incorporated the principles<br />
of vernacular traditions in their<br />
contemporary buildings.<br />
<br />
selected as an example of resettlement.<br />
-<br />
<br />
and Vasanth Kamath their work is<br />
a creative synthesis of attitudes and<br />
technologies into an aesthetic habitat<br />
and a way of life. They believe in using<br />
natural resources and utilize them<br />
to the most and are on a mission to<br />
Figure 28. The unit after 30 years (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />
Figure 29. The setion of a cluster (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />
Figure 30. The detailed plan of a cluster (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />
Figure 31. The plan of a settlement structure (Source: http://www.kamathdesign.org/project/anandgram).<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development
122<br />
Table 1. Lessons from Vernacular Architecture of Saharia Tribe (Source: Author).<br />
Aspects<br />
Socio-cultural<br />
Ecological<br />
Architectural<br />
Economic<br />
Parameters<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Community participation<br />
Belief and rituals<br />
Worshipping nature<br />
Gotra (family name or identity)<br />
Building with nature<br />
Association with domestic<br />
animals<br />
Site selection<br />
Climate responsive<br />
Settlement pattern<br />
<br />
Materials<br />
Construction method<br />
Aesthetics<br />
Livelihood<br />
Resource management<br />
Waste management<br />
Particulars<br />
They usually have joint families. When a couple gets married they built a new<br />
house in the same cluster.<br />
<br />
Men wear- shirt, loincloth and turban. Women wear ghangha, choli, sari.They<br />
wear ornaments of gold and silver depicting the nature.<br />
The houses are constructed by themseleves and by community participation.<br />
In the centre of a settlement they have a place of worship. The ornamentation of<br />
the house is assosciated with beliefs and rituals.<br />
They worship some specific trees on special occasion. Some of them have<br />
<br />
<br />
shorea robusta (tree), Phool Baguliya- stork (bird). Therefore they never harm<br />
them.<br />
Houses are built respecting the typography.<br />
Animals are integral part of their family they keep cow, goat, pig, chicken.<br />
The houses are built on plateau surrounded by the hills, site is usually close to the<br />
source of water. The construction is done on non-fertile land.<br />
The house form is evoloved as per the climatic condition. Less openings are<br />
provided due to exterme temperature.<br />
It has circular settlement pattern with the community space at the centre.<br />
<br />
Locally avaliable material like sandstone, laterite, mud, wood and grass.<br />
Shallow foundation, load bearing structure with stone masonry, mud plaster,<br />
wooden trusees, stone slabs and wooden doors.<br />
The walls and doors are decorated with the relief work. The murals depicted on<br />
the walls are Pithora, Sanjha and on the floors are Mandana, Alpana.<br />
<br />
Judicial use of materials.<br />
Recycling of material.<br />
substitute concrete, cement and energy-consuming<br />
systems with sun,<br />
water, wind and soil. Ecology must<br />
be understood to encompass both<br />
nature and culture. The settlement is<br />
designed for traditional community<br />
of performing artists and craftsmen<br />
in their own traditional pattern by intergraing<br />
values, customs, beliefs and<br />
lifestyle. The challange was to provide<br />
the built-fabric to the community in<br />
relation to the urban form. It is one of<br />
the best examples of reflection of culture<br />
in architecture in the contemporary<br />
design. (Revathi Kamath)<br />
(a) Beach house at Deogad,<br />
Maharastra<br />
The design of this beach house stems<br />
from a basic simplicity of lifestyle and<br />
from its symbiotic relationship with<br />
nature. The main entrance to the house<br />
meanders through the portal created<br />
by the two existing Cashurina trees.<br />
The Undal tree with a seating platform<br />
and Tulasi forms the vista through the<br />
car porch. The house is basically one<br />
single unified space under one roof,<br />
with functions differentiated by low<br />
partition walls, curtains, levels etc.<br />
to create a continues uninterrupted<br />
merging with the surrounding nature<br />
gad).
Table 2. Adaptation of Vernacular in Modern Architecture (Source: Author).<br />
Aspects Parameters Particulars<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Mixed culture therefore celebrate Hoil, Christams, Eid.<br />
Socio-cultural<br />
<br />
Influenced by western culure<br />
Community participation<br />
Less community participation<br />
Ecological<br />
Architectural<br />
Economic<br />
Belief and rituals<br />
Worshipping nature<br />
Gotra (family name/ identity)<br />
Building with nature<br />
Association with domestic<br />
animals<br />
Site selection<br />
Climate responsive<br />
Settlement pattern<br />
<br />
Multi-purpose space<br />
Materials<br />
Construction method<br />
Aesthetics<br />
Lifestyle<br />
Cost effective<br />
Resource management<br />
Waste management<br />
They are not depicted or identified in the dwellings as their identities.<br />
Houses are not built as per the natural setting.<br />
<br />
Most of the buildings are not eco-friendly nor climate responsive.<br />
<br />
<br />
agriculture land is also used for construction.<br />
Less climate responsive, house forms are not as per the climatic condition. They<br />
are depended on mechanical devices.<br />
<br />
‘Saharia’ can be adopted. Ar. Revathi Kamath has adopted principles vernacular<br />
<br />
They are designed as per the economic statues like High income group (HIG),<br />
Middle income group (MIG) and Low income group (LIG).<br />
<br />
principles of vernacular architecture in his modern house.<br />
Market oriented materials are used, locally avaliable materials are neglected.<br />
Ar. Laurie Baker has adopted principles of vernacular architecture with the<br />
adoption of locally material and techniques.<br />
Locally avaliable material can be upgraded with the help of modern technology.<br />
Ar. Satprem Maine has adopted in Mud architecture.<br />
There is no identity of the region. Contemporary art can incorporated in<br />
architecture, Ar. Charles Correa has adopted in Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal.<br />
Globalization had brought a change in social life and cultural identity.<br />
Comparative market, transportation cost is more. When appropriate material is<br />
used, it is cost effective.<br />
<br />
secondary materia should be done.<br />
<br />
done projects using waste materials.<br />
Figure 32. The site plan of the residence (Source: http://architecturenewsplus.com).<br />
Figure 33. The cross- sections of the residence. (Source: http://architecturenewsplus.com/).<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development
124<br />
Figure 34. The building is an eco-friendly structures (Source: http://thehindu.com).<br />
Figure 35. Jaali wall provide light and ventilation. (Source:http://earthbagbuilding.com).<br />
Figure 36. Jaali wall providiving natural light (Source: http://desertmonster.wordpress.com).<br />
(b) Laurie Baker in Kerala<br />
“I dont think Ive ever been inspired<br />
by what other architects have done but<br />
more by what ordinary craftsmen have<br />
created (Laurie Baker). Laurie Baker in<br />
in his designs, asserted the appropriateness<br />
of the traditional construction<br />
to local condition, adapting existing locally<br />
available materials and traditional<br />
methods to contemporary urban structures.<br />
The beautiful use of exposed<br />
bricks in walls, arches, jaali patterns.<br />
He is renowned for his initatives in cost<br />
effective and energy efficient designs.<br />
(c) Satprem Maini in Auroville<br />
Building with earth has a great past,<br />
and also a promising future everywhere<br />
in the world. Proper management<br />
of natural resources is essential<br />
for sustainable development, says Satprem.<br />
Satprem specializes in the use<br />
of raw earth as a building material and<br />
especially compressed stabilised earth<br />
blocks (CSEB). He has also specialised<br />
in the construction of arches, vaults<br />
and domes built with earth, disaster<br />
resistance with CSEB and earthen heritage<br />
conservation. The CSEB, designed<br />
by Satprem, are made by mixing earth<br />
<br />
cement. This mix is then compressed in<br />
a manual press. The blocks are energy<br />
effective as it does not require burning.<br />
It is also cost effective (Maini)<br />
(d) Charles Correa- contemporary<br />
art in architecture<br />
<br />
brilliantly inventive in his deployment<br />
of certain timeless themes in Indian culture<br />
and philosophy – journey, passage,<br />
void and the representation of the cosmos.<br />
He uses them as a means to creating<br />
ambitious new spaces and structures.<br />
His deep understanding of the<br />
implications of climate, demographics,<br />
transport and community life has a universal<br />
quality and has helped structure<br />
the thematic arrangement of the exhibition.”<br />
Rooted both in modernism and<br />
the rich traditions of people, place and<br />
climate. (Charles Correa)<br />
(e) Yatin Pandya – recyling waste<br />
material<br />
Recycling domestic waste as building<br />
components is an environmental,<br />
economic and aesthetic imperative.<br />
“Holistic architecture is experientially<br />
engaging, environmentally sustaining,<br />
socio-culturally responsive and most importantly<br />
contextually appropriate. Context<br />
in terms of culture, climate and construction.<br />
In the context of India history<br />
is alive through lived in traditions. We<br />
are lucky to find repository of traditional<br />
wisdom through its deep long passage of<br />
time. We endeavor to create contextually<br />
relevant contemporary resolutions that<br />
inspire from the rich Indian traditions<br />
and yet aspire for its future dreams.” (Yatin<br />
Pandya).-<br />
Figure 37. The Vikas Community, Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India (Source: http://cseindia.org).<br />
Figure 38. The Vikas Community, Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India (Source: http://cseindia.org).<br />
Figure 39. The training centre of the Auroville Earth Institute (Source: http://earthauroville).
Figure 40. The Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal (Source: http://en.wikiarquitectura.com).<br />
Figure 41. The contemporary art in Vidhan Sabha, Bhopal (Source: http://jangarh-singhshyam.in).<br />
Figure 42. Arts Centre, Jaipur, Jawahar Kala Kendra (Source: http://jawahar-kala-kendra).<br />
7. Conclusion<br />
The key parameter of sustainability<br />
is the social and cultural relevance. The<br />
diversity of the local culture is eloquent<br />
in the way they treat and manage their<br />
environment. The built environment is<br />
shaped by the values and cultural believes<br />
of the community. Globalization<br />
has brought a major change in the lifestyle.<br />
The patterns of evolution, adapting<br />
to the change in traditions, is critical<br />
for the continuity of cultures.<br />
In contemporary architecture, it<br />
is important to identify the need for<br />
human comfort. As the climate is<br />
changing rapidly, the settlement has<br />
to be modified and adapted to fulfill<br />
the changing needs and lifestyles. The<br />
buildings should be climate responsive<br />
and energy efficent. It is not advised to<br />
shun the tradition completely, continuity<br />
with the past is essential for the sustainability<br />
of a community as a whole.<br />
The focus of ecological sustainability is<br />
to create a balance between man and<br />
his environment including both natural<br />
and man-made. The aim is to work<br />
with nature and not against it.<br />
Physical sustainability is one of the<br />
most tangible forms of sustainability.<br />
As the needs and values of the society<br />
changes, the buildings either adapt<br />
themselves to suit the new demands or<br />
neglected or get replaced by the modern<br />
ones. The world is witnessing the<br />
repercussions of globalization.<br />
Consequently, the vernacular form<br />
of architecture is rapidly being replaced<br />
with new industrial materials<br />
such as steel and concrete. It has been<br />
observed that when building fail to<br />
meet the basic requirements of contemporary<br />
standards, conflicts arises<br />
and often leads to overcrowding. To<br />
increase physical sustainability, restore<br />
the buildings, cultural character with<br />
community partnership and their tradition<br />
knowledge. Upgradation and<br />
adaptive use of locally available material<br />
should be encouraged.<br />
Economic sustainability can be<br />
achieved by low cost techniques, environmental<br />
friendly and energy ef-<br />
<br />
multiple use of spaces and judicial use<br />
materials and resources.<br />
“Satisfying the spiritual economic<br />
and material needs of the people is determining<br />
condition for sustainable architecture<br />
and every decision concerning<br />
areas, the design of a building must<br />
be sensitive to the culture, the resources,<br />
and the character of the place. The<br />
risk is global standards global modes of<br />
building and global processes will overwhelm<br />
the local context” (Willianson et<br />
<br />
To achieve sustainability in the living<br />
environment, a balance needs to<br />
be achieved between the available resources<br />
and needs of a contemporary<br />
Figure 43. The filler slabs made from glass and plastic (Source: http://insideoutside.in).<br />
Figure 44. The digital waste, cds used to make doors (Source: manav-sadhna).<br />
Figure 45. Recycled glass, plastic bottles used as partition walls (Source: http://insideoutside.in).<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development
society. The survival of the past will<br />
depend completely on the ability to<br />
adapt to the needs of the future. It can<br />
therefore be concluded that sustainable<br />
development can only be achieved by<br />
learning, understanding and appreciating<br />
the past. The traditional settlements<br />
are eloquent the traditional wisdom in<br />
sustainable development. They are developed<br />
as a sensitive response to climate,<br />
topography culture and natural<br />
resources and therefore sustainable in<br />
social, economical and cultural sense.<br />
Acknowledgments<br />
We are greatly thankful to department<br />
of Culture, Archology, Tribal<br />
Research Institute, Tribal Museum,<br />
State Archological Museum of Madhya<br />
Pradesh.<br />
Glossary<br />
Bhil: one of the main tribes living in<br />
<br />
Byelaws: rules governing the building<br />
construction activities of a place.<br />
Chaupal: denotes a common meeting<br />
place in a village which is owned by<br />
the whole community in Hindu.<br />
Dusharra: festival to commemorate<br />
the victory of Loord Rama over Ravana<br />
the demon-god; also celebrating<br />
Shakti’s killing of the demon Mahishasura.<br />
Dwelling: is the name given to a<br />
house form or for living somewhere.<br />
Gotra: a descent from a common<br />
ancestor/ family name or identity<br />
Haat: weekely market<br />
Jaali: lattices made of bamboo, grass<br />
and clay, used on mud houses in Sarguja,<br />
Raigarh. Made by women, these<br />
lattices are an example of traditional<br />
village architecture.<br />
Pithora: votive wall painting made<br />
by the Bhils, worshipped with sacrifices.<br />
Sahariya: primitive tribe living in<br />
Gwalior, Shivpuri and Morena in the<br />
north-westrn part of Madhya Pradesh.<br />
The people of this tribe consider Sabari<br />
of Ramayana to their first ancestor.<br />
References<br />
<br />
guin<br />
Group<br />
na<br />
Jile ki Saharia Janjati ka Sanskritik<br />
Pralakhan. In: Bhopal: Tribal Research<br />
Institute<br />
-<br />
<br />
org/project/anandgram<br />
Madhya Pradesh Triba Museum.<br />
seum.com/tribes-sahariya.html<br />
re<br />
and Cultural Change in the Saharia<br />
<br />
Ltd<br />
<br />
and Saharia. Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh):<br />
Aadijati Kalyan Vibhaj Madhya<br />
Pradesh Sasan<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Patidar, S. n.d. Madhy Pradesh ke<br />
<br />
Jansampark<br />
<br />
Crafts of Madhya Pradesh. Ahmedabad:<br />
Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd.,<br />
Ahmedabad in association with Vanya<br />
Prakashan, Bhopal<br />
ditions<br />
Contemporary Architecture.<br />
<br />
Institute (TERI). TERI Press<br />
<br />
http://www.slideshare/the-sahariyatribe<br />
<br />
bals_in_Madhya_Pradesh
Re-dignifying vernacular for<br />
constructing national identity:<br />
Elitism, grand traditions and<br />
cultural revival in Bahrain<br />
Ranjith DAYARATNE<br />
<br />
University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain<br />
Final Acceptance: January <strong>2016</strong><br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.43534<br />
Abstract<br />
Since the discovery of oil, the decline of the pearl industry and the emergence<br />
of modern architecture, most vernacular buildings in Bahrain had become dilapidated.<br />
Over time, their occupiers had moved onto other modern and luxurious<br />
buildings that are available aplenty now, although often lacking in local identity<br />
and national character. Recently, there is a renewed interest in the historical vernacular,<br />
considered necessary to be rejuvenated for the infusion of national pride<br />
and construction of national identity. The Ministry of Culture as well as reputed<br />
architects have adopted strategies of ‘re-dignifying the historical vernacular’ of<br />
Bahrain with the intention of rekindling the interest in the historical traditions<br />
and re-infusing them to modern life. This paper examines a number of re-dignified<br />
buildings, and re-invented grand traditions of Bahrain and how they are<br />
being re-modeled for the present day consumption. It advances the theory that<br />
architecture and national identity are intertwined through ‘elitism’ and ‘grand traditions’,<br />
and buildings that embody such narratives are considered culturally rich.<br />
It thus re-assesses the reproduction of vernacular being articulated in the present<br />
context of globalization.<br />
Keywords<br />
Bahrain, Grand traditions, National identity, Re-dignifying vernacular.
1. Introduction<br />
The significance of vernacular for<br />
the construction of identity of a nation<br />
is often overlooked and not explicitly<br />
acknowledged, although evidence<br />
abounds in countries where rich vernacular<br />
had existed. Bahrain, an is-<br />
<br />
<br />
country where this link has recently<br />
become explicitly articulated by the<br />
state, aptly supported and acknowledged<br />
by the general public. Undeniably,<br />
Bahrain has been endowed with<br />
rich traditions and vernacular that<br />
claim a significant history of more than<br />
<br />
vernacular is nothing to be surprised<br />
of. Identity however is not something<br />
static and is to be constructed not only<br />
by means of rejuvenating the vernacular.<br />
It is multi-faceted and thus vernacular<br />
provides a veneer of that identity<br />
which is immersed in the past that<br />
can be projected into the future. This<br />
duality of its potential re-deployment<br />
endows it with a complexity and richness<br />
that need to be understood and<br />
grasped with their nuances of existence<br />
and articulation. This paper seeks to<br />
examine a number of recently executed<br />
projects rejuvenating the vernacular<br />
traditions of Bahrain and delves into<br />
the links they exhibit with the ‘forms of<br />
traditions’ and cultural facets, together<br />
with the socio-economic and socio-political<br />
meanings associated with<br />
their makings.<br />
<br />
modernism that was employed often<br />
to generate pride and national identity<br />
in many societies which were in the<br />
process of inventing themselves anew.<br />
Even a country like India with abundance<br />
of rich vernacular recovering<br />
from years of colonization sought not<br />
to return to roots but to seek alternatives<br />
from modern architecture in their<br />
quest for national pride. For example<br />
in commissioning Chandigarh, it has<br />
been said,<br />
“Our basic purpose [in Chandigarh]<br />
is to create a sense of pride in the citizen,<br />
not only in his own city, but in India,<br />
its past and its potential imminent<br />
future …. We are seeking symbols, to<br />
restore or to create pride and confidence<br />
in [the Indian] himself and his<br />
<br />
Post–modernism however brought<br />
to light the value and relevance of traditions<br />
and the vernacular and have<br />
re-infused the sense of culture and<br />
history as a significant component of<br />
identity construction. Geoffery Bawa,<br />
the Sri Lankan architect who spearheaded<br />
critical regionalism indeed<br />
created numerous projects of such<br />
revisionist approaches from the construction<br />
of the holiday resorts to the<br />
national parliament of Sri Lanka. In<br />
fact, when construction of national<br />
identity is the objective of a project, it<br />
has become quite common for many<br />
to return to the vernacular in search<br />
for the roots and the culture core that<br />
nurtures and cherishes the traits that<br />
are to define identity. Perhaps it is for<br />
<br />
later regretted the erasure of all its vernacular<br />
and historical buildings in the<br />
pursuit of a new modernism and fast<br />
<br />
<br />
2. Theorizing national identity,<br />
vernacular culture, and elitism<br />
The concept of a ‘‘nation’’ is the manifestation<br />
of various internalized and<br />
externalized forces and conceptualizations<br />
of a group of people whose existence<br />
situates them in a locality as well<br />
as globally, contributing to a sense of<br />
belonging and attachment to the group<br />
of their own. Identity is a social construct<br />
that emanates from this sense<br />
of belonging which enables people to<br />
distinguish themselves against ‘others’.<br />
tion<br />
of everyday living of people contributes<br />
both directly and indirectly to<br />
this process through material as well as<br />
non-material attributes. Indeed, at the<br />
heart of this lies an inalienable bond<br />
between people and the land upon<br />
which they ‘dwell’. However, it is only<br />
if architecture possesses such possibilities<br />
to inculcate a bond between people<br />
and places, and provide unique symbols<br />
and material artifacts of character<br />
that they will be treated as being able to<br />
represent the nation.<br />
structed<br />
material world concretizes<br />
and expresses the values of a society<br />
and its founding ideologies. McMa-
and asserts that collective identity of<br />
a people is reflected through material<br />
culture and that architecture is one of<br />
its expressive mediums. In fact, it is<br />
well known that architecture creates<br />
meanings, and that architectural elements<br />
produce symbolism, narratives<br />
and ideological connotations (Good-<br />
tional<br />
architecture’ thus reflects the<br />
perceived self of its people through<br />
styles, elements, order and compositional<br />
languages it employs. National<br />
identity however is imagined to exist<br />
without or even before material culture<br />
comes into existence and therefore architecture,<br />
which then it represents. To<br />
the contrary, it is argued that as a tangible<br />
manifestation of a way of thinking<br />
and inhabiting the world concretized<br />
through symbols, architecture by itself<br />
does create national identity rather<br />
than simply reflect it.<br />
Throughout history and across<br />
the world, architecture has produced<br />
unique and intrinsic symbols for articulating<br />
the notions of nations representing<br />
many different people. Classical<br />
architecture accomplished this task<br />
gracefully through the monuments<br />
while the vernacular lent a humble and<br />
<br />
to the construction of identity in two<br />
ways. First, it inculcated an attachment<br />
to the past, glorified it and continued<br />
to make them be present, at any given<br />
time. Secondly, it endowed legitimacy<br />
to those who authored them to<br />
<br />
crats<br />
derived their power through the<br />
<br />
to these were symbolic meanings derived<br />
from myth and mysticism. For<br />
example, classical orientalism couched<br />
in notions of cosmic energies and supernatural<br />
connections brought about<br />
a sense of commonality and belonging<br />
among people who believed in them<br />
which the rulers employed to assert<br />
ture<br />
was thus engaged to authorize<br />
accepted ideologies and to construct<br />
a collective consciousness as a socially<br />
cohesive imagination fostering a strong<br />
sense of attachment to a geo-political<br />
body among a given group of people.<br />
When skillfully crafted, architecture<br />
thus persuades consensus and brings<br />
about a sense of belonging necessary<br />
for constructing the notion of a nation<br />
and help sustain a group of people in<br />
collective unity.<br />
<br />
‘‘have always possessed the emotive<br />
collective qualities’’ that can bring a<br />
nation together, and that architecture<br />
is indeed such a symbol. Symbols as<br />
material representations of people are<br />
impregnated with latent and manifest<br />
-<br />
<br />
culture, symbolism and tradition are<br />
at the base of national identity. In his<br />
seminal book ‘‘the invention of tradition’’,<br />
he explains that traditions are often<br />
constructed and given a semblance<br />
of historical continuity and legitimacy,<br />
when in fact they are mere innovations<br />
of older customs or very novel<br />
and relatively recent creations. Often,<br />
the continuities or meanings claimed<br />
are argued to be misconceptions of the<br />
historic past or myths.<br />
Multiple processes are sought to<br />
construct nationhood, although often<br />
the historical traditions are taken as<br />
one of the most desirable. Historical<br />
traditions embody the imagined continuity<br />
of historical narrative, social<br />
and cultural relevance and the collective<br />
consciousness of the communities<br />
of the past. However, as Colquhoun<br />
argues, ‘‘the use of the past to supply<br />
models [a way of practicing historicism]<br />
for the present depends upon<br />
the ideological distortions of the past’’<br />
<br />
not construct identity per se. Nevertheless,<br />
each collective of people and the<br />
geo-body that provides for anchorage<br />
of their collective identity adopt multiple<br />
techniques and strategies including<br />
the practice of historicism not only to<br />
construct the nation, but also to re-define<br />
and deploy the notions of nation as<br />
an essential component of their being.<br />
Often, among such techniques,<br />
deployment of what is perceived as<br />
‘an authentic character’, generated by<br />
uniqueness of culture has always played<br />
a significant role. In fact, Rapoport<br />
ture<br />
over numerous physical factors<br />
in the making of the domestic form<br />
and its contribution to the generation<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />
revival in Bahrain
of character of rural settings. Similar-<br />
<br />
lationships<br />
between culture and architectural<br />
traditions (i.e. folk, vernacu-<br />
<br />
clearly establish that, culture, tradition<br />
and authentic character inherent in the<br />
vernacular are intrinsic manifestations<br />
of the values of a given group of people<br />
and therefore have the potency to<br />
generate symbols for the construction<br />
of national identity. Hobsbawm and<br />
gest<br />
that it is ‘selective traditions’ that<br />
help articulate ‘architectural identity’<br />
that are effectively deployed to narrate<br />
the notions of a nation.<br />
tween<br />
‘grand design traditions’ and<br />
‘folk design traditions’, which can be<br />
associated respectively with ‘high’ and<br />
‘other levels’ of cultures of a given so-<br />
<br />
similar cultural division. Wijetunge<br />
<br />
establishes that in fact, these variations<br />
of traditions possessed and articulated<br />
by elites, sub-elites and peasants need<br />
to be clearly understood in terms of<br />
their potency for establishing national<br />
identity since they play different roles.<br />
<br />
between elites, sub-elites and peasants<br />
articulate veneers of national Identity<br />
through grand and folk traditions. He<br />
points out that as Mosca defines, the<br />
elite are not only raised high above the<br />
rest of society but are in fact, intimately<br />
connected with the masses through<br />
the ‘sub-elites’. This larger group of<br />
sub elites represents for all intents and<br />
purposes ‘the society’, and were also<br />
referred to as the ‘middle-class’ in the<br />
<br />
does not only supply recruits to the<br />
governing elite class, but composes<br />
a vital element in the government of<br />
society. Within the middle-class, we<br />
may find ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ strata,<br />
<br />
former comprised of those in “professional,<br />
technical and [relatively] higher<br />
managerial occupations”. The lower<br />
conversely, will extend to the ones in<br />
the “more routine clerical and administrative<br />
jobs”. The middle-class could<br />
also be placed on par with the idea of<br />
‘intelligentsia’.<br />
<br />
‘middle-class’ or more specifically of<br />
the sub-elites that is taken as truly representative<br />
of a society and defines the<br />
identity of a nation. Firstly, they stand<br />
out as the majority. Secondly, they form<br />
the middle-ground. Most importantly<br />
however, they form the essential links<br />
<br />
the case of the past, the aristocrats and<br />
the peasants and in the contemporary<br />
<br />
often also referred to as the rich and<br />
the poor. This means that neither the<br />
elitist architecture nor the architecture<br />
of the poor have the legitimacy and the<br />
authority to represent, and therefore<br />
claim to construct national identity<br />
by themselves. This paper argues that<br />
this ‘vernacular of the middle-class’ or<br />
the ‘sub-elite’ burrows selectively from<br />
the Grand and Folk traditions, and<br />
re-deploys them as appropriate to be<br />
representative of both simultaneously<br />
yet also constructs a unique veneer of<br />
traditions and thus holds the power to<br />
represent and construct the notions of<br />
a nation.<br />
3. Constructing nation: The case of<br />
Bahrain<br />
In Bahrain, the explicit movements<br />
to construct a national identity began<br />
only a few decades after the discovery<br />
of oil, rising from a society organized<br />
largely in a tribal fashion inhabiting<br />
the island for centuries. Nationalism<br />
for Bahrain, however, has not been a<br />
struggle against ‘‘others’’ from whom<br />
control and hegemony had to be regained.<br />
More specifically, it has been<br />
an internal manifestation that gathered<br />
the ‘‘self ’’ of smaller groups, whose<br />
sense of a larger nation had almost<br />
being absent. In fact, despite having<br />
been in existence for centuries, its society<br />
had been incoherently organized<br />
under the jurisdictions and allegiances<br />
to regional leaderships in the form<br />
of ‘‘Sheikdoms’’. Prior to the present<br />
dynasty of rulers who took control in<br />
gional<br />
rulers either from Persia or the<br />
neighbouring sheikdoms. The idea of<br />
a nation, national identity and sovereignty<br />
had not figured in those regional<br />
formations and confrontations as
Figure 1. Bahrain- the location amidst<br />
‘other’ culturally similar nations (Source:<br />
Google maps).<br />
defining and rallying notions.<br />
Since the discovery of oil, Bahrain<br />
has moved across many fronts to construct<br />
a sense of statehood and a nation,<br />
through the construction of national<br />
symbols or the promotion of reconstructed<br />
historical narratives. They<br />
have endeavored to assert their social<br />
and cultural uniqueness and construct<br />
adequate representations through material<br />
culture. The search was for styles<br />
in the arts and architecture that was<br />
inherently their own, which reflected<br />
true ‘‘Bahraini identity’’, and opposed<br />
those trends raging in Europe, particularly<br />
those of the British, which had<br />
begun to influence Bahrain as a British<br />
Protectorate. However, its first production<br />
of ‘‘national’’ architecture—the<br />
<br />
Bahrain—was also designed by a Brit-<br />
<br />
centrally located as an entry gate to the<br />
Manama Souq, Belgrave attempted to<br />
localize a predominantly British-style<br />
building by introducing arches and recesses<br />
around the windows. The traditional<br />
Bahraini roof parapet and motif<br />
details transformed to fit in with the<br />
style of the building was a feeble attempt<br />
to balance the fusion of an alien style to<br />
the vernacular styles of Bahrain. With<br />
the sense of national identity taking a<br />
more articulated form, its inadequacy<br />
as a national monument was strongly<br />
furbish<br />
it in order to incorporate more<br />
powerful Islamic architectural features.<br />
<br />
been rejuvenated together with the tra-<br />
Figure 2. Bab-Al Bahrain-the gateway<br />
to Bahrain (Source: Ministry of Culture,<br />
Bahrain).<br />
<br />
its centrality so that it gained significance<br />
again as a national monument<br />
generating a national public space. In<br />
a larger scheme of Re-diginification<br />
<br />
Bahrain takes up the highest position<br />
longing<br />
and representative of the state,<br />
and spearheads the glorification of the<br />
<br />
Bahrain however is solely inadequate<br />
to generate an authentic character that<br />
can be claimed to belong to the Bahraini<br />
people considering the fact that<br />
there have been more elaborate and authentic<br />
architecture its people had produced<br />
developing their characteristics<br />
in response to climate, ways of life and<br />
culture over time. It is undeniable that<br />
the ‘buildings-of-the-everyday’, and of<br />
the sub elites possessed richer character<br />
which can be deployed, re-dignified<br />
and glorified to claim a unique identity<br />
for Bahrain.<br />
3.1. Architecture, nation and<br />
vernacularism<br />
In constructing national identity<br />
since discovery of oil, two interrelated<br />
trends had emerged in the Gulf region<br />
<br />
to look to one’s own cultural heritage to<br />
find a truly national style in architecture.<br />
The other was the use of European<br />
classicism, subtly modified to create<br />
a national character to arise through<br />
international form. In Bahrain, the former<br />
led to the discovery of a vernacular-influenced<br />
architecture, with tenets<br />
stemming from the ancient past that<br />
prevailed predominantly in the Muharraq<br />
Island. Interestingly, both these<br />
trends were also present in the nations<br />
of many other states that were emerging<br />
from the clutches of the British<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />
revival in Bahrain
a suitable hybrid could be developed.<br />
Figure 3. Imitated Palladian Villas –<br />
vernacular of the middle class seeking a new<br />
Identity in Bahrain (Source: Author).<br />
Empire in the global south and led to<br />
similar outcomes. Of focus here are the<br />
practices that have evolved in the domestic<br />
architectural scene of Bahrain,<br />
which have been driven by individual<br />
fascinations, market forces and popular<br />
<br />
the villas and residential buildings imitated<br />
Palladian architectural forms and<br />
symbolism in preference to the historical<br />
vernacular. In fact, symmetry in<br />
form, elaborate domes, pediments and<br />
porticos reminiscent of the Italian Renaissance<br />
were seen as legitimate forms<br />
that could establish the newly gained<br />
place in the world. The sub-elites were<br />
quick to abandon the traditional and<br />
the vernacular as they perceived these<br />
to be belonging to the past and not having<br />
the symbolism to project the newly<br />
acquired wealth or the flamboyance of<br />
the status of a ‘rich nation’.<br />
This ‘new vernacular’ imitating the<br />
Palladian villas owes much to the perception<br />
that they offered the expression<br />
of values of the new elites whose<br />
oil wealth took them to the European<br />
capitals at ease. Indeed, it was necessary<br />
to project a semblance of flamboyance<br />
and ostentation. The tall columns,<br />
the pediments and other symbolic elements<br />
aptly offered a sense of wealth<br />
and aristocracy, the natives had hardly<br />
possessed before the discovery of oil<br />
yet acquired overnight and had to be<br />
displayed and presented to the world<br />
and unto themselves. Plethora of such<br />
dwellings surrounded by high, ornate<br />
and illuminated enclosure walls had<br />
emerged and continue to inspire the<br />
contemporary elites and sub-elites who<br />
find this international form, easy to be<br />
fused with some local symbols so that<br />
3.2. Vernacularism<br />
However, it was soon discovered by<br />
the state that if there is an architecture<br />
that reflected the deep roots of people<br />
inhabiting the island, it would be the<br />
traditional urbanism of Muharraq and<br />
the vernacular of its sub-elites who<br />
had made it the capital of Bahrain before<br />
it was set aside to be the second<br />
city pursuant to the first wave of globalisation.<br />
This was facilitated by the<br />
research done by an expatriate on the<br />
architecture of Muharraq highlighting<br />
the value and significance of the ver-<br />
<br />
Undeniably, the global perceptions and<br />
focus on the preservation of heritage<br />
that had emerged in the world had also<br />
awakened the state authorities to look<br />
at the dilapidated city in a new light.<br />
In fact, Bahrain’s present capital city<br />
Manama does possess historical vernacular<br />
and could have also been a<br />
potential area of rejuvenation and glorification.<br />
However, at the beginning,<br />
Manama was seen as somewhat devoid<br />
of such characteristic architecture, particularly<br />
because much had been aban-<br />
<br />
also occupied by the Indian migrant<br />
labourers who had arrived after the<br />
discovery of oil, as cheap accommodation.<br />
However, more recently, vernacular<br />
of the Manama’s sub-elites have also<br />
received focused attention in addition<br />
to those of Muharraq.<br />
The revitalization and urban renewal<br />
of Muharraq was thus not only an<br />
attempt to develop the region of which<br />
some quarters were in a dilapidated<br />
state, but also a conscious attempt to<br />
redefine the cultural identity and the<br />
nation of Bahrain. Beginning with the<br />
publication of the works of Yarwood<br />
<br />
has recognized an enclave of Muharraq<br />
as the heart of the nation through the<br />
establishment of a series of historical<br />
vernacular centered around Sheik<br />
Ibrahim Cultural Centre, comprised<br />
of the renovated and re-presented residences<br />
of the Sheiks and cultural gurus<br />
<br />
Bahrain.<br />
This spatial enclave of the ‘‘heart of<br />
the nation’’ is located close to the Sheik
Figure 4. Re-dignified historical vernacular: Bin Matar House in Muharraq (Source:<br />
Author).<br />
<br />
<br />
khalifa, and Siyadi House, built by the<br />
<br />
Siyadi. They provide the significance<br />
and ambience for the location, while<br />
the narrow alleyways and other elements<br />
prevalent in the area add to this<br />
ambience. These elements represent a<br />
balance between sensitivities to climate<br />
and needs of privacy with fine, exquisite<br />
internal ornamentation to counter<br />
the barren desert and create pleasant<br />
and habitable spaces. In re-dignifyng<br />
the ‘heart of the nation’, specific historical<br />
vernacular carefully chosen from<br />
the former residences of the sub-elites<br />
have been renovated, and re-presented<br />
having been re-glorified by means<br />
of documentation, renaming, and by<br />
celebratory events being organized<br />
there. The buildings and spaces show<br />
the numerous traits that Bahrainis<br />
would cherish and celebrate as uniquely<br />
theirs.<br />
<br />
stands out and provides a fine example<br />
of vernacular architecture of the<br />
sub elites that represent the identity<br />
<br />
name of the building is Memory of<br />
the Place – Bin Matar House, and this<br />
name reflects the dual function of this<br />
traditional building in presenting the<br />
identity of a people. Firstly, the building<br />
embodies a definite cultural identity<br />
through its specific architecture and<br />
<br />
also a repository of memories, through<br />
the individuals that lived in the building<br />
and the events that took place there.<br />
The Bin Matar House is dedicated to<br />
conserving both traditional Bahraini<br />
architecture as well as the memory of<br />
the Bin Matar family” (Sheik Ibrahim<br />
<br />
Salman Bin Matter was the most<br />
<br />
century Bahrain. His dwelling had<br />
been constructed in a traditional Bahraini<br />
manner, using palm tree trunks,<br />
sea-stone and gypsum. The traditional<br />
ceilings made of a palm leaf and wood<br />
beam combination in red and black are<br />
unique to Bahrain. It also displays the<br />
authentic building character emanating<br />
from walls finished with a rugged<br />
texture, white washed and allowed to<br />
weather.<br />
3.3. Bahrain Pearl Trail<br />
Complimentary to these is the<br />
unique setting of the Bahrain Pearl<br />
Trail now recognized as a world heritage<br />
site. Here, the historical vernacular<br />
of the sub-elites as well as those of<br />
the lower strata of the society who had<br />
toiled in the days when Bahrain was<br />
considered the ‘Pearl of the Gulf ’ as a<br />
result of the precious natural pearls has<br />
been re-presented. The vernacular of<br />
the pearl craft however is neither a single<br />
location nor a building. It is indeed<br />
a pathway that one can walk along<br />
and discover numerous elements that<br />
rekindle a historical narrative. Beginning<br />
from the “oyster beds where the<br />
divers may have captured the pearls,<br />
the seashore and its festival at the be-<br />
<br />
the ship building sites in front of them<br />
to the historic markets and residences<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />
revival in Bahrain
Building title<br />
Shaikh Ebrahim bin<br />
Mohammed Center<br />
for Culture and<br />
Research<br />
Original ownership and<br />
purpose<br />
original majlis of Shaikh<br />
Ebrahim bin Mohammed<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Bahrain<br />
Notable characteristics of Architecture<br />
Bland façade with patterned recesses.<br />
<br />
with a patio facing the alleyway. Extensively<br />
detailed wooden craftsmanship in the doorway.<br />
Patterned stucco on walls in the interior with a<br />
wooden decorative stairway at the double height<br />
<br />
These are typical of traditional Bahraini<br />
vernacular<br />
<br />
House<br />
<br />
residence<br />
Façade with square and patterned recesses.<br />
<br />
to break the skyline. Breakers in the corners on<br />
the parapets. Extensive use of arches. Current<br />
building is internally modified, although still<br />
retains the character and ambience particularly<br />
with creaftsmanship of wood work and white<br />
walls.<br />
<br />
House<br />
<br />
<br />
foremost figure in poetry and<br />
literature for over half a century<br />
Geometrical decorative plant decorations in<br />
doors and windows. Bahraini colonial style with<br />
grand spaces of high volumes. Criss- crossed<br />
wooden balustrades and recessed square<br />
patterns in the walls both inside and outside.<br />
Interior modified in the present building to a<br />
more modern appearance.<br />
Mohammed Bin<br />
Faris Sut Music<br />
Bahraini singer and musician<br />
Mohammed bin Faris was a<br />
<br />
<br />
Original residence<br />
<br />
the shape of squares as well as arch form<br />
particularly above doors. Open courtyard has<br />
now been enclosed with glass roof. Elaborately<br />
decorative wooden doors and some decorative<br />
metal work all provide an ambience of<br />
simplicity and charm.<br />
House of coffee<br />
<br />
traditional Bahraini houses<br />
This has a blank traditional façade abutting the<br />
alleyway. Walls still have the square recesses in<br />
the walls to break the monotony. Simple single<br />
un-decorative entrance. However, the Interior<br />
has been modified to a modern coffee shop as<br />
seen in this image.<br />
<br />
<br />
preservation of the art of dying<br />
and unique Bahraini art of<br />
<br />
<br />
tree, displays fine workmanship of rugged walls<br />
and wooden doors and windows. Traditional<br />
timber ceilings and a roof top with a thick<br />
white balustrade typically present in Traditional<br />
houses.<br />
Information<br />
Centre<br />
Used to be a local majlis<br />
meaning a gathering place<br />
for men<br />
Features traditional Bahraini architecture<br />
with quite number of decorative wooden<br />
doors. Walls heavily recessed with squares<br />
to create a pattern. White washed walls with<br />
a ruggedly and unevenly finished surface.<br />
<br />
cheerful space indoors and simple façade to<br />
the outside.<br />
Figure 5. Vernacular of the elites and sub-elites representing the nation of Bahrain.
Figure 6. Isa Bin Ali House and the Mosque and bait Siyadi in the pearl Trail.<br />
of those involved in the economic sys-<br />
<br />
<br />
that had come into being through intricate<br />
relations between the sub elites<br />
and the workers of the pearl industry.<br />
The two miles long pathway brings<br />
back the neighbourhood to life, glorifies<br />
and presents the everyday dwellings<br />
and places that had once represented<br />
the core activity of Bahrain that<br />
gave rise to its culture and defined the<br />
people of the island as pearl divers and<br />
<br />
of one of the grand merchants, and a<br />
gamut of dwellings of those who took<br />
part in the pearling industry culminating<br />
in the house of a nukhida (sea ves-<br />
<br />
The significance of the pearl trail<br />
in the signification of the culture and<br />
identity of Bahrain has been clearly<br />
expressed, when UNESCO has stated<br />
<br />
“The site is the last remaining complete<br />
example of the cultural tradition<br />
of pearling and the wealth it generated<br />
at a time when the trade dominated<br />
<br />
<br />
ing<br />
example of traditional utilization<br />
of the sea’s resources and human interaction<br />
with the environment, which<br />
shaped both the economy and cultural<br />
identity of the island’s society”. (UNE-<br />
<br />
3.4. Elements in the landscape<br />
<br />
larger landscape of the historical vernacular<br />
of the sub elites also contribute<br />
to the construction of national identi-<br />
<br />
for example, are a unique but common<br />
spatial practice of most Islamic cities.<br />
In Manama and Muharraq, such alleyways<br />
abound and signify the vernacular<br />
characteristics that have emerged in<br />
response to the harsh climate as well as<br />
the needs of the family and social life<br />
<br />
Moreover, the wind towers share a<br />
common language across the region,<br />
although variations exist. The Bahraini<br />
wind tower is an architectural element<br />
that has now become a marker of its<br />
national identity, which has gained<br />
<br />
openings orientated towards the good<br />
winds acts as a funnel, catching the<br />
breeze and drawing it down into the<br />
cavities below where the living spaces<br />
are located, while releasing the hot air<br />
<br />
the early forms of ‘‘air conditioning’’ by<br />
natural means. It is a built element that<br />
provides for iconic imagery, expresses<br />
local ingenuity in responding to the<br />
harsh climate and therefore can be<br />
lamic-Bahraini<br />
identity for all times.<br />
Equally reproduced are the unique,<br />
wooden-poled palm-mat ceilings that<br />
had helped construct a flat mud roof,<br />
for Bahraini traditional houses to<br />
combat the scorching sun. Traditional<br />
urbanism has caught the public imagination<br />
and has given rise to a return<br />
to such elements and spaces as a way<br />
of authoring national identity through<br />
architecture, in the current wave of<br />
globalisation where such authenticity<br />
has cultural capital. For example, Gulf<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />
revival in Bahrain
Figure 7. Alleyways and wind towers in Manama (Source: Author).<br />
lar<br />
architectural practice that attempts<br />
to reconstruct culture and identity<br />
through contemporary Bahraini architecture<br />
and employs quite skillfully<br />
the numerous elements and spatialities<br />
of the historical vernacular to create<br />
buildings and spaces where one feels a<br />
greater sense of belonging to the past<br />
while progressing to the luxury of the<br />
future. Interestingly, a large number of<br />
contemporary sub elites have taken to<br />
construct their ‘modern’ dwellings in<br />
the styles of historical vernacular traditions<br />
as offered by the Gulf House<br />
Engineering and others.<br />
3.5. Forms of traditions and cultural<br />
facets of the dignified vernacular<br />
It is argued that the core cultural<br />
facets of the Bahraini Society cannot<br />
indeed be usurped from any of the<br />
other veneers representing the contemporary<br />
life styles and practices but<br />
the historical vernacular itself, as often<br />
proudly announced by the Ministry of<br />
Culture and other state agencies. Evidently,<br />
since the establishment of the<br />
Cultural Enclave in Muharraq, and the<br />
establishment of the Pearl Trail, the<br />
‘Timeout Bahrain’ a website that discusses<br />
culture in Bahrain declared that<br />
‘there is something of a cultural explosion<br />
in Bahrain right now’ (Timeout<br />
<br />
ways in which the re-diginification of<br />
the historical vernacular seem to have<br />
created snow-balling effects in the society<br />
where many middle class in particular<br />
have begun to appreciate what<br />
had existed in the past and how they<br />
can indeed be resurrected to define<br />
their unique identity in the context of<br />
growing consumerism, multi-culturalism<br />
and globalisation.<br />
These core cultural facets as resurrected<br />
through the re-dignified vernacular<br />
can be presented as follows.<br />
4. Conclusions<br />
<br />
quite consciously selected and re-dignified<br />
the historical vernacular of the<br />
elites and sub elites as a means of constructing<br />
a veneer of national identity<br />
on the foundations of the past. While<br />
the more modern enclaves in Bahrain<br />
such as the Bahrain Financial Harbor<br />
and the World Trade Centre offer a sophisticated<br />
veneer depicting the modern<br />
and progressive nature of the nation,<br />
there are other veneers of idenity<br />
narrated by other traditions. One of the<br />
most unique among them is the death<br />
landscapes, that exists only in Bah-<br />
<br />
historical vernacular provide the core<br />
around which all of the other veneers<br />
<br />
says, identity is not fixed. Rather it is<br />
fluid and contingent. In fact it is always<br />
evolving. In the case of Bahrain, distinct<br />
national cultural assets have been<br />
reconstructed from the recent histo-<br />
<br />
particularly from the grand traditions<br />
and historical vernacular of the elites<br />
<br />
is a process of self-discovery, as ar-<br />
<br />
demonstrates that among the multiple<br />
strategies to self-discover and assemble<br />
a multitude of facets to represent the<br />
notions of the nation, historical vernacular<br />
of the elites and the sub-elites<br />
have been found to be the most potent.<br />
It is clear that through re-dignification,<br />
images have been produced that can be
now presented claiming the re-discovery<br />
of a valuable culture core that lays<br />
a substantially powerful foundation for<br />
the construction of the nation.<br />
-<br />
<br />
has thus succeeded. This is comparable<br />
with the progressive identities of the<br />
<br />
cate,<br />
dignify and present similar powerful<br />
vernacular for the construction of<br />
the notion of National Idenity of theirs.<br />
In fact, Bahrain has recently claimed to<br />
be becoming the ‘cultural capital’ of<br />
the Gulf, by articulating these cultural<br />
veneers by constructing further cultural<br />
manifestations upon them. These<br />
demonstrate both the fragile and com-<br />
-<br />
thing<br />
natural, permanent and definite,<br />
but is a social construction, formed by<br />
the creation of the “other’’ identities. It<br />
is through the other that one can recognize<br />
one’s own identity.<br />
This paper argued that national<br />
identity is intertwined with ‘elitism’ and<br />
‘grand traditions’, and buildings that<br />
embody such narratives are considered<br />
culturally rich. To a great extent, the<br />
Bahraini developments subscribe to<br />
this argument. However, the grand traditions<br />
do not have to be produced entirely<br />
by the elites and sub elites. It can<br />
easily absorb and accommodate the<br />
ordinary as the case of the Pearl Trail<br />
<br />
grand traditions and the material constructions<br />
of the elites and sub-elites<br />
lead, the re-dignification is buttressed<br />
upon the pearl diver’s numerous traditional<br />
crafts of pearling, ship building<br />
and pearl processing of the lower class,<br />
all of which are essential for the narra-<br />
view<br />
however, it is the sub elites —the<br />
nukhida— the sea captains and other<br />
rankers who tie them altogether and<br />
provide the web of the narrative.<br />
Finally, the intriguing question is,<br />
how does the historical vernacular of<br />
the elites, sub-elites and the ordinary<br />
play a role in the construction of identity<br />
when the real communities no<br />
longer exist and the buildings so dignified<br />
are devoid of life and presence<br />
of the same wholeness that would have<br />
though<br />
in the case of the Pearl Trail,<br />
there is a serious attempt to bring a<br />
sense of this previous life and situation<br />
for experience, this is particularly evident<br />
in some of the interiors of the dignified<br />
vernacular at the Sheik Ibrahim<br />
<br />
too modern. Moreover, the events that<br />
often take place there, are also far too<br />
alienated from the life and the places<br />
they intend to depict. This suggests<br />
that the approach of re-dignification<br />
of the historical vernacular of the elites<br />
and sub-elites has great potentials to<br />
construct national identity but has its<br />
own limitations. On the one hand, they<br />
<br />
for imagination, just like objects of<br />
exhibition in the landscape and suggest<br />
meanings and values. They have<br />
the potential if only the events taking<br />
place there can re-enact the historical<br />
traditions. On the other hand, Even<br />
with such a limited potential, historical<br />
vernacular cannot be removed from<br />
the landscape. If it is done, construction<br />
of national identity will collapse<br />
in the absence of a core around which<br />
the other veneers of identity could be<br />
mounted.<br />
References<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Postcolonial India.<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity elitism, grand traditions and cultural<br />
revival in Bahrain
Proceedings of the international con-<br />
<br />
<br />
ings<br />
mean. In N. Goodman & C. Elgin<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Inventing traditions. In E. Hobsbawm<br />
<br />
bridge<br />
University Press.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
in The Invention of Tradition, Cam-<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
Periplus Editions.<br />
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<br />
<br />
garian<br />
national style in architecture<br />
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submitted to the Central European<br />
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<br />
<br />
loss of a past constructed in the pres-<br />
-<br />
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<br />
<br />
regional architecture and identity in<br />
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<br />
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and Culture, Prentice Hall.<br />
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<br />
Sheik Ibrahim Cultural Centre,<br />
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contemporary social thought. Berke-<br />
<br />
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UNESCO World Heritage Site Pro-<br />
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chitecture<br />
of the Sinhalese Elite in the<br />
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Thesis submitted to Nottingham Trent<br />
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New Left Books.<br />
<br />
<br />
Open University.<br />
<br />
<br />
lishing.
Urban planning approaches in<br />
divided cities<br />
Gizem CANER 1 , Fulin BÖLEN 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
Graduate School of Science, Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical<br />
University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
2<br />
<br />
Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
<br />
<br />
Abstract<br />
This paper provides a comparative analysis of planning approaches in divided<br />
cities in order to investigate the role of planning in alleviating or exacerbating<br />
urban division in these societies. It analyses four urban areas—Berlin, Beirut,<br />
Belfast, Jerusalem—either of which has experienced or still experiences extreme<br />
divisions related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, and/or culture. Each case study<br />
is investigated in terms of planning approaches before division and after reunification<br />
(if applicable).<br />
The relation between division and planning is reciprocal: planning effects, and<br />
is effected by urban division. Therefore, it is generally assumed that traditional<br />
planning approaches are insufficient and that the recognized engagement methods<br />
of planners in the planning process are ineffective to overcome the problems<br />
posed by divided cities. Theoretically, a variety of urban scholars have proposed<br />
different perspectives on this challenge. In analysing the role of planning in divided<br />
cities, both the role of planners, and planning interventions are evaluated<br />
within the light of related literature.<br />
The case studies indicate that even though different planning approaches have<br />
different consequences on the ground, there is a universal trend in harmony with<br />
the rest of the world in reshaping these cities. This conclusion draws another one;<br />
the contemporary planning interventions in divided cities do not address the root<br />
causes of division. Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as a prominent feature of<br />
the city to its plans is not addressed as it should be in these special cases.<br />
Keywords<br />
Urban space, Divided cities, Divided societies, Urban planning, Segregation.
1. Introduction<br />
A search on the term ‘divided city’<br />
reveals the work of a variety of urban<br />
scholars who use the same term but<br />
have very different research perspectives.<br />
These different approaches appear<br />
in a duality. The first discourse focuses<br />
on divided cities as places where divisions<br />
of capitalist production processes<br />
are more pronounced. They emphasise<br />
class, race and gender relations, urban<br />
segregation and increasing inequality<br />
between the affluent and deprived city<br />
districts as their main concerns. Their<br />
geographical concern is with global<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
In the last three decades however,<br />
there has been a growing body of literature<br />
concerned about a more specific<br />
form of urban division, classified<br />
<br />
divided cities are less in numbers and<br />
indicate physical or political contestations<br />
in certain special cases. Wellknown<br />
examples of such cities are<br />
<br />
<br />
working in this field (see, for exam-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
what came to be known as the ‘Divided<br />
Cities Discourse’ (DCD).<br />
This paper is concerned with the<br />
second type of divided cities and resides<br />
with the literature generated by<br />
DCD writers. In this framework, the<br />
first section of the paper gives a brief<br />
literature review regarding planning in<br />
divided cities. It identifies the existing<br />
models of planning approaches suggested<br />
by different scholars and, hence,<br />
sets a basis for comparison and evaluation<br />
for case studies. The following<br />
section is devoted to a comprehensive<br />
comparative analysis of the case studies,<br />
regarding planning approaches<br />
before division and (if applicable) after<br />
<br />
is drawn to visualise and summarise<br />
planning approaches, professional attitudes<br />
and actual interventions in each<br />
city to observe commonalities as well<br />
as incoherencies between case studies.<br />
This conclusion will reveal that in spite<br />
of the unique attributes these cities<br />
shelter, their contemporary planning<br />
approaches are in harmony with the<br />
rest of the world in reshaping the urban.<br />
All in all, it is expected that this<br />
paper will contribute to further studies<br />
which aim to understand urban division<br />
and strive to change it with the<br />
help of urban planning.<br />
2. Planning in divided cities<br />
When dealing with divided cities,<br />
planning profession becomes insufficient<br />
to cope with the fierce situations<br />
caused by contestations over space.<br />
In such circumstances, it has to be<br />
re-conceptualized to go beyond the<br />
narrow framework of physical landuse<br />
planning. Taking into account that<br />
planning has the power to change the<br />
spatial, economic, social, and political<br />
dimensions of urban space, the question<br />
becomes, which of these dimensions<br />
can be used to intensify or lessen<br />
contestations over space in divided<br />
cities?<br />
<br />
<br />
urban ethnic dimensions which are<br />
used in planning processes to exert<br />
control or repression in divided cities:<br />
1) The is the most<br />
powerful tool used to control and distribute<br />
ethnic groups spatially via the<br />
<br />
land ownership, drawing of jurisdictional<br />
boundaries, displacements etc.<br />
are also important tools for control (El-<br />
<br />
can be used to include or exclude different<br />
sections of society from access<br />
<br />
is used to allocate<br />
urban services and spending. The negative<br />
and positive externalities of urbanisation<br />
are distributed by planning<br />
processes causing situations like deprivation<br />
or dependence of certain areas;<br />
and, 4) The where<br />
group identity is maintained or threatened<br />
through cultural institutions, education<br />
and religious expression.<br />
According to these scholars, planning<br />
has to deal with these conditions<br />
in order to achieve an effective plan-
141<br />
Table 1. <br />
<br />
Neutral Strategy<br />
: Address urban symptoms<br />
of ethnic conflict at individual<br />
level<br />
Partisan Strategy<br />
<br />
disparities<br />
Equity Strategy<br />
: Address urban symptoms<br />
of ethnic conflict at ethnic group<br />
level<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Strategies<br />
Employs technical criteria in allocating urban resources and<br />
services<br />
Distances itself from issues of ethnic identity, power inequalities<br />
and political exclusion<br />
<br />
the claims of disenfranchised group<br />
Strategies seek to entrench and expand territorial claims or<br />
enforce exclusionary control of access<br />
Gives primacy to ethnic affiliation in order to decrease inter-group<br />
inequalities<br />
Allocation of urban services and spending is based on group<br />
identity<br />
Resolver Strategy<br />
Address root causes/<br />
sovereignty issues<br />
<br />
<br />
To connect urban issues to root causes of urban polarization<br />
Impacts and authority of government policy is challenged<br />
1<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
ning process in divided cities. Building<br />
tisan<br />
and resolver planning approaches<br />
gests<br />
a four-model approach that can<br />
be conceptualised around the degree it<br />
addresses above-mentioned urban ethnic<br />
dimensions (Table 1).<br />
-<br />
, approaches to division<br />
technically and distances itself from<br />
the problems caused by division; 2)<br />
, aims to increase disparities<br />
between two groups and seeks<br />
to empower the dominant group’s au-<br />
, gives<br />
primacy to ethnic group identity and<br />
allocates urban services based on this<br />
identity; 4) , connects<br />
urban problems to division and addresses<br />
root causes of division. <br />
<br />
<br />
identify an ‘ethnocratic strategy’ where<br />
all dimensions of planning (territorial,<br />
procedural, economic and cultural)<br />
combine to create the ethnocratic city;<br />
“this city is classified and represented as<br />
mixed but it is dominated by one ethno-national<br />
group. Urban citizenship<br />
[in the ethnocratic city] is unequal,<br />
with resources and services allocated<br />
on the basis of ethnicity, not residency.<br />
Urban politics are ethnicised, with a<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities<br />
gradual process of ethno-political polarization.<br />
Housing and employment<br />
markets are officially open, yet marked<br />
by deep patterns of ethnic segregation.”<br />
<br />
strategy appears a step further from<br />
<br />
In their book, <br />
<br />
conclude that planning in these cities<br />
has to encompass a collaborative<br />
model. This approach denotes public<br />
policy decision-making that is inclusive<br />
and based on dialogue among all<br />
stakeholders, producing ideally con-<br />
<br />
Communicative, dialogic, argumentative<br />
or deliberative planning are related<br />
concepts to collaborative planning<br />
<br />
-<br />
rative<br />
planning in divided cities is that<br />
there are multiple and rival publics instead<br />
of a single one. Since public discourse<br />
is closely linked to public space,<br />
they suggest that shared spaces have<br />
to be created for shared futures. The<br />
difference of shared space from public<br />
space is that there is not only contact,<br />
fers<br />
to these places as “sites of cultural<br />
transgression of a prosaic nature” and<br />
gives examples like colleges, leisure<br />
places, and neighbourhood ventures
142<br />
like common gardens. The shared fu-<br />
<br />
talking about, should be based on creating<br />
soft boundaries for facilitating integrated<br />
living and collaborative working<br />
across divides, rooted in principles<br />
of inclusion, respect for diversity, equity<br />
and interdependence. To achieve all<br />
this, the aim should shift from managing<br />
division, to transforming it.<br />
uate<br />
the role of planning in mediating<br />
conflicts by a dual classification. According<br />
to them, are<br />
where conflicting interests are being<br />
absorbed and resolved or contained by<br />
established mechanisms of mediation,<br />
to the extent that they do not erupt into<br />
violence. In on the<br />
other hand, there is destructive confrontation,<br />
where accepted norms and<br />
mechanisms of mediation fail. These<br />
authors’ views suggest that architecture<br />
and urban planning can become tools<br />
in the conflict themselves. In the case<br />
of mediated conflicts, the subjects are<br />
‘ordinary’ cities (Amin and Graham,<br />
<br />
mechanisms keep the conflict mediated<br />
to a degree. On the other hand, unmediated<br />
conflicts are more appropriate<br />
for explaining the challenges faced<br />
by planners in divided cities.<br />
<br />
above mentioned collaborative, communicative,<br />
deliberative, or discursive<br />
planning debates focus on ‘the role of<br />
rather than . This<br />
raises another important subject for<br />
planning in divided cities; professional<br />
responses. To evaluate the role of<br />
planners in divided cities, we will reside<br />
with Calame and Charlesworth’s<br />
fessional<br />
approaches; compliance,<br />
avoidance, engagement and advocacy.<br />
These professional approaches reflect<br />
the planner perspectives of Bollens’<br />
<br />
coincide with Bollens’<br />
sionals<br />
show a degree of willingness<br />
to comply with the orders of political<br />
masters. This attitude induces ignorance<br />
of political pressures and invites<br />
irrelevant implementations (interventions<br />
are generally in public and commercial<br />
spaces that are perceived to be<br />
more ‘neutral’); eventually generating<br />
discontent among urban communities.<br />
also reflects the<br />
ever,<br />
in a more severe context. Unlike<br />
strategies of compliance where planners<br />
intervene in ‘neutral’ grounds;<br />
planners who engage with an attitude<br />
of avoidance withhold their participation<br />
until a clear political outcome (for<br />
example, peace agreement) is achieved.<br />
They tend to disengage from the ethnic<br />
conflict and remain passive. <br />
can be pursued via various<br />
routes. Engagement through centralised<br />
planning can cause planners to<br />
<br />
if the municipality the planners are<br />
relying on is lopsided. Engagement<br />
through collaborative planning can become<br />
successful only if it is supported<br />
by politicians (local government etc.)<br />
and/or a social reform. If maintained,<br />
<br />
equity and resolver planning models.<br />
Engagement through privatisation occurs<br />
when the local government becomes<br />
too dysfunctional to provide a<br />
platform for professional intervention.<br />
By giving in to market forces, professionals<br />
once again engage neutrally.<br />
, like engagement<br />
through collaboration, coincide with<br />
<br />
models. Here, planning professionals<br />
confront the political processes that<br />
cause conflict; they advocate for the<br />
well-being of their city and the urban<br />
community; and in the way, they create<br />
a public debate.<br />
Case studies below are evaluated<br />
within this theoretical framework with<br />
a temporal approach. A comparative<br />
analysis is carried out regarding planning<br />
systems, planners’ responses and<br />
planning interventions in order to<br />
portray the contemporary situation in<br />
each city.<br />
3. Comparative analysis: Case studies<br />
In each case study, introductory information<br />
on the historical evolution<br />
of division will be given. This will be<br />
followed by presenting planning approaches<br />
during division and after reunification<br />
(if applicable). We will also<br />
be able to observe the effects/interventions<br />
of these planning approaches on
Figure 1.<br />
the urban ground. As a consequence,<br />
the role of planning in divided cities<br />
will be understood comprehensively.<br />
3.1. Berlin<br />
History of division in Berlin<br />
Berlin is different from other case<br />
studies examined in this study because<br />
it resembles an ideological separation<br />
caused by political differences, rather<br />
than ethnic, national or religious ones.<br />
Berlin was forcibly separated between<br />
the Allied powers—British, Ameri-<br />
ond<br />
World War. While the rest of the<br />
country was divided into four zones of<br />
occupation, Berlin, as the seat of the<br />
Allied Control Council, was excluded<br />
from all the zones and put under a sep-<br />
<br />
<br />
viet<br />
Union) sectors. West Berlin was an<br />
exclave in Soviet territory, with road,<br />
air and rail connections to West Ger-<br />
<br />
<br />
and the Soviet Union accelerated and<br />
caused the City Council, which managed<br />
the city as a unity, to disintegrate.<br />
A separate council was set up in the<br />
East, claiming to be the only legitimate<br />
<br />
culminated in the formation of two<br />
rival states; in Western Germany the<br />
<br />
comprising the American, British, and<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Bonn.<br />
Despite the political division, there<br />
<br />
this time, The Berlin Wall was erected<br />
to restrict movement and was armed<br />
by military and police forces of the<br />
<br />
mutual non-recognition and ideological<br />
conflict; the two sides claimed to be<br />
the only legitimate successor of former<br />
Berlin.<br />
<br />
<br />
eventually led to the removal of the wall<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities
144<br />
erally<br />
seen as the end of the Cold War<br />
and disintegration of eastern European<br />
<br />
<br />
Planning during division<br />
Due to ideological differences between<br />
Capitalist and Socialist regimes,<br />
planning discourses evolved differently<br />
ilarities<br />
can be observed as well. In<br />
<br />
both sides were mainly concerned<br />
with clearing the rubbles of war and<br />
reconstruction. Then came the process<br />
of mega housing projects, usually implemented<br />
on the outskirts of Berlin<br />
in both sides. In the last phase, both<br />
authorities were more concerned with<br />
conservation efforts in city centres.<br />
In the East, planning and implementation<br />
were centralized at the state<br />
level. The plans showed no sign of the<br />
west and the development of the city<br />
was pursued as if the city would never<br />
reunite. Urban construction was<br />
<br />
<br />
tion<br />
on growth of the city and support<br />
for the construction of skyscrapers,<br />
were consistent with western modern-<br />
<br />
<br />
In the West, the main instrument that<br />
guided development was the land-use<br />
<br />
administrative department responsible<br />
for city planning, it contrasted with the<br />
East’s centralized decision-making and<br />
implementation processes. These plans<br />
were made “as if no sector boundary<br />
existed, and as if the city planning of-<br />
<br />
plans for the central area stretched<br />
eastwards to include the historic in-<br />
<br />
<br />
included in pale grey, and major routes<br />
that would be reconnected following<br />
reunification were indicated by dashes<br />
<br />
to the East, construction that would<br />
impede a future reunification was not<br />
permitted.<br />
As can be seen, planning model of<br />
ners<br />
employed technical skills only<br />
to allocate urban resources and ser-<br />
tralised<br />
planning and complied with<br />
the political administrators. Strategies<br />
of avoidance, rendering the planning<br />
process ineffective in the face of political<br />
realities were also in effect. On the<br />
other hand, planning in the West did<br />
not ignore the other side and did not<br />
<br />
engaged through centralised planning,<br />
but here, the political administrators<br />
anticipated a future reunion, rendering<br />
professionals more effective and<br />
responsible in the process.<br />
Planning after reunification<br />
With the fall of Berlin Wall, immediate<br />
action to reunite the city took<br />
<br />
were:<br />
ing<br />
East and West in terms of infrastructure<br />
and spatial organization.<br />
ditions,<br />
green spaces, clean air and<br />
water provision, and establishment<br />
of equal living standards between<br />
the inhabitants of the East and West<br />
<br />
The capital; re-establishing Berlin as<br />
the capital of a reunified Germany.<br />
This demanded the revitalisation of<br />
central functions of a capital city;<br />
which meant new construction sites<br />
for new buildings and renovation of<br />
usable older ones to serve governmental<br />
needs.<br />
Showcase Berlin; constructing an<br />
image as well as a set of modern<br />
national<br />
corporations’ investments<br />
had to be redirected to Berlin to create<br />
a competitive, global city.<br />
The main doctrine which shaped<br />
planning processes after reunification<br />
came to be identified as ‘ -<br />
’; postulated at the International<br />
Building Exhibition (IBA)<br />
held right after the fall of the wall. It<br />
describes “a critical re-appropriation<br />
of the past’s particular urban virtues”<br />
tives<br />
of planning were shaped according<br />
to historical claims. The emphasis<br />
-
who do not find this approach fulfilling<br />
<br />
the urban environment after reunification<br />
did not shelter great historical<br />
artefacts and was rather an empty<br />
plate; anything could have been done<br />
in these vacant lands.<br />
A coordinating committee was designated<br />
(Specialist Group on Space<br />
near the Border), composed of relevant<br />
district planning officers with a<br />
balanced participation from the East<br />
rative<br />
planning approach had hints of<br />
equity and resolver planning models<br />
<br />
professional engagement and advocacy<br />
strategies proposed by Calame and<br />
<br />
edged<br />
in all the plans that were creat-<br />
ation<br />
was to preserve the memory of<br />
the wall; by locating landmarks; leaving<br />
walkways and bicycle paths along<br />
the border strip; and preventing temporary<br />
uses along the border zone. A<br />
<br />
Development Office gives details on<br />
certain developments which occurred<br />
after reunification around the Wall:<br />
“By far the largest amount of freed<br />
land was devoted to green spaces and<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
land area, while the rest is part of the<br />
<br />
<br />
Berlin planning activity has since<br />
been focused on a number of large<br />
projects which are centred in the inner<br />
city. These projects have generated<br />
criticism in several respects, for in-<br />
vate<br />
market decides what will be built,<br />
only the form of the buildings are open<br />
<br />
is an example for such<br />
large scaled, market-driven projects.<br />
3.2. Beirut<br />
History of division in Beirut<br />
Beirut has always functioned as<br />
a multicultural city where religious<br />
groups coexisted, but lived in separate<br />
enclaves, with few mixed neighbour-<br />
th<br />
<br />
lived in the south and west, while the<br />
<br />
east of the city.<br />
<br />
<br />
rapid urbanisation and industrialisation.<br />
Immigrants coming from neighbouring<br />
countries preferred to reside<br />
with their own ‘kind’. Consequently,<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
urban fringes, increasing the Sunni<br />
<br />
<br />
a demarcation line which divided the<br />
city along the former commercial axis;<br />
‘<br />
drawn. This line accentuated territorial<br />
<br />
<br />
When the suburbs of the city ex-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
tions<br />
to take over. The exact demarcation<br />
line established during the hostil-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
brought back to power, with equal rep-<br />
<br />
in administration. However, it is gen-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
and planning remains indifferent to<br />
this reality. There are still clashes between<br />
different religious groups as we<br />
<br />
<br />
Planning during division<br />
In pre-war Beirut, institutional<br />
structures of planning had shortcom-<br />
sociated<br />
with the phenomena of primacy<br />
and over-urbanization (Tabet,<br />
<br />
approaches to planning since the first<br />
years of independence.<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities
Figure 2.<br />
<br />
traumatic events, the war seemed to<br />
missioned<br />
to rebuild the city centre, to<br />
restore its centrality, and to improve its<br />
<br />
<br />
ri<br />
took over the reconstruction project<br />
and commissioned a master plan. In<br />
<br />
again took hold of Beirut, interrupting<br />
the reconstruction process.<br />
Planning after reunification<br />
-<br />
centrated<br />
in Beirut’s Central District<br />
(BCD) and became marked with<br />
ny<br />
Solidere ect<br />
is on-going and it promises social<br />
recovery through economic renewal<br />
al<br />
cityscape is being created by futur-<br />
<br />
and this process is under great critique<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The necessity of a single private<br />
company was justified by two reasons:<br />
1) extreme fragmentation of property<br />
rights in certain zones of the city centre;<br />
and 2) financial and administrative<br />
incapacity of the city to carry out<br />
the needed reconstruction at the time<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
allocated for new developments such<br />
as a marina, hotels and global commerce,<br />
and only 21 ha of which are part<br />
<br />
tematically<br />
cleared the war damaged<br />
urban fabric, creating a <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
structures in the downtown were damaged<br />
beyond repair, yet only a third of<br />
this destruction was war-inflicted.<br />
These developments coupled with
-<br />
<br />
unease in public, academic and civic<br />
realms. The main concerns of criticism<br />
are:<br />
The usage of state resources to<br />
transform the central city into an island<br />
for the rich, while most of the<br />
country remains underdeveloped<br />
and segmented due to economic<br />
inequalities and sectarian divides<br />
<br />
<br />
an economic value, such as public<br />
transport or social housing, are not<br />
<br />
Shaping public space by private enterprise<br />
marginalizes the State from<br />
planning process and raises questions<br />
about public wellbeing and<br />
<br />
Discontinuity from historical bonds<br />
challenges Beirut’s cultural and his-<br />
-<br />
<br />
As we have observed, in Beirut,<br />
planning during the years of division<br />
<br />
<br />
planning model was adapted due to ignoring<br />
the root causes of division and<br />
trying to build a city anew. Engagement<br />
through privatisation was seen as<br />
inevitable in the face of a dysfunctional<br />
administration. However, this approach<br />
rendered the planners neutral<br />
and passive in the face of a divided city.<br />
3.3. Belfast<br />
History of division in Belfast<br />
Ethnic conflict in Belfast has its<br />
-<br />
<br />
population, new towns outside city<br />
-<br />
-<br />
th century, labour<br />
need was mainly met from these rural<br />
Catholics. Disturbances rose as the<br />
numbers of Catholics increased. They<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Irish nationalism grew in opposition<br />
to the movements in support of<br />
union with Great Britain, consequently<br />
transforming the conflict into a political<br />
one. A new political label was add-<br />
<br />
and ethnic (Irish-British) divisions;<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
gree<br />
of regional autonomy, with Belfast<br />
as their capital. As a consequence, segregation<br />
in Belfast gradually increased<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
referred to as ‘The Troubles’. As segregation<br />
increased, the concentration of<br />
each ethnic group increased, and the<br />
boundaries between two groups became<br />
well-defined with physical barriers<br />
(peace walls). The government<br />
supported these walls aiming to minimize<br />
or eliminate conflict among the<br />
two groups; hence they were intended<br />
to be temporary. However today, these<br />
walls still remain and many others have<br />
subsequently been added to the urban<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
The duration of The Troubles date<br />
<br />
<br />
agreements changed the nature of political<br />
violence rather than eliminated<br />
day,<br />
division still lingers and new peace<br />
lines are demanded and planned to be<br />
built in addition to the existing ones.<br />
Planning during ‘The Troubles’<br />
During The Troubles, planning in<br />
<br />
of formal technocratic neutrality (Ellis,<br />
<br />
there was no effort to tackle residential<br />
segregation from the field of planning<br />
<br />
-<br />
tion<br />
to stabilize the volatile political<br />
conflict. Due to this centralized system<br />
of policy-making, the locally elected<br />
Belfast City Council had little poli-<br />
<br />
ed<br />
in Department of the Environment,<br />
<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities
Figure 3.<br />
<br />
The operative principles of Belfast<br />
urban policymakers and administrators<br />
were to: (1) position government’s<br />
role and image in Belfast as a <br />
participant not biased toward either<br />
<br />
that government policy does not exacerbate<br />
sectarian tensions by managing<br />
ethnic space in a way that reacts to,<br />
and reflects, residents’ wishes (Bol-<br />
<br />
distanced itself from any involvement<br />
in politics and by ignoring the sectarian<br />
divides in the society, perpetuated<br />
them further.<br />
In the three decades of direct rule,<br />
hardly any effort was made to understand,<br />
evaluate or prioritize the significance<br />
of residential segregation within<br />
planning, urban regeneration or hous-<br />
<br />
<br />
Planning after Good Friday Agreement<br />
The peace process developed a new<br />
administrative order; the centralized<br />
structure of the government was<br />
partments<br />
were made responsible for<br />
planning issues: Department of Envi-<br />
<br />
Development.<br />
The severity of political violence<br />
created an urgent need for communi-<br />
-<br />
<br />
partments<br />
to present equity schemes,<br />
aiming to: 1) promote community relations;<br />
2) celebrate cultural diversity;<br />
<br />
delivery; and, 4) promote equality<br />
through a representative workforce<br />
<br />
a commitment both to tackle the effects<br />
of residential segregation and to<br />
promote neutral sites for employment,<br />
<br />
<br />
In order to address equality schemes<br />
and promote good relations, a ‘community<br />
cohesion’ objective was adopt-<br />
-<br />
<br />
foster development which contributes<br />
to community relations, recognises
cultural diversity and reduces socio-<br />
-<br />
<br />
Because of the legislative weight of<br />
the equality provisions, its delivery has<br />
not been as effective as first envisaged<br />
<br />
<br />
bodies have taken up some of the challenges,<br />
these commitments are not followed<br />
through to development plans<br />
and planning policy (Gaffikin et al.,<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
planning”, whereby industrial, business<br />
or public space is planned as a buffer<br />
between contentious areas. This can be<br />
seen as a positive alternative to building<br />
a peace line, however it does not<br />
guarantee that conflict will decrease<br />
since it does not mean that these areas<br />
<br />
ern<br />
Ireland has been widely acknowl-<br />
<br />
-<br />
vestment<br />
and the attempt to counter<br />
the image of a city at war, a <br />
approach to city planning has been<br />
adapted. This approach helped create<br />
“the legacy that now bedevils the cen-<br />
<br />
its vast road projects and proliferation<br />
of vacant land. Show case areas are selected<br />
for prestigious projects to be implemented,<br />
such as the Titanic Quarter,<br />
and new apartment blocks for city-centre<br />
living have been built. As a consequence,<br />
as Gaffikin et al. assert; “while<br />
some now regard this ‘new’ Belfast as a<br />
cosmopolitan oasis, surrounded largely<br />
by the ‘old’ fortress Belfast of sectarian<br />
enclaves, the spatial splits in the city<br />
are more differentiated” (Gaffikin et al.,<br />
<br />
<br />
agreement has nevertheless remained<br />
ment<br />
of planners have been compliance,<br />
avoidance and technical neutrality<br />
since the beginning of the division<br />
process. Belfast has become a stereotype<br />
for exemplifying the ‘neutral plan-<br />
<br />
we have emphasized, this is a widely<br />
accepted phenomenon.<br />
3.4 Jerusalem<br />
History of division in Jerusalem<br />
To trace the history of division in<br />
<br />
that one must fix the starting point to<br />
<br />
was established. But the conflict took a<br />
<br />
during the British rule.<br />
Jerusalem was the capital of British<br />
<br />
<br />
composed of religious quarters, and<br />
the British carried on administering<br />
<br />
However, British quarters were more<br />
autonomous than their predecessors,<br />
munities<br />
to develop into cohesive and<br />
self-sustaining societies (Benvenisti,<br />
<br />
national<br />
support for an Israeli state<br />
-<br />
<br />
This resulted in the termination of Brit-<br />
<br />
<br />
Arab-Israeli War, the formal division<br />
-<br />
<br />
national<br />
armistice lines between Israel<br />
and Jordan as well as East and West<br />
Jerusalem. The city became socially,<br />
physically and functionally divided.<br />
Jerusalem was not reunified by<br />
agreement, but instead by an occu-<br />
<br />
War. East Jerusalem was incorporated<br />
into Israel and this was not recognized<br />
by the international community or the<br />
<br />
the city were reunited by force, they remained<br />
hostile even though the Green<br />
<br />
The persisting mental wall among<br />
communities is joined by a physical<br />
<br />
throughout Jerusalem and the West<br />
Bank. This is, in a sense, a re-division<br />
of the city. Systems of physical and<br />
electronic separation are being built<br />
-<br />
<br />
(beyond the internationally recog-<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities
egional barrier separates Israeli Jeru-<br />
<br />
east. Today, a bird’s eye of Jerusalem<br />
shows this complex patchwork of settlements<br />
and villages across the city,<br />
<br />
Planning during British mandate<br />
(1914-1948)<br />
<br />
Jerusalem was administered and<br />
<br />
use plans were prepared which all had<br />
one common feature; the separation<br />
of the sacred Old City from the religious<br />
territories that surrounded it,<br />
transforming it into a -<br />
<br />
never materialized. Even though the<br />
British administered the whole city as<br />
one urban entity in all infrastructural<br />
elements, the inter-communal struggle<br />
led to separate Arab/Jewish communal<br />
services, and eventually to separate development<br />
of commerce and economy.<br />
Planning during division (1948-1967)<br />
and after reunification<br />
<br />
<br />
the direction of British planning system;<br />
many of the new suburbs continued<br />
to be designed as individual<br />
enclaves, accessed and structured by<br />
primary road systems and separated<br />
<br />
these enclaves were mainly built only<br />
for the Jewish population for national-<br />
icies<br />
have been shaped by objectives of<br />
national security and political control”<br />
<br />
of the goals of planning policies after<br />
<br />
To extend the Jewish city demographically<br />
and geographically.<br />
To control the heights for military<br />
security, requiring Jewish neighbourhoods<br />
to be built on strategic<br />
hilltops or in areas needed to secure<br />
hilltops.<br />
To reconnect the formerly partitioned<br />
areas.<br />
To build Jewish neighbourhoods<br />
so that division of the city in terms<br />
of political control and sovereignty<br />
Figure 4. <br />
<br />
would never again be possible.<br />
ning<br />
policies of Israel as “Judaisation”<br />
<br />
<br />
sive<br />
Jewish neighbourhoods.<br />
This kind of planning is nominated<br />
as “partisan” planning (Benvenisti,<br />
<br />
a radical form of “frontier urbanism”<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
ed<br />
communities is the main form of<br />
<br />
These statements are an evidence of<br />
how architecture, planning and urban<br />
design are used as a tool in the conflict<br />
<br />
<br />
fence’ dividing Israel from the West<br />
Bank is being built amid growing international<br />
concern. Israel repeatedly<br />
states that the wall is for security, with
infiltration from the West Bank, especially<br />
suicide bombers.<br />
<br />
launched, which was the first plan to<br />
include the whole area of Jerusalem,<br />
including the east. To this day, the plan<br />
has not yet been approved due to revisions<br />
and critiques but is a frame of<br />
reference for current planning decisions<br />
in Jerusalem (url-4). The plan is<br />
highly criticized for having racist overtones<br />
and discriminatory approaches.<br />
Only one Arab is included in the plan-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
the plan is inapplicable as it is unrealistic.<br />
It ignores the spatial consequences<br />
<br />
states that the complicated situations<br />
arising from its presence will be treated<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
ethnocratic regime’ where all dimensions<br />
of planning (territorial, procedural,<br />
economic and cultural) combine<br />
to create the ‘ethnocratic city’ is actually<br />
given to explain Jerusalem’s urban<br />
policies and planning approaches.<br />
The well-acknowledged partisan<br />
planning model of Jerusalem is mostly<br />
possible because the Israeli planners<br />
are engaging through centralised<br />
planning, without questioning the<br />
directives from above. They perceive<br />
themselves as technical experts, comply<br />
with the authorities and disengage<br />
from the ethnic conflict and remain<br />
passive. Hence, it would not be wrong<br />
to assert that, it is unlikely to observe<br />
such a degree of partisanship in planning<br />
in any other urban context.<br />
4. Conclusions<br />
Assessment of planning approaches<br />
during division firstly reveals that,<br />
division has deliberately been overlooked<br />
by certain cities (East Berlin,<br />
Belfast); while in others, planning was/<br />
is used as a tool to divide a city even<br />
further (Jerusalem). In the case of Beirut,<br />
planning during years of division<br />
was out of question since the city was<br />
in total chaos.<br />
Secondly, during division, the two<br />
sides of the divide develop according<br />
<br />
instance, in Berlin, the East acknowl-<br />
<br />
<br />
the other hand, the absence of planning<br />
due to either civil war (Beirut, Jerusalem)<br />
or ineffective planning authorities<br />
(Belfast, Beirut, East Jerusalem)<br />
cause different development patterns<br />
to occur in two sides of the city. This<br />
becomes a major problem after reunification.<br />
Another problem originating from<br />
years of division and burdening the<br />
city after reunification occurs in cities<br />
<br />
only due to the fact that these cities are<br />
planned to operate in a self-sufficient<br />
manner during the years of division,<br />
but also, in some, the dividing line is<br />
ignored and construction impeding a<br />
future reunification is supported. East<br />
Berlin has chosen this path. Today, this<br />
is the main reason why the two halves<br />
of the city still cannot be fully integrated<br />
(physically).<br />
Indifference of planning to specific<br />
problems faced by divided cities, or<br />
in other words, , can<br />
promote divisions in the city. Belfast<br />
amples<br />
of this situation. Even though<br />
measures of equity have been strate-<br />
<br />
Agreement, not referring to root causes<br />
of division did not help much in<br />
eliminating differences.<br />
After reunification, one of the main<br />
challenges becomes planning a city<br />
that was once planned by two bodies.<br />
<br />
had to restore its planning institutions<br />
among other problems caused by divi-<br />
<br />
a necessity and the question of public<br />
interest turns into one of the most debated<br />
issues. If the process of planning<br />
is conducted by a private institution<br />
(like Solidere in Beirut) protecting the<br />
interests of the public becomes questionable.<br />
Even if planning is performed<br />
by government institutions, both sides<br />
may not benefit as equals (as it is in<br />
Jerusalem today). A seemingly simple<br />
procedure in a ‘normal city’, like<br />
the addition of a bus line, can become<br />
problematic in a divided city<br />
The tendency of all case studies to<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities
Table 2. <br />
City Planning Approach Physical Interventions Professional Responses<br />
Berlin<br />
Area reconstruction<br />
<br />
<br />
Engagement through collaborative planning<br />
Beirut<br />
Urban<br />
redevelopment<br />
Beirut Central District<br />
Engagement through privatization<br />
Belfast<br />
Area redevelopment<br />
<br />
(i.e. Titanic Quarter)<br />
Engagement through centralized planning /<br />
<br />
Jerusalem<br />
Urban development<br />
strategies<br />
<br />
Separation<br />
Engagement through centralized planning<br />
/ Compliance / Avoidance / Technocratic /<br />
<br />
showcase their cities as competitive<br />
and global is in line with what other<br />
cities around the world are doing today.<br />
Divided cities want to show the<br />
world that they are not different and<br />
that they can compete with other cities<br />
<br />
Solidere’s development strategy of the<br />
BCD as a super-modern island has no<br />
historical claims and is in great contrast<br />
with the city’s present-day problems<br />
(related to its history of division).This<br />
approach pulls them away from the realities<br />
of that they are (or once were)<br />
divided. However, by acknowledging<br />
the wall’s existence, Berlin seems to be<br />
a step further in this regard. The aim to<br />
re-build the city with an image dating<br />
to pre-war period has been helpful in<br />
promoting commonalities between the<br />
two sides, rather than their differences.<br />
The main concern of this paper has<br />
been to investigate whether current<br />
interventions in divided cities are addressing<br />
the problems deriving from<br />
division, or not. Even though different<br />
planning approaches have been<br />
adapted in each case study, the results<br />
reveal that their planning processes are<br />
no different than that of other cities<br />
around the world.<br />
In accordance with the theoretical<br />
framework given in the introduction,<br />
conclusions drawn from the comparative<br />
analysis of contemporary planning<br />
approaches have been summarized in<br />
Table 2. Berlin stands out among other<br />
divided cities as the example of most<br />
successfully achieved reunification.<br />
The fact that planning in Berlin does<br />
not ignore the existence of the Berlin<br />
Wall and instead embraces it and uses<br />
it as an advantage, needs to be emphasized.<br />
There is a collaborative planning<br />
process which integrates the planners<br />
of East and West to make plans that<br />
integrate the East and West of the city.<br />
At the same time, the aim to showcase<br />
the city as a global one is causing proj-<br />
-<br />
aspree<br />
are being built in the city to raise<br />
its reputation as a global city.<br />
<br />
claiming to accomplish social recovery<br />
via economic development, has proven<br />
to be successful only for the latter.<br />
Economic recovery of the city and the<br />
country since reunification as a whole<br />
cannot be ignored, but this approach<br />
could have been more successful if<br />
economic recovery was supported by<br />
social and physical policies which included<br />
the whole of the city, instead of<br />
only the central district.<br />
The fact that Belfast was divided<br />
from entirely within the organism,<br />
with no war or any other intervention<br />
(other than colonisation) to the urban<br />
system, makes its reunification process<br />
much harder. There is an illusion<br />
of normalcy in the city. This is why;<br />
planning in Belfast generally seems to<br />
favour its hyper-segregated structure.<br />
<br />
of the central planning authority to act<br />
neutral regarding divisions in the city.<br />
And as in Berlin and Beirut, Belfast<br />
tries to place itself back on the world<br />
map by enduring major area redevelopment<br />
projects, like the Titanic Quarter.<br />
Jerusalem is the most postulated example<br />
of how planning can be used as
a tool in divided cities. Here, planning<br />
is used to reshape the urban structure<br />
and community according to the dominant<br />
society’s norms and principles.<br />
This process is referred to as <br />
<br />
ians<br />
and they are only included in the<br />
cal<br />
discourses are prominent in planning<br />
procedures and they are not questioned<br />
by the planners.<br />
The case studies indicate that even<br />
though different planning approaches<br />
have different consequences on the<br />
ground, there is a universal trend in<br />
harmony with the rest of the world in<br />
reshaping the urban. This approach<br />
is based on showcasing the city as a<br />
place to invest in, in order to increase<br />
its competitiveness in the global network<br />
of cities. This conclusion draws<br />
another one; the contemporary planning<br />
interventions in divided cities do<br />
not address the root causes of division.<br />
Hence, incorporation of ‘difference’ as<br />
a prominent feature of the city to its<br />
plans is not addressed as it should be<br />
in these special cases. In other words,<br />
implementing modern, major projects<br />
in a piecemeal manner is not helping<br />
these cities to face their history and<br />
present.<br />
This paper aimed to investigate<br />
planning approaches of divided cities<br />
in addressing their problems deriving<br />
from division. All in all, it is believed<br />
that this paper will contribute to further<br />
studies which aim to understand<br />
urban division and strive to change it<br />
with the help of urban planning.<br />
As explained in the introduction, the<br />
term divided city may refer to two different<br />
types of cities (global cities and<br />
divided cities) in urban literature. The<br />
comparative perspective of urban division<br />
studies is usually focussed only<br />
among divided cities within themselves<br />
or global ones, but not between them.<br />
<br />
two types of cities may help to close<br />
this gap by providing a comprehensive<br />
comparative perspective.<br />
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url-4
A critical review of ornament in<br />
contemporary architectural<br />
theory and practice<br />
Deniz BALIK 1 , Açalya ALLMER 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
<br />
2<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
doi: 10.5505/itujfa.<strong>2016</strong>.73745<br />
Abstract<br />
For over a century, the controversial issue of ornament has oscillated between<br />
the two extreme conditions of being condemned and praised. Although current<br />
architecture receives ornament enthusiastically due to its design potentials, it still<br />
remains as a problematic and critical topic, as it maintains its blurry and slippery<br />
character. The aim of this study is to construct the theoretical framework of ornament<br />
in the twenty-first century architectural domain. The paper intends to investigate<br />
the reemergence of this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate its new aspects,<br />
and redefine its limits in contemporary architectural theory and practice. Being<br />
much more than an intricate architectural element, an in-depth study of ornament<br />
overlaps its reemergence with social, cultural, and economical status quo.<br />
Through the examination of specific contemporary case studies, this study makes<br />
a layered reading of architectural ornament as an instrument of image-driven<br />
contemporary culture within spectacle-laden public sphere. In contemporary<br />
architecture, the digital, structural, sensual, representational, and symbolic facets<br />
stratify ornament metaphorically and literally, making it an intense medium<br />
of impression and expression. Ornamental buildings emerge as embodiments of<br />
consumption, exhibition, and public attention, by contributing to image-making,<br />
commercial success, and marketing strategy, in addition to the performance of<br />
ornament as a challenging designerly instrument.<br />
Keywords<br />
Ornament, Contemporary Architecture, Façade, Image, Representation.
1. Introduction<br />
For over a century, the controversial<br />
issue of ornament has oscillated between<br />
the two extreme conditions of<br />
being condemned and praised. Jacques<br />
Herzog, the partner of the Swiss archi-<br />
veals<br />
that they do not need to explain<br />
the necessity of ornament anymore,<br />
or apologize for a decorative detail in<br />
their works, since ornament becomes<br />
one with the form of their building<br />
ment<br />
elaborates the current conception<br />
of ornament, as architects enthusiastically<br />
appreciate its design potentials.<br />
However, ornament still remains as<br />
a problematic and critical topic, as it<br />
maintains its blurry, unclear, and slippery<br />
character. The aim of this study is<br />
to construct the theoretical framework<br />
of ornament in the twenty-first century<br />
architectural domain. It is intended to<br />
further investigate the re-emergence of<br />
this-yet-ambiguous issue to evaluate its<br />
new aspects, and redefine its limits in<br />
contemporary architectural theory and<br />
practice. In addition to deciphering<br />
ornament, through the examination<br />
of specific contemporary case studies,<br />
this study makes a layered reading of<br />
architectural ornament as an instrument<br />
of image-driven contemporary<br />
culture within spectacle-laden public<br />
sphere.<br />
As this study argues, ornament has<br />
not emerged in contemporary architectural<br />
theory and practice in the<br />
historical and traditional sense. The<br />
historical conception of ornament was<br />
interwoven with the history of style,<br />
each of which produced its own ornaments<br />
with a clear definition and<br />
set of rules for its design, production,<br />
and application. In contrast to traditional<br />
conceptions, ornament in contemporary<br />
architecture is laden with<br />
new aspects, as it expands through the<br />
immaterial realm of virtual reality by<br />
means of digital medium. Accordingly,<br />
the current conception of ornament<br />
in terms of scale can vary from an architectural<br />
detail to an urban fabric.<br />
<br />
architecture can be applied as extrinsically<br />
or intrinsically to the building,<br />
ranging from being a graphic composition<br />
to a flat image, from a relief to<br />
a three-dimensional sculptural construction.<br />
The contemporary age is deprived of<br />
a specific style, yet it is governed by the<br />
paradigm of digital technology, which<br />
enables the design and production of<br />
intrinsic surface effects and dynamic<br />
ornaments. The advanced technology<br />
becomes a distinctive feature of architectural<br />
surface, which supports the<br />
idea that the reemergence of ornament<br />
in the twenty-first century is grounded<br />
on the highly performative com-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
ornament in contemporary architecture<br />
becomes a justification of experimenting<br />
with form, structure, and surface.<br />
2. Current interest in ornament<br />
In the last decade, the emergence of a<br />
vast array of exhibitions, journals, and<br />
books indicate the current interest in<br />
Figure 1.
Table 1. <br />
Date Name Curator Place City, Country<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
22.-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
- Centre For<br />
Contemporary Art<br />
<br />
<br />
Berk<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Jo-Anne Birnie<br />
<br />
<br />
- R & Company<br />
Gallery<br />
Londonderry,<br />
Ireland<br />
<br />
<br />
- Open Studio <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
- Sydney Living<br />
<br />
Sydney, Australia<br />
Kunsthalle Basel Basel, Switzerland<br />
Irena Jurek <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
and Christian Witt-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
- <br />
- <br />
Kingdom<br />
<br />
<br />
- Gallery Obrist <br />
Rachel Barron The Briggait Artists’<br />
Studios<br />
Glasgow, Scotland<br />
- <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
- Ann Long Fine Art<br />
Gallery<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Joanna Inglot<br />
Law Warschaw<br />
Gallery<br />
- <br />
of Applied Arts<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Brno, Czech<br />
Republic<br />
Ioana Gordon-Smith Objectspace Auckland,<br />
Australia<br />
Julia Wallner,<br />
<br />
<br />
Wolfsburg Art<br />
<br />
Wolfsburg,<br />
Germany<br />
- <br />
Green Art Gallery <br />
<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
- Bar Lane Studios <br />
Kingdom<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
RiAus Gallery Adelaide,<br />
Australia<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
IFA Galleries Berlin and<br />
Stuttgart,<br />
Germany<br />
Sam Jacob<br />
Cindi Strauss<br />
Odile Werner & S.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Sculpture Objects<br />
& Functional Art<br />
<br />
- Birmingham<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Richard Slee <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Philadelphia<br />
<br />
<br />
Belvedere Palace &<br />
<br />
<br />
of Contemporary<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Francesca Ferguson<br />
<br />
Swiss Architecture<br />
<br />
<br />
of Applied Arts<br />
<br />
<br />
Birmingham /<br />
<br />
Paris, France<br />
<br />
<br />
Pennsylvania,<br />
<br />
<br />
Ghent, Belgium<br />
Basel, Switzerland<br />
Brno, Czech<br />
Republic<br />
- Berlin, Germany<br />
Ben Pell<br />
<br />
Gallery<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Chicago and<br />
<br />
ornament. Globally, the reappearance<br />
of ornament became a theme for various<br />
architecture exhibitions; Nature<br />
in Sydney<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
in Pennsyl-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Journal issues analyze the return of<br />
ornament in contemporary architec-
ture, elaborating its historical overview,<br />
specifically in the “Ornament”<br />
issue of nament:<br />
Return of the Repressed” issue<br />
of <br />
of Architecture” issue of <br />
tern,<br />
Script, Algorithm, Ornament”<br />
issue of <br />
oration”<br />
issue of 306090 Books <br />
<br />
-<br />
chitecture”<br />
issue of <br />
Figure 2. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
lieu,<br />
the journal <br />
<br />
ment<br />
in Contemporary Architecture]”<br />
<br />
Current literature on ornament,<br />
while investigating its sensual, symbolic,<br />
and material aspects, embraces<br />
its return in parallel to the digital age.<br />
Analyzing the ornamental façades of<br />
contemporary buildings, in his edited<br />
book <br />
<br />
<br />
there is an apparent split between architectural<br />
theory and practice, which,<br />
on one hand, relates to representation<br />
and symbolic expression, and, on the<br />
other hand, comprises technique, utility,<br />
material, and architectural detailing.<br />
<br />
which emerged due to the advancement<br />
of digital design and fabrication,<br />
points to the potential of binding theory<br />
and practice through the articulation<br />
of surface. Pell presents his argument<br />
by categorizing contemporary<br />
buildings in terms of applied, perforated/cut,<br />
layered, formed/cast, and<br />
stacked/tiled. Similarly, in <br />
<br />
nament<br />
has returned to architectural<br />
milieu due to the expansion of digital<br />
technology with a concern on structural<br />
and material aspects more than<br />
historical discussions of style and taste.<br />
<br />
abolition of ornament, six architectural<br />
theorists contributed to the book with<br />
texts that range from elaborations on<br />
architects, primarily Leon Battista Alberti,<br />
Owen Jones, Louis H. Sullivan,<br />
and Adolf Loos, to discussions on digital<br />
design and manufacturing technology.<br />
In the book <br />
<br />
<br />
history of ornament and elaborates its<br />
contemporary conception. Referring<br />
to the characteristics of ornament in<br />
architectural history, Picon explores<br />
the limits of ornament in contemporary<br />
architecture. He argues that ornament<br />
has returned in direct relation-<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
ship with the advancement of digital<br />
technology and expanded its content<br />
to include texture, pattern, structure,<br />
façade plasticity, digital dynamic urban<br />
maps, and neuroscientific scans.<br />
On the other hand, Picon asserts that<br />
ornament has lost its political and<br />
subjective aspects, while symbolizing<br />
the social rank of the client or bearing<br />
the personal marks of the architect. In<br />
the supplementary catalogue to the<br />
exhibition in<br />
<br />
that the theories of Owen Jones, John<br />
Ruskin, Gottfried Semper, and William<br />
Hogarth should be reevaluated<br />
in contemporary architecture, since<br />
they serve as a basis for constructing<br />
the framework of the contemporary<br />
<br />
emphasizes the contemporary emergence<br />
of ornament in parallel with the<br />
new construction and manufacturing<br />
ing,<br />
laser-cutting, three-dimensional<br />
printing, and robotic layering. In this<br />
sense, as illustrated in the book, the<br />
contemporary reading of ornament<br />
covers a wide range of natural and organic<br />
forms, microscopic patterns and<br />
human bodies, corporate brand logos<br />
and iconography, textile and surface<br />
effects. Lastly, in the edited book Pat<br />
<br />
chliotis<br />
analyze pattern and ornament<br />
in the age of digital technology. Along<br />
with four other theorists, Gleiniger and<br />
<br />
ornament, which emerges by means of<br />
digital technology, derives from pat-<br />
<br />
on the topics of algorithm, behavioral<br />
pattern, neuroscientific pattern, and<br />
musical pattern, the authors investigate<br />
global expansions of ornament in the<br />
digital age.<br />
Contemporary literature explores<br />
ornament from a broad perspective<br />
of science, engineering, mathematics,<br />
music, and so on, rather than reducing<br />
it to architectural scale. The theorists<br />
argue that the reemergence of ornament<br />
in contemporary architectural<br />
theory and practice is grounded on<br />
the advanced technology of computer-based<br />
design and manufacturing<br />
programs. Consequently, they tend to<br />
expand the scope of ornament in relation<br />
to the new concepts of the digital<br />
realm. Furthermore, despite the global<br />
interest in ornament, contemporary<br />
<br />
no architecture exhibition at all.<br />
3. The expanded vocabulary of<br />
ornament in contemporary<br />
architecture<br />
The contemporary architectural theory<br />
and practice lacks a simple definition<br />
of ornament, which makes it<br />
justifiable on many grounds, such as<br />
experimenting with digital tools, novel<br />
materials and tectonics, investigating<br />
different surface effects and sustainable<br />
elements, producing affects and sensations,<br />
representing the building function,<br />
advertising a brand, and making<br />
contextual references. In this sense,<br />
rather than having a precise and clear<br />
definition like the ornamental styles<br />
in architectural history, ornament in<br />
contemporary architecture has an expanded<br />
vocabulary, through which architects<br />
are able to experiment, design,<br />
and produce from a broad perspective<br />
and with a different motive within architectural<br />
domain.<br />
Ornament in contemporary architecture<br />
emerges as an elaborate medium<br />
of consumption and production<br />
by means of new tools, methods, and<br />
techniques. The idea of seamlessness<br />
and fluency becomes the current par-<br />
Figure 3.
adigms of the exuberant use of ornament<br />
in the digital age. The integration<br />
cepts<br />
of scripture, algorithm, morphology,<br />
deformation, distortion, evolution,<br />
formation, mutation, generation,<br />
transformation, and variation. Consequently,<br />
new terms are added to the<br />
vocabulary of ornament, such as pixellization,<br />
porosity, fractal, digital, and<br />
virtual. Besides, pattern in its broadest<br />
sense has been included to the research<br />
area of ornament, as it consists of the<br />
concepts of sequential, dynamic, configurative,<br />
informative, performative,<br />
morphogenetic, and parametric (Lev-<br />
<br />
<br />
The expanded vocabulary of ornament<br />
allows contemporary architects to define<br />
ornament according to their own<br />
design approaches. As of now, ornament<br />
is elaborated through various attributions,<br />
such as “coded ornament”,<br />
“dynamic ornament”, “contemporary<br />
ornament”, “new ornament”, “ornamentalism”,<br />
“ornamatics”, and “digital<br />
<br />
Contemporary architects use advanced<br />
technology with an intention to<br />
demonstrate their virtuosity in designing<br />
and producing surface effects. In<br />
the case of the Ravensbourne College<br />
<br />
<br />
intention was to express the novelty of<br />
<br />
monolithic building is covered with<br />
es<br />
and colors, which produce unique<br />
combinations on the façades around<br />
doors and windows. Blurring the building<br />
scale, dazzling tessellations create<br />
a visual play, and produce affects and<br />
sensations, as also proposed by Farshid<br />
<br />
tention<br />
of representing the novelty of<br />
advanced technology resonates more<br />
to the argument of the architect Rob-<br />
nament<br />
in contemporary architecture<br />
associates more to the symbolic aspect<br />
than the sensual and the functional.<br />
nament<br />
is widely-used especially in<br />
terms of representing the function of<br />
the building as an adaptation of the<br />
postmodern approach. Charles Jencks<br />
<br />
has to carry plural meanings and mixed<br />
metaphors in order to continue its dis-<br />
ing<br />
a critique of the decorated shed in<br />
Figure 4. <br />
<br />
Figure 5.<br />
<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
terms of signs attached to a flat surface,<br />
chitecture<br />
merges multiple meanings<br />
with functional and aesthetic dimensions,<br />
rather than dealing with signs.<br />
He coins the term “enigmatic signifier”<br />
as a representative of the multilayered<br />
meaning manifested through ornamental<br />
façades. With an intention to<br />
avoid rapid consumption and the territory<br />
of superficiality by reducing to an<br />
obvious denotation, the enigmatic signifier<br />
reveals connotations through an<br />
in-depth narrative, representation, and<br />
ics<br />
Center, widely known as the Water<br />
Cube, functions as a swimming sports<br />
building, and represents water bubbles<br />
<br />
<br />
Architects in collaboration with Arup<br />
<br />
example of the advanced construction<br />
technology with the integration of steel<br />
frame and pneumatic cladding. The<br />
enigmatic signifier reveals multiple<br />
meanings on the ornamental façades,<br />
as it expresses the novelty in construction<br />
technology, associates with the<br />
Chinese symbolism through the rectangular<br />
form, and represents the building<br />
function by imitating giant irregular<br />
bubbles.<br />
Ornament as the representation of<br />
culture has long been one of its prima-<br />
<br />
public buildings, especially in exposition<br />
constructions, ornament becomes<br />
a tool of public promotion and representation<br />
for commercial success. As<br />
<br />
architecture emerges first as a message,<br />
and then as a functional building, since<br />
the aim of expo buildings is to attract<br />
attention with their façades. As a case,<br />
<br />
<br />
Heatherwick Studio is worth mention-<br />
<br />
Seed Cathedral, the building was creat-<br />
<br />
rods, each of which displays a different<br />
seed at the tip. Inside the building,<br />
the assemblage of the displayed seeds<br />
forms curvilinear patterns all over,<br />
whereas on the outside, the tips of the<br />
seeds form a hairy texture. The pavilion<br />
oscillates between provoking tactility<br />
by the unique assembly of fiber<br />
optic rods and evoking visual surface<br />
effects by patterns that are perceived<br />
differently when seen from a distance<br />
and up close.<br />
The symbolic associations of ornament<br />
lead to representing prestige,<br />
social status, title, and affiliation of<br />
Figure 6. <br />
<br />
Figure 7.
specific figures on building façades. In<br />
this case, the ornamental façades of the<br />
<br />
holm,<br />
represent the symbolic narrative<br />
of power by depicting giant portraits<br />
of the royal figures of Sweden (Figure<br />
<br />
authority, the façades reveal the significant<br />
role of ornament as urban portraits,<br />
as well as the embodiment and<br />
<br />
<br />
One of the essential applications of<br />
ornament today relates to the aesthet-<br />
<br />
<br />
built by the Japanese architect Jun Aoki<br />
<br />
the contemporary conceptions of the<br />
<br />
building by Cross & Cross, in which<br />
the store is located, is clad with glasses<br />
that were ornamented with the famous<br />
checkered pattern of the brand.<br />
Figure 8.<br />
<br />
Figure 9. <br />
<br />
From outside, the façades perform as<br />
a veil by means of the overlapped patterned<br />
glasses. Creating a moiré effect,<br />
façades draw the attention of passersby,<br />
allowing them to have a glimpse of interior<br />
at some points. Playing with the<br />
opacity of vision, the façades represent<br />
the building function by imitating the<br />
<br />
as they turn the brand identity and the<br />
need for advertisement into ornament.<br />
In contrast to the representational<br />
use of ornament as in the examples of<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
representation of the building function<br />
<br />
form<br />
to the building context, its environment<br />
or local culture. For example,<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
surface in the ground floor level (Fig-<br />
<br />
was made of cast aluminium with a relief-like<br />
structure, functions as a kind<br />
of fence for private accesses to ground<br />
floor terraces, as much as it sends the<br />
curious looks of passersby away from<br />
the ground floor windows. Being an<br />
interpretation of the urban graffiti culture,<br />
the ornamental fence composes a<br />
graphic pattern that extends through<br />
the aluminium and wooden surfaces<br />
of the outer cladding and the interior<br />
decoration. In accordance with the me-<br />
<br />
critique of graffiti as the invader of<br />
the white city, the graffiti stylizations<br />
<br />
many architectural layers, as they use<br />
the surfaces as blank canvases without<br />
a beginning and an end.<br />
Contemporary architecture has long<br />
been an experimental ground for integrating<br />
ornamental elements as a<br />
part of load-bearing elements with an<br />
intention to construct structural orna-<br />
orates,<br />
ornament becomes necessary<br />
when it is integral to architecture as<br />
in the sense of structural ornament.<br />
<br />
Swiss architecture office Herzog & de<br />
<br />
sophisticated examples in this sense<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
ives<br />
from the idea of creating a structure<br />
like a nest that unites space and<br />
surface, which are essentially two dif-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the building as the culmination of new<br />
<br />
Jacques Herzog explains, if a contemporary<br />
building lacks the unity of space<br />
and surface, ornament becomes additional<br />
much like a wallpaper (Chevri-<br />
<br />
<br />
structural ornament to explore the<br />
potentials of materials, remarks that<br />
structural ornament frees ornament<br />
from being an applied decoration. In<br />
<br />
merge with non-load-bearing ones,<br />
and work seamlessly as a single and<br />
intrinsic element. Blurring the strict<br />
borders of structure and ornament, the<br />
contemporary application of structural<br />
ornament emerges as a hybrid element.<br />
Current applications of ornament<br />
extend to media façades, or digital<br />
ornaments, which are activated as<br />
screens, and attract viewers’ attention<br />
by rendering the buildings visible at<br />
night. Produced and presented in the<br />
digital medium, media façades merge<br />
electronics, different materials, and<br />
building façades. In this sense, technology<br />
helps the production of nonconventional<br />
ornamental elements, which<br />
cannot be produced by conventional<br />
forms<br />
as a mediated layer, and blurs<br />
the distinction between static façade<br />
and flowing lights. With an emphasis<br />
on temporality, it creates dichotomies<br />
of materiality and immateriality, permanence<br />
and temporality. Rather than<br />
presenting a constant and fixed surface,<br />
the digital façade develops into a medium<br />
of continuous interactivity (Lavin,<br />
<br />
<br />
façade spreads digital information over<br />
a physical surface, and thus expands<br />
<br />
two-dimensional electronic screen as<br />
a moving ornament. In the case of the<br />
House of Industry, neon lights turn the<br />
building into spectacle at the center of<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
they demolished the ceramic façades<br />
and replaced it with glass façades with<br />
steel structures. The neon lights planted<br />
on the glass façades wrap the whole<br />
construction, and continuously flow<br />
while changing colors. The digital ornament<br />
adds a layer of ever changing<br />
grid patterns to the static glass façade,<br />
but also repeats the patterns ad infinitum.<br />
Ornament usually associates with<br />
the façades or the plasticity of buildings;<br />
yet it also establishes relationships<br />
with the building and the urban<br />
fabric. In accordance with the increasing<br />
popularity of satellite imagery in<br />
the post-information age, satellite view<br />
as a new ornamental scale becomes<br />
ments,<br />
this issue is explored in recent<br />
<br />
points to the current global trend of<br />
artificial island designs that have or-<br />
<br />
notes that contemporary buildings of<br />
Figure 10.
starchitects resemble ornaments at the<br />
scale of the city. The architectural critic<br />
Jonathan Glancey elaborates the idea<br />
of viewing cities as “gigantic carpets<br />
or textiles rolled across vast tracks of<br />
<br />
<br />
different scales and distances, as well<br />
as from various points of view, which<br />
make them reveal different ornamental<br />
dimensions.<br />
The contemporary application of ornament<br />
proposes novel aspects, such<br />
as structural ornament and digital ornament,<br />
as much as it reinterprets the<br />
traditional applications of representing<br />
culture, function, brand, power, and<br />
context. In the light of the case studies,<br />
it can be argued one of the primary motives<br />
of applying ornament in contemporary<br />
architecture is to attract public<br />
attention and to present spectacle. In<br />
this sense, the advancement of digital<br />
technology becomes a tool, rather than<br />
a motive and a primary ground of justification.<br />
4. Ornaments of the spectacle<br />
nication,<br />
a flood of images dominates<br />
the realm of architecture. Beginning<br />
with the twentieth-century widespread<br />
use of photography, advertising, and<br />
publishing technology, mass media<br />
expanded worldwide by transforming<br />
objects into images. Contemporary<br />
culture is represented by the accumulation<br />
of spectacles, which mediates the<br />
social relation among people. In this<br />
sense, spectacle refers to consuming<br />
products for their sign values, such as<br />
appearance, fame, and public attention,<br />
rather than their use values.<br />
viously<br />
addressed by Charles Baudelaire<br />
in the nineteenth-century together<br />
with Walter Benjamin, and theorized<br />
by the twentieth-century theorists,<br />
<br />
cault,<br />
and Jean Baudrillard. Benjamin<br />
olis<br />
as an endless spectacle, a visual<br />
show of spectacular images, dioramas,<br />
tempting dreams, and a realm of<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
dominates the everyday life through<br />
consumption and mass production in<br />
<br />
<br />
the spectacle and the authentic expe-<br />
<br />
Wrestling”, as he suggests the concept<br />
of the society of the spectacle a decade<br />
<br />
argues that the industry of semiotics<br />
goes further than the materialist rules<br />
of commodity, as it transforms everything<br />
into advertisement, media, or<br />
image. The dominating paradigm of<br />
visuality turns bodily presence into<br />
spectacle, media, and image, and links<br />
the spectacle to the social demand of<br />
astonishment and amazement.<br />
Following the twentieth-century<br />
views, the influence of visuality increases<br />
in contemporary age. The criticism<br />
of spectacle in current architectural<br />
domain consists of immaterial<br />
aspects of image, including flow, density,<br />
frequency, pixel, resolution, color,<br />
<br />
<br />
in the spectacle-laden public sphere,<br />
so that the people are subjected to absorb<br />
a profusion of images every day.<br />
Correspondingly, in an image-driven<br />
culture, much emphasis is given to<br />
visuality, surface, and surface effects<br />
without the intention of contemplation<br />
but only consumption.<br />
In parallel, ornament in contemporary<br />
architecture contributes to<br />
image-making, commercial success,<br />
and marketing strategy, as much as it<br />
becomes a designerly instrument of<br />
achieving astonishment. As seen from<br />
the case studies that sample ornament<br />
as the representation of function, culture,<br />
power, brand, urban context, and<br />
digital virtuosity, ornamental buildings<br />
become embodiments of consumption,<br />
exhibition, and public attention.<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
Literature of the last decade continuously<br />
highlights that ornament in<br />
contemporary architecture has a new<br />
definition and aspect. As this study<br />
demonstrates, ornament has a variety<br />
of layers. Being much more than an<br />
intricate architectural element, an indepth<br />
study of ornament overlaps its<br />
reemergence with social, cultural, and<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
economical status quo.<br />
The need for commercial success<br />
and a profitable image of the building<br />
unfolds the connection of ornament<br />
and capitalism. Architecture relates to<br />
the power of the client; thus the ornamental<br />
façades emerge as a result of<br />
compromise and commercialization<br />
<br />
the budget of the client and mutual settlements<br />
with the architect determine<br />
the limits for creating spectacular and<br />
astonishing façades. The ornamental<br />
dimension is developed as an extension<br />
of constructing a brand image<br />
and sign exchange value. Accordingly,<br />
contemporary application of ornament<br />
does not discriminate between a public<br />
building and a housing complex. Ornament<br />
becomes a symbol of prestige<br />
and an instrument of power, in addition<br />
to being a representation of building<br />
function or program.<br />
In contemporary architecture, the<br />
digital, structural, sensual, representational,<br />
and symbolic facets stratify<br />
ornament metaphorically and literally.<br />
Ornament contributes to the contemporaneity<br />
of the city and the diversity<br />
of culture much like an advertisement<br />
board, a graffiti, or a tattoo, not primarily<br />
as an element of utility but as an<br />
intense medium of impression, expression,<br />
and representation. The profusion<br />
of ornamental buildings and architecture<br />
exhibitions that continue their<br />
worldwide expansion demonstrates<br />
that neither architects nor investors<br />
have done with revealing the potentials<br />
of ornament. In the future years, it is<br />
very possible that ornament will continue<br />
to be a critical discursive field for<br />
theorists, a playground of spectacle for<br />
public, and a challenging designerly instrument<br />
for architects more than ever.<br />
Acknowledgements<br />
This research has been supported by<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
References<br />
<br />
<br />
tarihçe ve bibliyografya. <br />
, 241<br />
<br />
‘big’ yes to superficiality: Arlanda Hotel<br />
by Bjarke Ingels Group. ,<br />
32<br />
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wrestling. In <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
simulacra. In <br />
death <br />
<br />
Sage Publications.<br />
thetics.<br />
In <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
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of the nineteenth century. <br />
, <br />
<br />
Ornament, structure, space: A conversation<br />
with Jacques Herzog. ,<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
, exhibition<br />
catalogue, 1 June – 21 Septem-<br />
<br />
Basel.<br />
<br />
Re<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
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history, theory and future of patterns<br />
of architecture and spatial design. <br />
, 79<br />
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vi,<br />
architecte affranchie. <br />
,<br />
<br />
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Boston, Berlin: Birkhauser.<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons.<br />
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nament:<br />
The return of the symbolic<br />
repressed. ,<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Ltd.<br />
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augmented space. <br />
, 5<br />
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. Barcelona: Actar.<br />
<br />
<br />
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West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons Ltd.<br />
(<br />
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architecture. lishers.<br />
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patterns. , 79<br />
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-<br />
chitecture<br />
between spectacle and use<br />
ling<br />
and Francine Clark Art Institute.<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice
Relationship between place<br />
attachment and user satisfaction at<br />
some national parks in Turkey<br />
Pınar SIVALIOĞLU 1 , Lale BERKÖZ 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
Faculty of Architecture, Cumhuriyet University, Sivas, Turkey<br />
2<br />
<br />
Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, İstanbul, Turkey<br />
<br />
<br />
Abstract<br />
Environmental and natural preservation has become a common problem for all<br />
societies of this century. Much scientific research is being done and many methods<br />
are being devised to analyze the balance between the recreational use and<br />
preservation of natural spaces. It appears that the basic purpose of these methods<br />
is to achieve recreational satisfaction. User satisfaction is a concept that lies at the<br />
core of many sectors and work areas. Place attachment is another concept that has<br />
been covered in many research studies conducted until today. Place attachment is<br />
a concept that is closely related with satisfaction and includes symbolic and emotional<br />
expressions. To see which factors effect visitor satisfaction and attachment<br />
will benefit future studies in national parks. In this scope, 5 national parks in<br />
Marmara region with different characteristics and highest user density rates have<br />
been chosen. The questionnaire forms have been accordingly designed to identify<br />
tendencies and evaluate attachment and satisfaction degrees with suitable analysis<br />
techniques. The first objective was to identify overall satisfaction and attachment<br />
levels and ratings. It was found that the visitors were satisfied with their overall<br />
visiting experience and also found that the attachment of the visitors to national<br />
parks was high. We observed that as the overall satisfaction increases, the overall<br />
attachment increases, as well. Second objective was to determine place attachment<br />
and its sub-categories. As a result of the analyses, 4 sub-factors with high<br />
reliability values obtained.<br />
Keywords<br />
Factor analysis, National park, Place attachment, User satisfaction.
1. Introduction<br />
The use of resources in order to meet<br />
the needs without considering what<br />
will happen in the future has led to<br />
a number of problems about the relations<br />
between man and nature. Almost<br />
all the definitions related to sustainability<br />
and sustainable development<br />
require the inclusion of the next generation<br />
in the current decision making<br />
process. The main objective of the<br />
methods developed through studies<br />
on the protection of natural areas and<br />
balanced use for recreational purposes<br />
is to maintain recreational satisfaction.<br />
User satisfaction is a concept that lies<br />
at the core of many sectors and work<br />
areas these days. Place attachment is<br />
another concept that is handled in various<br />
studies. Place attachment refers to<br />
attachment to a special place and is defined<br />
as positive emotional bond to a<br />
specific place (Low and Altman,1992).<br />
Place attachment is closely related to<br />
the concept of satisfaction, which has<br />
also been tested with studies. Certain<br />
studies especially highlight a variety<br />
of reactions and behaviors that individuals<br />
and groups may demonstrate<br />
depending on emotions, meanings<br />
and values especially when a place is<br />
<br />
<br />
true especially when an individual or<br />
a group has a positive bond with that<br />
-<br />
<br />
expanded Altman and Low’s definition<br />
of place attachment by emphasizing<br />
the functional and psychological attachments.<br />
(Williams et al., 1992).<br />
This study has been prepared for<br />
the purpose of measuring place related<br />
satisfaction and attachment of the national<br />
park visitors. The first objective<br />
was to identify overall satisfaction and<br />
attachment levels and ratings. Second<br />
objective was to explain place attachment<br />
and its sub-categories and also to<br />
identify their relation with each other.<br />
The questions that were prepared for<br />
that purpose and intended to constitute<br />
the attachment scale. Place attachment<br />
is taken as the basic and integrating<br />
concept and the elements that make up<br />
place attachment are explained along<br />
with their sub categories.<br />
Through an analysis of the data obtained<br />
by questionnaires given in the<br />
national parks within the research area,<br />
we have put forward a perceptional<br />
evaluation gauging the site-specific<br />
satisfaction and attachment of national<br />
park visitors.<br />
2. The relationship between visitor<br />
satisfaction and place attachment<br />
The interest in the relation between<br />
people and place is growing day by<br />
day. Studies on people’s emotional relations<br />
with places are full of various<br />
key concepts that are similar to each<br />
other. This kind of terminological<br />
complexity sometimes makes it hard<br />
to understand whether we discuss the<br />
same concept or different concepts.<br />
<br />
term is related to the other: “There is<br />
considerable overlap between factors<br />
such as emotional bonds, affiliation,<br />
behavioural commitment, satisfaction<br />
and belonging, which are loosely associated<br />
with theoretical descriptions’’.<br />
The analysis of the attitude of the individual<br />
towards a specific place depends<br />
on measuring one’s emotional, cognitive<br />
and activity-based responses and<br />
evaluations of that place (Jorgensen<br />
<br />
In the course of time, the term satisfaction<br />
has become the primary concept<br />
to measure the quality of visitor<br />
experiences. Today, we use a number of<br />
methods for satisfaction measurement<br />
such as interviews, questionnaires, observations<br />
etc. Understanding the visitor<br />
satisfaction has enabled the managers<br />
to meet the visitor expectations and<br />
develop various services and facilities<br />
for their satisfaction during their visit.<br />
<br />
increase not only in regular visits but<br />
also in preservation of the loyalty and<br />
acquisition rates, which results in the<br />
realisation of the economic objectives<br />
with the rise in the number of visitors<br />
and income. There is usually a positive<br />
relation between satisfaction and longterm<br />
economic success of the target<br />
area. What is more, the relation between<br />
the visitors and the area they go<br />
gets stronger. Therefore, the quality of<br />
the services provided has a significant<br />
impact on visitor satisfaction (Akama<br />
<br />
defines place satisfaction as a multidi-
mensional and concise judgment about<br />
the perceived quality of a place (Sted-<br />
<br />
fines,<br />
when the different components<br />
of behaviour (cognitive, affective and<br />
behavioural) are taken into account,<br />
some researchers hold the the view that<br />
user satisfaction is composed of affective<br />
constituents, while some others<br />
claim that perception is a more influential<br />
factor. The definitions that rely<br />
on the affective constituents identify<br />
user satisfaction as satisfaction with<br />
the place one lives in and reflection of<br />
happy feelings on the place where one<br />
<br />
on the cognitive constituents define<br />
user satisfaction by comparing the existing<br />
situation with the standards, in<br />
terms of expectations and demands<br />
<br />
to participate in activities that one likes<br />
is a factor that increases the place satisfaction<br />
of those in recreation (Bricker<br />
<br />
Manning, 1999). Ecologic and environmental<br />
conditions, also, help the<br />
formation of satisfaction one feels for<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Studies on place attachment have<br />
also enabled us to understand the<br />
meanings that people attach to their<br />
physical environment. Any literature<br />
review on place attachment, place<br />
identification or related terms shows<br />
that these topics have been studied<br />
and measured with different scales for<br />
<br />
one of the essential concepts that this<br />
study deals with. The term attachment<br />
mostly refers to the sense of place that<br />
bolic<br />
and emotional manifestations.<br />
In a more general sense, the idea of<br />
place attachment has been used for<br />
thousands of years. In the ancient<br />
times, it was very common for people<br />
to introduce themselves with their<br />
names and the place they come from<br />
<br />
has been applied to the studies on natural<br />
resource management in the last<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
place attachment refers to the emotional<br />
bond and its meaning which one<br />
establishes with a certain geographical<br />
place after a long-term experience.<br />
ries<br />
of childhood significantly affect<br />
<br />
might establish emotional/symbolic<br />
bonds without visiting a certain place.<br />
<br />
develop passion for a certain type of<br />
environment without holding the ad-<br />
<br />
Therefore, emotional/symbolic attachment<br />
may refer to identification with<br />
a symbolic meaning or thought. For a<br />
while, the main difficulty that researchers<br />
have to deal with has been the variety<br />
of current approaches at the the-<br />
<br />
<br />
Williams et al. (1992) show the relation<br />
between satisfaction due to place<br />
characteristics and place attachment<br />
in their study. Williams et al. (1992),<br />
while studying the effect of social and<br />
physical conditions on determining the<br />
quality of wild nature trips, ascertained<br />
that place attachment is identified with<br />
the sensitivity about ecological effects<br />
such as garbage or destruction of the<br />
flora of that place.<br />
This study handles place attachment<br />
as attitude and perception shown for<br />
a specific place. The feeling of attachment<br />
towards a place can affect place<br />
satisfaction. For instance, the strong<br />
love one feels for a place could overshadow<br />
his evaluation of the environ-<br />
ever,<br />
one’s comprehensive experience<br />
in a recreational place which contributes<br />
to a deep formation of attachment<br />
for that place provides profound information<br />
about the previous condition<br />
and predicted situation of that place.<br />
The predicted situation relates to one’s<br />
perception of right and wrong and<br />
<br />
critical evaluation of the environment<br />
of that place. Both responses are possi-<br />
<br />
3. Method<br />
As study area, 5 national parks in the<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey
Table 1. <br />
acteristics<br />
and highest user density<br />
rates both local and foreign have been<br />
chosen. They are also important natural<br />
areas for tourism and ecotourism.<br />
These 5 national parks that are chosen<br />
as sample area can be divided into<br />
two groups: National parks with nat-<br />
<br />
<br />
Park, Kuş Cenneti National Park) and<br />
national parks with historical qualities<br />
-<br />
<br />
Park). Comon attributes of study area<br />
national parks are listed at Table 1.<br />
<br />
the borders of Bursa and it is one of the<br />
most important winter sports center in<br />
Turkey. National park has rich in species<br />
and vegetation that both Alpine<br />
and endemic plants specific to Turkey<br />
portance<br />
in the world forestry literature.<br />
Bird Paradise National Park located<br />
<br />
popular migrating spot for birds from<br />
Europe and Asia and its very famous<br />
bird-watching location in the world.<br />
<br />
birds are visiting Bird Paradise National<br />
Park.<br />
-<br />
<br />
between the Sea of Marmara and Gulf<br />
of Edremit. It has historical, geological,<br />
mythological values and recreation opportunities<br />
and it is an important place<br />
for ecotourism with streams, deep valleys<br />
and canyons.<br />
tional<br />
Park located inside borders of<br />
Çanakkale and it has a great historical<br />
value both for local and foreign people.<br />
Sea and land wars made in inside<br />
the borders of the park during the<br />
First World War. War sites, cemeteries,<br />
monuments and ruins are registered<br />
as “historical preservation areas” and<br />
“ cultural wealth”. National park also<br />
has geological and geomorphological<br />
formations with attractive sigths.<br />
cated<br />
inside the borders of Çanakkale<br />
and it has a historical and mythological<br />
value coming from ancient Troy and<br />
Aka settlements. National park is one<br />
of the important archaelogical site in<br />
<br />
We have distributed questionnaire<br />
forms to visitors in 5 National Parks<br />
within the study area in the summer<br />
tionnaire<br />
forms depending on the literature<br />
review and designed to provide<br />
relevant data to identify tendencies<br />
and evaluate attachment and satisfaction<br />
degrees with suitable analysis<br />
<br />
distributed among the national parks<br />
inside the area of research. The data is<br />
evaluated with a bidirectional analysis<br />
<br />
with the SPSS statistical software of<br />
95% confidence interval. With the survey<br />
question designed to measure the<br />
general satisfaction of national park,<br />
we have planned to measure the visitors’<br />
satisfaction in terms of their vis-
Table 2. <br />
iting experience in general, the natural<br />
and social environment quality of the<br />
national park, the possibility of joining<br />
their favourite activities in the national<br />
ysis<br />
for the required comparisons. The<br />
applied factor analysis aims at grouping<br />
and reducing the question which<br />
<br />
to show the extent of attachment. We<br />
have used Likert scale ranging from 1<br />
to 5 for all these questions that are prepared<br />
for factor analysis. Factor analysis<br />
refers to the process of inventing<br />
new concepts such as factorisation or<br />
common factor or creating new functional<br />
definitions for concepts by using<br />
the factor load value of the items<br />
<br />
question was formed to measure general<br />
attachment level of park visitors<br />
and to be used for correlation analysis.<br />
The scale used to measure the place<br />
attachment in the measurement of attachment<br />
of National Park visitors to<br />
National Parks depends on the early<br />
<br />
<br />
This scale has been inspired by the<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
4. Findings<br />
This section includes the factor analyses,<br />
the data regarding the measurements<br />
of satisfaction and attachment<br />
and the general findings obtained in<br />
the study.<br />
4.1. General findings<br />
<br />
national park visitors who participated<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
visitors are from the middle income<br />
group. University and high school<br />
graduates constitute the majority of na-<br />
<br />
In order to measure the general attachment<br />
level of national park visitors,<br />
and later, to be used in correlation<br />
analyses they were asked to choose<br />
<br />
found that 11 of the national park visitors<br />
who participated in the study were<br />
<br />
<br />
attached. The average general attach-<br />
-<br />
<br />
ratios for the national parks covered in<br />
the study were analyzed by means of<br />
crosstab analysis, the highest attachment<br />
ratios were observed in Gallipoli<br />
<br />
is also possible to explain this situation<br />
as a manifestation of the attachment of<br />
individuals to their history and roots.<br />
We found the highest attachment degree<br />
in Gallipoli National Park where<br />
one of the most important wars for the<br />
history of modern Turkey took place.<br />
4.2. Satisfaction factor analysis<br />
The question that was designed<br />
to measure general satisfaction and<br />
which is composed of four postulates<br />
was first analyzed totally and then was<br />
applied factor analysis, which was, later,<br />
to be used in correlation analyses. It<br />
was found that, of all the national park<br />
<br />
were satisfied with their general visiting<br />
experiences.<br />
Four postulates of the question have<br />
been bundled under 1 factor, to be<br />
used in the correlation analysis and<br />
called overall satisfaction. As a result of<br />
the KMO analysis conducted to test the<br />
suitability of it for the factor analysis,<br />
ble<br />
2) and this shows that the data set is<br />
suitable for the factor analysis.<br />
The 1 factor that was obtained ex-<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
it shows that the scale is reliable. The<br />
findings of the general factor analysis<br />
are presented in table 4 and we see that<br />
the loads of the first three factor items<br />
<br />
4.3. Place attachment factor analysis<br />
We applied factor analysis on the<br />
<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey
Table 3. <br />
Table 4. <br />
form the sub-dimensions of place attachment.<br />
We also designed scales and<br />
various reliability tests that show the<br />
suitability for the factor analysis. We<br />
measured the general reliability coefficient<br />
for place attachment dimensions<br />
tion<br />
has a high degree of reliability. As<br />
a result of the KMO analysis that was<br />
conducted to test the suitability of the<br />
question for the factor analysis, on the<br />
ble<br />
5) was found, which is a very high<br />
value and shows that the data set is perfect<br />
for the factor analysis.<br />
As a result of the analysis, we obtained<br />
4 factors and these 4 factors ex-<br />
-<br />
<br />
Place identity, place dependence, place<br />
familiarity, and place affect. We think<br />
that these four factors explain the con-<br />
ty<br />
coefficients measured for each factor<br />
are high.<br />
The first factor called place identi-<br />
plains,<br />
by itself, 44.544% of the total<br />
variance. The studies prior to this have<br />
also identified the place identity factor<br />
as the leading sub-dimension that<br />
best explains place attachment. This<br />
study, also, consolidates the validity of<br />
the similar findings in the literature.<br />
The factor loads of the first four vari-<br />
<br />
<br />
factor that has the highest alpha value<br />
<br />
The second factor is called place<br />
dependence. Although this sub-dimension<br />
is called place dependence<br />
in literature, it actually refers to the<br />
functional relation with a place. This<br />
factor is composed of 9 items and ex-<br />
though<br />
there is a significant decrease<br />
in the explained total variance, it has a<br />
greater explaining value than the other<br />
two factors. It must be considered as<br />
a secondary factor that explains place<br />
attachment. Similar results have been<br />
obtained by other previous researches.<br />
The third factor is called place familiarity.<br />
Place familiarity is a theme<br />
that we previously came across in the<br />
<br />
<br />
acquaintance. Place familiarity factor<br />
<br />
loads of the first three items are over<br />
<br />
total variance.<br />
The fourth and the last factor is called<br />
place affect. This has been a relatively<br />
less developed concept in the relevant<br />
literature and it has been analyzed by<br />
other studies under the name of sense<br />
<br />
<br />
ed<br />
as a result of the influence of places<br />
on people, the factor has been called<br />
place affect. This factor is composed<br />
<br />
the total variance. The factor loads of<br />
the three of the four variables are over<br />
Table 5.
Table 6. <br />
Table 7. <br />
<br />
explains the variance. This factor, also,<br />
has been identified as the least explaining<br />
factor in the other previous studies.<br />
Place attachment factors, variables,<br />
factor loads and the variances they ex-<br />
<br />
4.4. Correlation analysis<br />
In order to see whether there is a relation<br />
between the general attachment<br />
levels of the national park visitors who<br />
participated in the study and their general<br />
satisfaction levels, we conducted a<br />
correlation analysis. Before the correlation<br />
analysis, however, a factor analysis<br />
was applied to the question that constitutes<br />
general satisfaction and is composed<br />
of 4 items. As a result of the correlation<br />
analysis, we found a significant<br />
positive relation between them at a lev-<br />
<br />
As general attachment levels increase,<br />
general satisfaction levels increase too.<br />
The positive relationship between<br />
attachment and satisfaction that was<br />
postulated in the study has been validated<br />
by means of analyses too (Table<br />
<br />
In order to see whether the general<br />
satisfaction and general attachment are<br />
in any way related with data obtained<br />
about the demographic characteristics,<br />
the number of visits to the national<br />
parks and the time spent in the national<br />
parks, we carried out a correlation<br />
analysis with these variables (Table 9).<br />
The correlation analysis is significant at<br />
<br />
We found no relation between overall<br />
satisfaction and age, gender and the<br />
time spent in the national park. There<br />
was, however, a negative relation with<br />
<br />
Thus, it seems, the higher educational<br />
status is the lower overall satisfaction<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey
Table 8. <br />
Table 9. <br />
level becomes. As higher education<br />
means higher expectations, when a<br />
place fails to meet the expectations,<br />
a drop in the satisfaction level is fairly<br />
normal. A positive correlation was<br />
found between overall satisfaction and<br />
<br />
the income is the higher the satisfaction<br />
level gets.<br />
There is also a positive relation between<br />
number of visits to the national<br />
parks and overall satisfaction at the<br />
tion<br />
is the bigger the number of the visits<br />
reaches.<br />
We did not find any significant relation<br />
between general attachment and<br />
gender, income and the time spent in<br />
the national parks. There is a positive<br />
relation between general attachment<br />
and age at a level of 25,1%, which<br />
means, as age increases attachment<br />
level increases as well. We, on the other<br />
hand, found a negative correlation between<br />
attachment and education at a<br />
<br />
As educational level increases attachment<br />
level decreases. There is a<br />
positive relation between the number<br />
of visits to the national parks and gen-<br />
<br />
attachment becomes greater the number<br />
of visits becomes bigger too.<br />
We see that the average of the place<br />
affect points of the national park visitors<br />
who participated in the study is<br />
the highest, while the average of their<br />
place familiarity points is the lowest<br />
<br />
that have an impact on the sub-dimensions<br />
that were obtained as a result of<br />
the factor analyses, we carried out oneway<br />
variance and correlation analyses,<br />
independent T-tests, and descriptive<br />
analyses of demographic factors and<br />
other variables.<br />
The results of these analyses show<br />
that the place identity points of young<br />
people are lower than those of the visitors<br />
from the middle age group.<br />
Similarly, we found that the points<br />
of the young were lower than those of<br />
middle and upper-middle age groups<br />
in terms of place dependence. It may<br />
be due to the fact that there are not<br />
much activities addressing to the needs<br />
of young age group or it may be that<br />
the interests of young people tend<br />
to change quickly. Generally, all the<br />
sub-factors of attachment, excluding<br />
place familiarity, received low points<br />
from young people. This finding is in<br />
concordance with the findings of the<br />
relevant literature. Attachment is in<br />
direct proportion to age. We observed<br />
increase in attachment in proportion<br />
with the increase in age. Each attachment<br />
factor reflected significant differentiation<br />
statistically in relation with<br />
educational status and we saw that the<br />
points received by the primary school<br />
graduates for each factor were high.<br />
Thus, we may say that as educational<br />
status rises, the attachment ratios decrease.<br />
We, also, saw that almost all the<br />
sub-dimensions of place attachment<br />
displayed differentiation in relation<br />
with income variable. The highest ratios<br />
for the sub-dimensions of place<br />
Table 10.
attachment were observed in low and<br />
lower-middle income groups while the<br />
lowest ratios were observed in high income<br />
groups. There is negative relation<br />
between attachment and income level.<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
The research question for this study<br />
aims to explain the concept of place attachment<br />
with its sub-factors and identify<br />
their relation with satisfaction. To<br />
explain these relations, we used various<br />
questions. We, first, designed questions<br />
to measure the degrees of general satisfaction<br />
and general attachment, and<br />
then, as a result of the analyses, we<br />
identified a positive relationship between<br />
general attachment and general<br />
satisfaction, which was one of the hypotheses<br />
in this study. As general satisfaction<br />
levels increase, general attachment<br />
levels increase too.<br />
The positive relation between satisfaction<br />
and attachment is in parallel<br />
with the results of other researches<br />
done in this subject area (Bricker<br />
<br />
<br />
As previously pointed out, there is a<br />
semantic confusion about the sub-factors<br />
of place attachment and many<br />
researchers have identified different<br />
dimensions. Place identity and place<br />
dependence have been identified as<br />
dual dimensions by some researchers<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
several studies sense of place, that is,<br />
place affect has been included in the<br />
sub-dimensions (Jorgensen and Sted-<br />
<br />
the concept of attachment has been<br />
analyzed multi-dimensionally (Bricker<br />
<br />
<br />
familiarity that is identified in this<br />
study as one of the sub-dimensions is<br />
based on the concept of place acquaintance<br />
that is proposed in the 5-dimen-<br />
<br />
To sum up, the findings obtained in<br />
this study can be enumerated as follows.<br />
We think that this study, along<br />
with the concept of place attachment,<br />
tity<br />
(individual’s emotional and symbolic<br />
identification with a place), Place<br />
<br />
a certain place based on participation),<br />
Place Familiarity (familiarity that originates<br />
in time and interaction based on<br />
experience) and Place Affect (emotions<br />
and feelings that a certain place arouses<br />
in individuals).<br />
As a result of the comparative analyses<br />
made between demographic characteristics<br />
and sub-factors of place<br />
attachment, we found that place dependence<br />
and place familiarity sub-dimensions<br />
differs with respect to gender<br />
and that the male visitors received<br />
higher points. The highest attachment<br />
values were observed in low income<br />
and low education groups. We, also,<br />
found that attachment values decrease<br />
in lower age groups. These findings are<br />
in concordance with the similar studies<br />
in literature.<br />
Although, we found out overall satisfaction<br />
level of park visitors was high<br />
<br />
improved by maintenance and provided<br />
service quality in the study area national<br />
parks. Feeling secure in the national<br />
park also has a positice effect on<br />
satisfaction. Satisfaction is a source of<br />
motivation for subsequent visits and is<br />
very effective in creating attachment to<br />
<br />
<br />
place identity level and as a result of the<br />
strong place identity, place atttachment<br />
will increase too.<br />
Many recent studies have strived to<br />
form an understanding as to which<br />
factors have an impact on individual<br />
decision making processes in relation<br />
with the preservation of natural areas<br />
and resources. It is also claimed that<br />
management plans that are realized<br />
with the participation of the community<br />
will be more successful. Measuring<br />
visitor satisfaction and attachment,<br />
therefore, is very important.<br />
To conclude, we examined the satisfaction<br />
of national park visitors, the<br />
concept of place attachment, and the<br />
relation between place attachment and<br />
satisfaction which is the first study<br />
on this subject in national parks, in<br />
Turkey. Identification of the relation<br />
between satisfaction and place attachment<br />
and the differentiations that these<br />
concepts display with respect to demographic<br />
and socio-cultural characteris-<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey
tics will contribute to future researches<br />
in national parks.<br />
And also we think that our findings<br />
will contribute to efforts of authorized<br />
national park administrators to find<br />
solutions for environmental satisfaction<br />
and place attachment of park<br />
visitors. The best way to measure the<br />
performance of a recreational area or<br />
service is to conduct visitor satisfaction<br />
surveys. With these surveys management<br />
and service performance can<br />
be identified and user involvement can<br />
be achieved. With this purpose, we<br />
recommend that every year in each national<br />
park, visitor satisfaction surveys<br />
should be conducted in order to improve<br />
the service quality. It is necessary<br />
to take the relation of man and environment<br />
and the factors that contribute<br />
to satisfaction into consideration<br />
in recreational planning. Thus, we may<br />
be able to meet the expectations and<br />
the needs of national park visitors as<br />
much as possible and consequently, the<br />
number of protective users who are attached<br />
to national parks will increase.<br />
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Measuring tourist satisfaction with<br />
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place attachment on the relationship<br />
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behavior loyalty among hikers along<br />
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examination of the relationship between<br />
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and local attachment. <br />
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<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey
Urban regulations in 18 th century<br />
Istanbul: Natural disasters and<br />
public dispute<br />
Işıl ÇOKUĞRAŞ 1 , C. İrem GENÇER 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
<br />
2<br />
<br />
Yildiz Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
<br />
<br />
Abstract<br />
As a part of the Ottoman modernization process, new regulations and institutions<br />
for urban management started to be established in Istanbul. This paper handles<br />
the 18th century as an initial period for these urban reforms and studies how<br />
the built environment was regulated at the time. The regulations of 18th century<br />
which were based on the occasion of natural disasters and public dispute will be<br />
evaluated via official archive documents and narratives.<br />
18th century Istanbul’s general urban fabric was formed with organic narrow<br />
streets and small timber houses. With the ethno-religious diversity embedded to<br />
this picture, the city had a complex and fragile character. Numerous fires causing<br />
massive destructions raised a need for precautions. Several orders related to<br />
construction systems, building height, size of building elements like eaves and<br />
projections were issued. On the other hand, the fact that urban constituents like<br />
ownership were not defined clearly in the modern sense made public dispute very<br />
common. Apart from the complexity of the built environment, most of the conflicts<br />
arose from the social structure of Istanbul which was comprised of various<br />
ethno-religious groups. There was a clear distinction of Muslims and non-Muslims<br />
in the urban realm as they had different building regulations, until the issuing<br />
of the Tanzimat Firman.<br />
The regulations of the 18th century was based on cases, rather than being comprehensive<br />
generalized rules for the urban fabric and thus had a more proscriptive<br />
nature rather than prescriptive.<br />
Keywords<br />
Construction systems, Istanbul history, Ottoman history, Urban history, Urban<br />
regulation.
184<br />
1. Introduction<br />
Even though there had been many<br />
researches on urban history of Ottoman<br />
Istanbul, 18 th century still seems<br />
to be an unexplored period. As contemporary<br />
urban historians started to<br />
pay attention to this era, it became clear<br />
that it was an important interval when<br />
the modernization process of the state<br />
was initiated. As a part of this process,<br />
new regulations and institutions for<br />
urban management started to be established<br />
in Istanbul. This paper handles<br />
the 18 th century as an initial period for<br />
these urban reforms and studies how<br />
the built environment was regulated at<br />
the time, on the occasion of natural disasters<br />
and public dispute.<br />
There are extensive studies on the<br />
<br />
Istanbul, which regard regulations of<br />
18 th century as the preparatory phase.<br />
The transition of Western urban elements<br />
into Ottoman urban realm by<br />
<br />
and roots of urban reforms in Tanzimat<br />
<br />
the transformation process of Istanbul<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
th century urban reforms by Gül<br />
<br />
important clues to explore and assess<br />
18 th century urban regulations and administrative<br />
issues.<br />
18 th century Istanbul was a scene for<br />
urban and architectural change. New<br />
building forms and spaces started to<br />
emerge in this period. The cityscape<br />
began to change as the social fabric of<br />
veloped<br />
with new constructions as new<br />
ways of patronage, was introduced to<br />
<br />
public spaces arose and a need to establish<br />
a control over them surfaced.<br />
Embassies and prestigious buildings<br />
began to rise in Pera-Galata district as<br />
the city became a hub for commerce<br />
with Europe. Istanbul was heading forward<br />
to being the famous cosmopolite<br />
metropolis with great amount of diversity<br />
in the urban elements.<br />
The era was multi-layered and complex<br />
as traditional values and novelties<br />
introduced by approaching modernism<br />
coincided and contradicted. This<br />
was a period when the authorities’<br />
first effort to define some urban regulations<br />
was visible, as well as their effort<br />
to preserve traditional regulations.<br />
The continuous struggle between these<br />
two entities could be seen in every field<br />
of life, thus nearly in every document<br />
produced at the period.<br />
th century, pre-modern<br />
mechanisms were more prevalent<br />
in urban management of 18 th century<br />
Istanbul which resulted in undefined<br />
boundaries. According to official archives,<br />
the morphological structure of<br />
buildings and ownership issues were<br />
too intricate to be described. Natural<br />
disasters and public dispute became<br />
potential grounds to formulate certain<br />
urban rules. It is even possible to say<br />
that the building regulations of the 18 th<br />
century Istanbul were based on daily<br />
events.<br />
Unfortunately this complex period<br />
has limited resources. Most of the<br />
narratives of the period ignored the<br />
daily experiences of the public as well<br />
as a detailed description of the built<br />
environment. The only resources to<br />
be found are official correspondence<br />
between the central government and<br />
local authorities, judgment records<br />
-<br />
uments<br />
and a few narratives (Ahmet<br />
<br />
communities’ reactions to the built environment<br />
and existing traditional regulations,<br />
as well as authorities’ effort to<br />
establish regulations.<br />
Figure 1.
2. Regulations<br />
Even though there is a tendency to<br />
view the engravings of the period with<br />
great envy of the traditional timber<br />
buildings, this construction system<br />
seems to be the main problem of the<br />
city. According to the official records<br />
and chronicles of this period, most of<br />
the houses (with exception of those<br />
belonging to the imperial family mem-<br />
<br />
<br />
fast reconstructions and was preferred<br />
by the public because of its affordabil-<br />
had<br />
visited Istanbul in the late 18 th century,<br />
the houses were either one or two storeys<br />
high, and were rarely three storeys.<br />
He also stated that there was a striking<br />
simplicity in the construction of these<br />
houses: the interior spaces might be<br />
decorated; however outer façades were<br />
<br />
<br />
Although the urban fabric of 18 th<br />
century Istanbul seems to be self-developed,<br />
there were some authorities<br />
in charge for buildings. All construction<br />
and public works was regulated by<br />
<br />
<br />
, the person responsible for<br />
finance, purchasing and administrative<br />
issues regarding constructions.<br />
There were some general rules, such<br />
as it was not possible to construct on<br />
every empty land within intramural Istanbul,<br />
since there were specific areas<br />
allocated by the central government for<br />
<br />
<br />
Figure 2 <br />
<br />
permit from the chief architect had<br />
to be obtained for new constructions<br />
<br />
chief architect also specified the building<br />
height, the street line on which the<br />
house would be positioned, as well as<br />
the distance of projection for the eaves<br />
<br />
on the façades, according to the regulations<br />
defined by the central authorities.<br />
Another main rule was that it was<br />
not possible to make any perforations<br />
on the façades that faced a neighbor’s<br />
<br />
<br />
Orders were issued at different times<br />
by the central government regarding<br />
the height, colors, construction types<br />
of buildings, as well as building elements<br />
like projections, roofs and eaves.<br />
These orders contained specific dimensions<br />
or general codes, which aimed to<br />
define, limit and standardize building<br />
regulations. From these orders, it<br />
is possible to derive that 18 th century<br />
building regulations resulted from two<br />
<br />
and social values. The timber structures,<br />
being the prevalent construction<br />
type, were frequently destroyed<br />
by fires. As for social values, Muslims<br />
were the predominant group in the social<br />
fabric; therefore regulations were<br />
adjusted according to them. The regulations<br />
aimed to maintain public order,<br />
especially to prevent disputes between<br />
neighbors.<br />
The religious court registries also allow<br />
us to derive information about the<br />
urban structure of Istanbul. Although<br />
they do not always point to a specific<br />
regulation, these records enlighten<br />
measures taken against violation of<br />
ownership/property rights related to<br />
constructions. Property inheritance<br />
was also another important issue that<br />
can often be seen as related to building<br />
measures and construction types.<br />
Upon public petitions, authorities were<br />
appointed to make quantity surveys of<br />
the properties involved.<br />
2.1. Regulations related to disasters<br />
Fires were the most devastating incidents<br />
both for the citizens and the<br />
managers of Istanbul. The city was the<br />
scene for frequent fires that dispersed<br />
into vast areas in a short period of time.<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute
Therefore it is not surprising to see that<br />
most of the imperial orders, archive<br />
records and religious court registries<br />
were concerned with regulating the urban<br />
space for fire mitigation. First part<br />
of this section will focus on these regulations<br />
which provide an insight on the<br />
perspective of the central authorities<br />
and the physical impact of these measures.<br />
The natural disasters Istanbul had<br />
faced were not only fires of course, the<br />
city also suffered from earthquakes.<br />
The timber-framed construction that<br />
was vulnerable for fire had actually outlived<br />
such shocks. However the one in<br />
<br />
After this disaster, it is known that public<br />
buildings were restored and many<br />
decrees were issued on these buildings.<br />
<br />
scarce information about the condition<br />
of civil buildings and their reconstruction<br />
process.<br />
Timber construction was preferred<br />
by the public for its low cost compared<br />
to stone masonry buildings, and the<br />
timber was seen as the main reason<br />
<br />
<br />
authorities complained about this situation<br />
and tried to take precautions on<br />
the subject. An early order dating to<br />
-<br />
<br />
must be made of stone, lime and mud,<br />
according to the owner’s wealth and<br />
the eaves would be made of dogtooth<br />
tooth<br />
eaves continuously come up in<br />
further documents. The reason for<br />
this persistency is because these eaves<br />
would not extend as wide as timber<br />
eaves. Considering the narrowness of<br />
the streets, this precaution aimed to<br />
prevent the spreading of fire. In order<br />
to provide materials for masonry construction,<br />
a new order was issued in<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
similar recommendations to that of<br />
ings<br />
caught fire and needed a thorough<br />
repair or reconstruction, they should<br />
be constructed from stone masonry<br />
with dogtooth eaves that did not project<br />
forward. Also, in areas close to city<br />
walls, no timber constructions should<br />
<br />
general concerns were repeated in an<br />
order regarding the architectural and<br />
construction style of Istanbul houses<br />
<br />
some regulations on projections on<br />
<br />
should not exceed 18 <br />
and should not face each other; they<br />
should be constructed on alternating<br />
levels (one on top, one on bottom lev-<br />
<br />
<br />
Another important issue was the<br />
wooden terraces. A firman issued in<br />
<br />
terraces on roofs, since these allowed<br />
fire to jump from one house to the other<br />
easily, especially on narrow streets<br />
Figure 3.
Table 1. <br />
Date<br />
issued<br />
Type Summary Content<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
All new constructions -including houses and shopsmust<br />
be made of stone, lime and mud, according<br />
to the owner’s wealth. Eaves should be made of<br />
dogtooth courses.<br />
<br />
with stone masonry and dogtooth eaves.<br />
Construction of timber buildings close to city walls<br />
was banned.<br />
<br />
fingers in İstanbul and should not face each other;<br />
instead they should be constructed on alternating<br />
levels for corresponding houses.<br />
Firman Construction of wooden terraces was banned.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Order<br />
of chief<br />
architect<br />
Construction of wooden terraces was banned.<br />
No buildings should be allowed to be constructed<br />
<br />
side of the walls should be allocated for the road<br />
No buildings should be allowed to be constructed<br />
next to the city walls<br />
Mandatory masonry<br />
construction<br />
Mandatory masonry<br />
construction<br />
Prohibition of timber<br />
structures close to city walls<br />
Limitation of façade<br />
projections<br />
Prohibition of wooden<br />
terraces<br />
Prohibition of wooden<br />
terraces<br />
Prohibition of any structure<br />
next to city walls<br />
Prohibition of any structure<br />
next to city walls<br />
<br />
<br />
prohibition of wooden terraces came<br />
<br />
owners wanted to construct such terraces<br />
when renewing their homes after<br />
-<br />
<br />
orders suggest that it was not possible<br />
to implement these suggestions. The<br />
rules had to be repeated after every<br />
devastating case.<br />
City walls were an urban concern for<br />
the managers of Istanbul since people<br />
were building on these structures even<br />
though it was not allowed. In addition,<br />
making extensions from the houses<br />
close to the walls was also prohibited.<br />
In several orders, this rule was reminded.<br />
Although it may seem to be a modern<br />
historic preservation approach,<br />
the real reason for this was again fire<br />
prevention, since fires outside the city<br />
walls could easily spread to the inner<br />
parts due to the attached or extended<br />
<br />
example an imperial order stated that<br />
<br />
spread out and caused damage in the<br />
intramural region in Zindankapı due<br />
to the timber buildings higher than<br />
the city walls. The order emphasized<br />
that no buildings should be allowed to<br />
be constructed next to the city walls.<br />
<br />
summary of fire prevention measures<br />
<br />
Commercial buildings, like khans<br />
and shops that were covering nearly<br />
the half of the built environment of<br />
Istanbul, were a major concern for the<br />
government. According to an order,<br />
<br />
construction and “filled” walls easily<br />
caught fire. (In filled construction,<br />
the wall is constructed with vertical,<br />
horizontal and diagonal timber posts<br />
and the space in between them is filled<br />
with materials like mud brick or rub-<br />
<br />
and shops were not allowed to be built<br />
from timber and all such buildings<br />
should be constructed of stone. One<br />
year later, a new order was issued repeating<br />
the prohibition on construction<br />
of timber shops, unless the own-<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute
188<br />
Table 2. <br />
Date<br />
issued<br />
Type Content Content<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
The khans and shops were not allowed to be built<br />
from timber and all such buildings should be<br />
constructed of stone.<br />
Mandatory masonry<br />
construction<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
The khans and shops were not allowed to be built<br />
from timber, unless the owners were not wealthy<br />
enough to build a stone masonry building.<br />
Mandatory masonry<br />
construction for wealthy<br />
shop owners<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
The construction of masonry khans was banned.<br />
Prohibition of masonry<br />
construction<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
With the condition that only the shopkeepers<br />
<br />
stranger was allowed to enter, masonry rooms<br />
were allowed to be built above the bakeries and<br />
some shops.<br />
Allowance for masonry<br />
construction<br />
<br />
Imperial<br />
order<br />
The construction of timber khans was banned. If<br />
the owner was not wealthy, at least he was obliged<br />
to construct the outer walls in masonry and the<br />
rest of the structure could be built from timber.<br />
Mandatory masonry<br />
construction for all shop<br />
owners<br />
ers were not wealthy enough to cover<br />
the costs of a stone masonry building<br />
<br />
There was a major contradiction<br />
on the subject of khans as well. Even<br />
though the fire precautions demanded<br />
masonry construction, the government<br />
<br />
the construction of masonry khans.<br />
This was due to the fact that the shopkeepers<br />
sometimes joined Janissaries<br />
at public revolts, gathering in masonry<br />
khans in large groups and defend-<br />
<br />
The fear for masses coming together<br />
at these commercial buildings came<br />
<br />
stated that under the condition that<br />
no other person other than the owner<br />
was allowed to enter, masonry rooms<br />
were permitted to be built above the<br />
<br />
<br />
timber khans was banned this time and<br />
according to the order if the owner was<br />
able to cover the costs, he was obliged<br />
to build a masonry khan, if not, he<br />
would at least construct the outer walls<br />
in masonry and the rest of the structure<br />
could be built from timber (Ergin,<br />
<br />
brief summary, the inconsistency on<br />
constructional system of commercial<br />
buildings reflected the government’s<br />
mentality to establish rules on daily<br />
basis. Even though the government’s<br />
reaction to public discontent and fire<br />
contradicted, they still issued these<br />
orders that out rule the previous one,<br />
inhibiting to establish a general rule.<br />
(For summary of building regulations<br />
<br />
Regularizing building heights were<br />
a part of the fire prevention. The residential<br />
quarters of the 18 th century<br />
Istanbul were covered with buildings<br />
with various heights, but not too high<br />
in general. For shops, the standard<br />
height was 4 s (1 = approx.<br />
cording<br />
to the type of craft being prac-<br />
<br />
also some orders which specified the<br />
heights of buildings according to their<br />
function. For example, after the fire in<br />
the Hippodrome, it was decided that<br />
horse stables and other commercial<br />
buildings in the zone should be reconstructed.<br />
According to the order on the<br />
<br />
s (1 =<br />
<br />
s; bakeries 8 s; bakeries<br />
s; groceries, vegetable<br />
s; greengroceries<br />
and attars 4
Table 3. <br />
Date<br />
issued<br />
<br />
<br />
Content<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Construction of timber terraces or roofs was prohibited for shops; all shops<br />
must be masonry.<br />
Height of shops close to the city walls,<br />
<br />
<br />
ironsmiths, boilersmiths, producers of arsenal equipments, groceries: 4,1 m<br />
clothsellers, fruitsellers, fish sellers, stone masons, attars, barbers, coffee<br />
<br />
the rule that it was forbidden to build<br />
on and next to the city walls, while a<br />
distance of 4 s from one side of the<br />
wall should be allocated for the road<br />
and the shops should not exceed the<br />
height of 4 s if they were attached to<br />
the city wall. The order also reminded<br />
that no timber terraces or roofs could<br />
be constructed and all shops, whether<br />
on/in/out of city walls, should be<br />
constructed of stone masonry (Ergin,<br />
-<br />
<br />
2.2. Regulations based on public<br />
dispute<br />
Generally, Istanbul’s neighborhoods’<br />
residential patterns were determined<br />
by ethnicity and religion, however<br />
there were also mixed neighborhoods.<br />
We might say that these patterns defined<br />
the borders of neighborhoods<br />
rather than urban elements like streets.<br />
Main roads would define some borders,<br />
but otherwise organically formed<br />
streets and narrow alleys would run in<br />
the neighborhoods. Within this context,<br />
keeping in mind that Ottoman<br />
State was an Islamic state and nearly<br />
half of the population of Istanbul was<br />
non-Muslims, neighborhood conflicts<br />
especially caused by religion was inevitable.<br />
uents<br />
like ownership were not defined<br />
clearly in the modern sense in this period<br />
made public dispute very common.<br />
Most of the public petitions on neighborhood<br />
conflicts referred to land or<br />
property conflicts. There are numerous<br />
cases where the conflicts were caused<br />
by ethno-religious diversity and Muslims’<br />
power over the non-Muslims.<br />
Solutions offered to the petitions give<br />
us hints about the built environment<br />
and regulations of the period.<br />
The fires did not only cause problems<br />
about constructions, but they<br />
were a major security issue for the city<br />
due to the uncontrolled burnt areas.<br />
According to a religious court regis-<br />
<br />
Mustafa Paşa district complained that<br />
vagabonds were using the places that<br />
were burnt during the fire. They demanded<br />
a permission to build gates<br />
(trict.<br />
These would be closed at nights<br />
and keep strangers outside the neigh-<br />
<br />
<br />
know that were one of<br />
the most common safety precautions<br />
for neighborhoods. The significance of<br />
this document is that, it points out to<br />
the active role of the residents in urban<br />
interventions to their neighborhoods.<br />
Complexity of the civil architecture<br />
is another issue that appears behind<br />
the documents. The houses did not<br />
have integrity, one room would be over<br />
another house and since there were no<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute
egulations to control this, there would<br />
be a lot of conflicts on the subject. For<br />
th century religious court<br />
registry handled a case where İbrahim<br />
Çelebi built a room on top of Hasan<br />
Çelebi’s house. An architect sent by the<br />
authorities inspected the houses and<br />
observed that İbrahim Çelebi’s room<br />
s on Hasan Çelebi’s<br />
property. Hasan Çelebi declared that<br />
it had been constructed by his permis-<br />
<br />
<br />
that although none of the companies<br />
denunciated each other, the authorities<br />
had issued an inspection hints that<br />
there was a concern to establish an urban<br />
order. It seems that these sorts of<br />
constructions were regarded as problematic<br />
even though they were very<br />
common. These unclear boundaries<br />
of the properties not only caused a lot<br />
of problems in the aftermaths of fires,<br />
but also they challenge the traditional<br />
Turkish house historiography.<br />
Apart from the complexity of the<br />
built environment, most of the conflicts<br />
arose from the social structure of<br />
Istanbul which was comprised of various<br />
ethno-religious groups. Although<br />
the number of petitions informs us<br />
that these regulations were broken<br />
frequently, there was a clear distinction<br />
of Muslims and non-Muslims in<br />
the urban context. It was forbidden<br />
for non-Muslims to settle in Islamic<br />
sacred regions, like Eyüp Sultan Mau-<br />
<br />
would usually live in groups in certain<br />
-<br />
<br />
not forbidden for non-Muslims to live<br />
in Muslim neighborhoods, through<br />
complaints we are aware that it was not<br />
welcomed. In various documents the<br />
non-Muslims settled in Muslim neighborhoods<br />
were asked to sell their properties<br />
to Muslims.<br />
According to the Islamic Law, the<br />
house of a non-Muslim should differ<br />
from the Muslims’ both in height and<br />
color. However, the number of imperial<br />
orders reminding the citizens of this<br />
regulation implies that this regulation<br />
was often disobeyed. At certain periods<br />
when the authorities were concerned<br />
with establishing the public order,<br />
number of imperial orders about this<br />
regulation had increased. For example<br />
during his reign, Selim III ordered<br />
non-Muslims to paint their houses to<br />
black and Muslims not to paint their<br />
houses to black so that the non-Muslim<br />
houses could be spotted immediately.<br />
The order also stated that the<br />
non-Muslims’ houses should not have<br />
windows facing the houses of Muslims.<br />
<br />
had visited Istanbul in late 18th century,<br />
mentioned these rules in his depic-<br />
<br />
<br />
The height of the buildings was another<br />
distinctive pattern for religious<br />
distinction. A stated that if a<br />
non-Muslim constructed a building<br />
higher than the Muslims’, it would be<br />
demolished to the level of the Muslims’<br />
-<br />
<br />
in intramural and extramural İstanbul,<br />
the Jews and Christians should not<br />
build their building higher than two<br />
floors and they would not be allowed to<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
while Muslims were allowed to build<br />
12 s high buildings; non-Muslims<br />
were not allowed to build higher than<br />
<br />
limits were increased a century later<br />
to 14 s for Muslims and 12 s<br />
for non-Muslims, as stated in a firman<br />
<br />
This practice was abandoned after the<br />
issuing of the Tanzimat Firman, which<br />
is one of the reasons why the high<br />
non-Muslim buildings we see today<br />
th th century.<br />
In the urban context, religious identity<br />
also caused conflicts on ownership<br />
since it was a problem for a non-Muslim<br />
to buy a property in a Muslim<br />
neighborhood. In an imperial order<br />
<br />
of the houses in the Muslim neighborhood<br />
in Langa were bought by<br />
non-Muslims, thus the mescid and the<br />
school was surrounded with them. It<br />
was also noted that the non-Muslims’<br />
ceremonies were disturbing the Muslims.<br />
The citizens of the neighborhood<br />
had written a complaint to Shaykh<br />
al-Islam about this, who replied to
them with a fetwa. The fetwa suggested<br />
that these non-Muslims should convert<br />
into Islam or they should sell their<br />
properties to Muslims. The imperial<br />
order demanded this fetwa to be ap-<br />
<br />
In many documents on Muslim-non-Muslim<br />
conflicts, the Muslims<br />
complain about being disturbed<br />
<br />
in mind that non-Muslims were not<br />
allowed to perform their ceremonies<br />
outside determined locations, it seems<br />
that this was used as an excuse to move<br />
out non-Muslims from the neighbourhood.<br />
Once a Muslim complained<br />
about being disturbed by non-Muslims<br />
ceremonies, he would immediately get<br />
attention of Shaykh al-Islam.<br />
<br />
stated that some buildings and rooms<br />
located near a mosque, were rented<br />
to some non-Muslims. According to<br />
the Muslim tradition, if a non-Muslim<br />
settled in a Muslim neighborhood or<br />
rented rooms near a mosque, the owner<br />
of the room was asked to rent it to<br />
-<br />
<br />
a Jew bought a land that belonged to<br />
a Muslim. However, because it was<br />
against the regulation, he was asked to<br />
sell the land to a Muslim and his right<br />
to ownership was transferred to a Jew-<br />
<br />
Examples of such cases can be multiplied<br />
and reveal that in pre-Tanzimat<br />
Istanbul, the non-Muslims had quite<br />
a lot of difficulties in settling wherever<br />
they want and keeping their properties.<br />
Although single cases were mentioned<br />
here, we know that Istanbul’s<br />
th century ethno-religious distribution<br />
was shaped before Tanzimat<br />
through massive movements. The<br />
<br />
Eminönü is the most significant case.<br />
th century, the<br />
area that was a predominantly Jewish<br />
neighborhood was given to Muslims.<br />
<br />
order sent to İstanbul Qadi, Janissary<br />
<br />
<br />
Jewish houses that were located near<br />
<br />
that those houses should be occupied<br />
by Muslims instead; therefore the Jews<br />
should be moved to some Jewish dis-<br />
<br />
th century archival documents state<br />
that some Armenians were moved to<br />
intramural Istanbul and Üsküdar, and<br />
they were asked to sell their properties<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the time the construction of an Islamic<br />
religious building resulted in transfer<br />
of non-Muslims to another district. We<br />
might definitely say that the urban regulations<br />
favored the Muslims and supported<br />
Islamization of certain areas.<br />
gious<br />
buildings was not easy for the<br />
non-Muslims. There are a few cases<br />
before Tanzimat allowing such repair<br />
<br />
some permission to repair churches<br />
and synagogues. Jews were allowed<br />
to repair their synagogues and Armenians<br />
were allowed to repair their Aya<br />
Sırati Church burnt in fire (Altınay,<br />
<br />
these renovation works were not permitted.<br />
For instance, in an imperial order<br />
sent to Istanbul Qadi and the chief<br />
<br />
Greek Patriarchate in Fener was damaged<br />
in a fire and the demand to repair<br />
the building was met with opposition.<br />
In the order, it was pointed out clearly<br />
that the repair works would not be<br />
<br />
Only after the Tanzimat we start seeing<br />
permissions for repairing churches<br />
and synagogues. The earliest order we<br />
came across dated to 1842 and it stated<br />
that religious buildings and schools<br />
belonging to Greeks, Armenians and<br />
Jews in Istanbul and other villages were<br />
<br />
<br />
documents related to repair works of<br />
churches in Istanbul followed this order.<br />
3. Discussion<br />
18 th century Istanbul’s general urban<br />
fabric was formed with organic narrow<br />
streets and small timber houses. With<br />
the ethno-religious diversity embedded<br />
to this picture, the city had a complex<br />
and fragile character. Numerous fires<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute
causing massive destructions raised a<br />
need for precautions. Several orders<br />
related to construction systems, building<br />
height, size of building elements<br />
like eaves and projections were issued.<br />
Those precautions aiming to mitigate<br />
the spreading of fire in a neighborhood<br />
and mainly demanding masonry construction<br />
did not turn out as a building<br />
code. Rather, they were spontaneous<br />
reactions to current events, generally<br />
to great fires and most of the times<br />
were issued according to social conditions.<br />
For example, strict prohibition of<br />
timber structures was followed by an<br />
order that allowed people with low income<br />
to build timber houses or shops<br />
because of social order issues especially<br />
regarding the shop owners. The role<br />
of commercial buildings in public revolts<br />
resulted in an indecision on their<br />
construction type. The attitude of the<br />
government towards the built environment<br />
was ambiguous at certain times.<br />
Apart from the fact that the government<br />
out ruled its own decisions on<br />
urban order sometimes, there was a<br />
lack of an authority to implement these<br />
regulations. For example, in his study,<br />
though<br />
the Imperial Architects’ Guild<br />
had a great authority on the urban<br />
context, it was not possible to establish<br />
an institutionalized urban order. Until<br />
Tanzimat, all the regulations related<br />
to the city were organized according<br />
to the Islamic Law and Qadis were in<br />
charge of the establishing the urban<br />
order. Although certain orders for urban<br />
regulations had been issued by the<br />
th century<br />
mentation<br />
and monitoring of the urban<br />
regulations became possible only<br />
after the issuing of Tanzimant Firman<br />
<br />
transformed into more specific urban<br />
codes, the administrative bodies were<br />
established to govern and control these<br />
codes.<br />
The ambiguity was not only in government’s<br />
decisions and administration,<br />
it was also a part of the built environment<br />
as issues of ownership and<br />
borders of buildings were not clear.<br />
These indeterminacies and contradictions<br />
caused by them were actually<br />
the main character of the 18 th century.<br />
However in the urban context, the issues<br />
had to be solved and social order<br />
had to be maintained. Public disputes<br />
related to the buildings were resolved<br />
by instant interventions, yet there were<br />
general rules about the distinction of<br />
non-Muslims’ urban elements from<br />
garding<br />
the properties of buildings of<br />
<br />
the government aimed to prevent the<br />
conflicts within different social groups<br />
and re-affirm Muslims’ power over the<br />
non-Muslims. Even though the number<br />
of petitions on this subject informs<br />
us that these regulations were broken<br />
frequently, there was a clear distinction<br />
of Muslims and non-Muslims in the<br />
urban realm. Only after the issuing of<br />
the Tanzimat Firman, the situation had<br />
started to change and non-Muslims began<br />
to own and repair their properties<br />
more freely. Until then, regulation of<br />
urban form was an important factor in<br />
maintaining social order.<br />
We can conclude that before the<br />
Tanzimat Period, the building codes<br />
and regulations of the Ottoman State<br />
relied on two main themes: natural<br />
disasters and social values. The regulations<br />
of the 18 th century was based on<br />
cases, rather than being comprehensive<br />
generalized rules for the urban fabric<br />
and thus had a more proscriptive nature<br />
rather than prescriptive.<br />
References<br />
-<br />
, Istanbul:<br />
<br />
-<br />
,<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Istanbul: Sabancı Üniversitesi<br />
Yayınları.<br />
<br />
tian<br />
and Jewish Space in Istanbul”, -<br />
-<br />
, <br />
<br />
<br />
-
-<br />
,<br />
Paris: Imprimerie de Monsieur.<br />
<br />
atlar<br />
Akademisi Yüksek Mimarlık<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
, Istanbul: The Economic<br />
and Social History Foundation of Turkey.<br />
<br />
Istanbul: Istanbul Araştırma<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
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-<br />
-<br />
<br />
Ottoman Archival Documents<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute
Assessing the role of users in<br />
sustainable revitalization of<br />
historic urban quarters: The case<br />
of Bursa-Khans District<br />
Gül Sibel GEDİK 1 , Dilek YILDIZ 2<br />
1<br />
<br />
Science, Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul,<br />
Turkey<br />
2<br />
<br />
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey<br />
<br />
<br />
Abstract<br />
Historic urban quarters which are vital for the physical, economic and socio-cultural<br />
sustainable development of cities, are subject to fast paced changes<br />
due to the effects of globalization and rapid urbanization. Preventing the negative<br />
effects of urbanization and globalization and maintaining the unique identity<br />
of historic urban quarters for the future can only be possible by means of<br />
sustainable revitalization strategies which involve all relevant stakeholders in a<br />
holistic approach. Even though there is extensive research that focuses on the environmental,<br />
socio-cultural and economic dimensions of sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies, relatively fewer studies specifically deal with the user perceptions,<br />
images and opinions. By considering local people as a valuable resource, the aim<br />
of this paper is to assess users’ role in sustainable revitalization. Khans District<br />
which is not only a historic but also a commercial and cultural center of the city<br />
of Bursa has been chosen as a case due to the ongoing transformation of this district.<br />
Methodologically, cognitive mapping and survey questionnaires have been<br />
used to obtain data. The findings showed that user sourced data can contribute<br />
to the physical, social, economic and governance dimensions of sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies. This data can also influence (1) the determination of aims<br />
and targets, (2) planning and design and (3) the management stage of sustainable<br />
revitalization process. Consequently, as a valuable resource, it has been found out<br />
that users’ perceptions, images and opinions can provide important data for sustainable<br />
revitalization.<br />
Keywords<br />
Sustainability, Revitalization, Historic urban quarters, User perception and<br />
opinion, Bursa Khans District.
1. Introduction<br />
Inherited from past generations and<br />
shaped by overlapping layers, historic<br />
urban quarters are both socio-cultural<br />
ifestation<br />
of cultural heritage, these areas<br />
not only reflect a unique sense of<br />
place and the identity of cities, but also<br />
trigger the economic dynamics of cities<br />
as an important source for city market-<br />
-<br />
<br />
this sense, historic urban quarters are<br />
vital for the physical, economic and socio-cultural<br />
sustainable development<br />
<br />
Today, due to the pressures caused<br />
mainly by globalisation and urbanization<br />
such as rapid population growth,<br />
mobility, increased density, the rise of<br />
new attraction centers, changing consumption<br />
habits, uncontrolled urban<br />
growth and economic and technological<br />
improvements, historic urban<br />
quarters can barely respond to the requirements<br />
of a community’s changing<br />
<br />
pressures, historic urban quarters face<br />
a series of economic, social and physical<br />
changes. These mutual interactions<br />
can be categorized by two major<br />
<br />
the place which transform population<br />
movements and real estate markets<br />
and the second is both perceptual and<br />
practical links between people and<br />
their physical environment (Seragel-<br />
<br />
start to threaten the unique identity of<br />
these areas and cause a process of decay<br />
and deterioration.<br />
Preventing the many negative effects<br />
of urbanization and globalization,<br />
maintaining the unique identity<br />
of historic urban quarters for the future<br />
and revitalizing them by making<br />
adaptations to cope with the changing<br />
conditions of cities can only become<br />
possible by means of sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies which involve all<br />
relevant stakeholders in a holistic approach.<br />
Even though there is extensive<br />
research that focuses on the enviromental,<br />
socio-cultural and economic<br />
components of sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies, relatively fewer studies<br />
deal specifically with the user perceptions,<br />
attitudes and opinions. Throughout<br />
the history of sustainable revitalization,<br />
the role of local users in the<br />
area has been considered either a part<br />
of social sustainability or a stakeholder<br />
of governance process. In current literature,<br />
users have been handled at minor<br />
levels, sometimes their role defined<br />
in an ambiguous way or even ignored.<br />
<br />
of the subject and separated them from<br />
the other dimensions of sustainability<br />
where users could be conceptualized<br />
under the topic of human sustainabil-<br />
<br />
It is widely known that sustainable<br />
revitalization strategies become succesful<br />
only in the case where users are<br />
involved in the process. When the user<br />
group becomes a participatory actor in<br />
these strategies, their awareness about<br />
the value of the environment increases<br />
and consequently they possess and<br />
protect it. In order to carry out planning<br />
processes of revitalization projects<br />
in a democratic way, user group as<br />
one of the important bottom-up actors<br />
and the real owners of historic urban<br />
quarters are supposed to have power in<br />
<br />
reason, differentiated from the former<br />
studies, by considering local people as<br />
a valuable resource for sustainable revitalization,<br />
this study focuses on the<br />
role of users, and investigates how their<br />
perceptions, images, and opinions can<br />
be articulated in sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies and processes.<br />
With this aim in mind, this study<br />
<br />
concept of <br />
for the aim of defining how users perceive<br />
and construct the image of a<br />
<br />
subsequently employs a survey questionnaire<br />
in order to learn about user<br />
opinions on the problems and suggested<br />
solutions along with the future<br />
<br />
point of view, this study aims to assess<br />
user perceptions and opinions to obtain<br />
data for sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies of historic urban quarters.<br />
The main research questions which are<br />
posed as follows:<br />
What kind of data can be obtained<br />
by the participation of users for sustainable<br />
revitalization strategies of<br />
historic urban quarters?
How and at what stages do user perceptions<br />
and opinions contribute to<br />
sustainable revitalization strategies<br />
of historic urban quarters?<br />
Chosen as a case to investigate these<br />
research questions, Bursa Khans District<br />
which is not only a historic but<br />
also a commercial and cultural center<br />
of the city of Bursa, is now experiencing<br />
an ongoing transformation process<br />
due to both rapid population and urban<br />
growth and also the lack of a holistic<br />
approach taken by local governance.<br />
trict<br />
within city life with sustainable<br />
revitalization strategies will bring both<br />
economic and social benefits to the entire<br />
city of Bursa. In the next section,<br />
main concepts, models and theoretical<br />
approaches in sustainable revitalization<br />
of historic urban quarters and<br />
their related existing research results<br />
will be reviewed followed by an interpretation<br />
of the role of the user groups<br />
in these approaches.<br />
2. Literature review<br />
Extensively researched in current<br />
literature is the notion that sustainability<br />
has ecological/environmental, socio-cultural<br />
and economic dimensions,<br />
which should be considered in a com-<br />
<br />
<br />
When the notion of sustainability first<br />
came to the fore in academic circles,<br />
its physical or ecological dimensions<br />
initially drew the most discussion, but<br />
in time it was understood that human<br />
and societal dimensions in particular<br />
could not be excluded from sustainability<br />
processes (Bramley and Power,<br />
ability<br />
comes to take precedence which<br />
includes a sense of place, identity, lo-<br />
<br />
mension<br />
plays a catalyzing role within<br />
the inter-relationship of physical and<br />
socio-cultural sustainability. In this<br />
context, sustainable development has<br />
been described as a multidimensional<br />
and harmonious association between<br />
environmental, economic, social and<br />
<br />
<br />
The strong relationship between<br />
urban revitalization and sustainabili-<br />
<br />
that sustainable revitalization should<br />
involve not only physical, but also social<br />
and economic dimensions. Even<br />
though sustainable revitalization in<br />
historic urban quarters has been approached<br />
from many different perspectives<br />
in current literature, these<br />
three major dimensions are commonly<br />
accepted by many researchers. Since<br />
physical revitalization provides a short<br />
term strategy, a long term strategy can<br />
only be achieved by including social<br />
and economic dimensions when deal-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the relationship between the concepts<br />
of obsolescence and the level of sustainability<br />
and they suggest a model<br />
for measuring the sustainability level<br />
in historic urban cores. Based on physical,<br />
economic and social dimensions,<br />
this model also includes various indicators<br />
for revitalization. Since these<br />
indicators will change from place to<br />
place, this selection should be done by<br />
extensive public participation. Similar-<br />
<br />
theoretical foundation of revitalization<br />
strategies based on two mutually interactive<br />
concepts, which are the level of<br />
obsolescence and the dynamics of the<br />
place. Whereas the level of obsolescence<br />
can exist in physical, functional,<br />
locational and image categories, the<br />
development dynamics of the place<br />
can be described as high, static or declining.<br />
vitalization<br />
strategy for historic urban<br />
lyzing<br />
the natural, built and socio-economic<br />
environment through various<br />
research techniques with regard to<br />
strengths, weaknesses, opportunities<br />
and threats provides input for sus-<br />
<br />
the demographic characteristics of the<br />
user group as a sub-component of the<br />
socio-economic environment are con-<br />
<br />
swot based model, there are other approaches<br />
that put special emphasis on<br />
<br />
emphasize that among social, cultural,<br />
ecological, economic and political dimensions,<br />
a participatory governance<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
is inevitable for the success of sus-<br />
<br />
system which brings the appreciation<br />
of the role of individuals, households,<br />
community and voluntary organizations<br />
directs an effective decision-mak-<br />
<br />
involvement should be aimed in order<br />
to be able to organize the best and most<br />
suitable sustainability strategy. Likewise,<br />
(a guild system) as a civil<br />
organisation might be a good example<br />
of a participatory governance model<br />
for providing sustainable future sce-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
any sustainable revitalization strategy<br />
must be based on active and effective<br />
citizen participation. Beginning in the<br />
early stages, public involvement makes<br />
a significant contribution to the success<br />
of the entire sustainable revitalization<br />
process. While a lack of participation<br />
and information may result in a passive<br />
disinterest of citizens, effective participation<br />
of the local community ensures<br />
that inhabitants accept and support the<br />
defined strategy.<br />
Based on an integrated approach<br />
which includes the revitalization of the<br />
economic social and physical compo-<br />
<br />
opment<br />
project for sustainable revitalization.<br />
Starting with a natural, physical,<br />
social and economic analysis of<br />
the current situation, the development<br />
project next included a swot analysis.<br />
Derived from these comprehensive<br />
analyses, the design team followed<br />
some significant revitalizing principles.<br />
These principles include renewal of<br />
the district’s current uses, adaptive reuse<br />
of abandoned buildings, encouraging<br />
mixed land uses, visual and physical<br />
integration of the district with the<br />
surrounding urban fabric, functional<br />
diversification for attracting different<br />
age groups, proposing new public open<br />
spaces including cafes and restaurants,<br />
making accessibility easier and making<br />
users feel secure.<br />
3. Methodology<br />
The methodology which was employed<br />
in the case study is comprised<br />
of two research techniques, which are<br />
cognitive mapping and a survey ques-<br />
<br />
participated in the study, volunteer<br />
participants were chosen from a random<br />
sample, who are the users of the<br />
Bursa Khans District. Based on Lynch’s<br />
<br />
are landmarks, nodes, paths, districts<br />
<br />
to draw Khans District on a blank<br />
paper as if they are explaining it to a<br />
stranger. The aim of cognitive mapping<br />
is to reveal how users perceive the<br />
district and what image elements they<br />
hold in order to form the image of the<br />
district in their minds.<br />
The survey questionnaries is comprised<br />
of four sections. The first section<br />
includes questions which can be answered<br />
by drawing and putting sticker<br />
icons on the map. The questions were<br />
designed in order to obtain data about<br />
borders, the most used routes, sub-districts,<br />
nodes, the symbols of the district,<br />
the most liked and disliked buildings<br />
and open spaces of the district.<br />
These questions, which are cognitive<br />
image elements asked in another way,<br />
aim to cross-check data gathered in the<br />
first stage. The second section of the<br />
questionnaire focused on usage density<br />
of the district and questions were designed<br />
to learn why respondents come<br />
to the district and where the most<br />
commonly used places of the district<br />
are. The third section covers open-ended<br />
questions to learn user opinions and<br />
attitudes about the district. The survey<br />
concludes by gathering the demographic<br />
characteristics of users such as<br />
age, gender and education.<br />
In the following case study section,<br />
firstly Bursa Khans District will be<br />
introduced with its location and importance,<br />
afterwards the city’s brief<br />
history and the urban development<br />
processes it has gone through will be<br />
<br />
congitive mapping and survey will be<br />
presented.<br />
4. Case study: Khans District of Bursa<br />
4.1. Historic background of Bursa<br />
and Khans District<br />
toman<br />
Empire, was always a city with a<br />
unique character. Located in the north-
of its oldest settlements with a set of<br />
very rich historic, cultural, geographic<br />
and natural values. Having hosted<br />
many civilizations, Bursa was established<br />
with the name Prusa during the<br />
reign of the Bithynian King Prusias in<br />
tinued<br />
with the Roman, the Byzantian,<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
one of the most important production<br />
and commercial centers in the world<br />
due to its location on the silk and spice<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
many immigrants from the Balkans<br />
and Bulgaria. The establishment of the<br />
<br />
<br />
city to become an attraction point both<br />
for inner and outer migrations. Begin-<br />
th century, these<br />
developments and changes caused the<br />
city to be subjected to significant transformations<br />
not only at the periphery<br />
but also at the historic center of the<br />
<br />
commercial city center began to lose its<br />
<br />
Throughout the history of Bursa,<br />
many urban planning processes have<br />
been carried out such as the plans of<br />
<br />
ropolitan<br />
Municipality of Bursa. However,<br />
there was no continuity in these<br />
<br />
ed<br />
or not considered as a holistic approach,<br />
these plans could not respond<br />
to the physical, social and economic<br />
<br />
still undergoing a rapid industrialization<br />
and urbanization process, which<br />
has resulted in the area having one of<br />
the highest population increase rates<br />
in Turkey. Thus, as an important commercial<br />
center, the city has become the<br />
fourth largest city in Turkey. With the<br />
efforts of the Metropolitan Municipality<br />
of Bursa, Khans District which con-<br />
<br />
built in the early foundation period of<br />
<br />
<br />
(Bursa and Cumalıkızık: The Birth of<br />
<br />
and 2).<br />
cess,<br />
it was seen that the problems of<br />
Khans District still continue at present,<br />
thereby needing further attention and<br />
would benefit from holistic sustainable<br />
strategies actively involving users.<br />
4.2. Evaluation of cognitive mapping<br />
Most of the users drew their cogni-<br />
levard.<br />
Beginning to draw cognitive<br />
maps with a main street supports the<br />
idea that users perceive and learn urban<br />
spaces from the transportation<br />
<br />
the users started their cognitive maps<br />
<br />
which tells us that it is a highly perceivable<br />
and important landmark for the<br />
<br />
<br />
the most important cognitive elements<br />
which construct the image of the district<br />
in the users’ minds.<br />
When we analyzed the direction of<br />
<br />
the users in a northern direction and<br />
tion.<br />
The users who drew their maps in<br />
a northern direction perceived the dis-<br />
<br />
directed themselves to Uludağ. It has<br />
been thought that the reason for this<br />
difference might be the location of the<br />
users’ dwellings, but after the analysis<br />
of all the maps, this assumption could<br />
cluded<br />
some important monumental<br />
-<br />
<br />
Sultan Mosque, <strong>Yıl</strong>dırım Kulliye and<br />
Muradiye Kulliye in their maps even<br />
though their location is out of the case<br />
study district. These users perceived<br />
the city center larger than Khans District.The<br />
cognitive maps did not reveal<br />
any important differences in terms of<br />
users’ duration of residing in the city.<br />
Even though they were born in Bur-<br />
<br />
could not provide much data related to<br />
the inner part of the district.<br />
The cognitive maps of users have<br />
<br />
-<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
Figure 1.<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
ure<br />
3 shows the overlapping data which<br />
has been indicated in a rate of more<br />
<br />
<br />
were obtained from the cognitive maps,<br />
the most frequently indicated ones are<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The analysis of 21 paths which were<br />
obtained from the cognitive maps<br />
showed the most frequently indicat-<br />
<br />
Figure 2.
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
Long Bazaar, the Covered Bazaar and<br />
Coppersmiths’ Bazaar are the most important<br />
historic commercial routes of<br />
the district which are pedestrianized<br />
and covered by a roof.<br />
Three major nodes which were<br />
highlighted in the cognitive maps are<br />
<br />
<br />
hangazi<br />
Square functions like an entry<br />
point to the district and includes the<br />
only greenery existing around the district.<br />
Thus, being perceived easily, it is<br />
the most important landscaped public<br />
square in the district. The other two<br />
nodes are located at the intersection<br />
points of the main roads which make<br />
borders to the district.<br />
The users defined two major dis-<br />
<br />
<br />
indicated Salt Bazaar. Stated by a rate of<br />
<br />
are the only edge elements which were<br />
<br />
the results which were obtained from<br />
the cognitive maps can be summarized<br />
as follows:<br />
The cognitive image of Khans District<br />
is predominantly comprised of<br />
landmarks. The other cognitive image<br />
elements in order of importance are<br />
<br />
and Koza (Cocoon) Khan are the most<br />
important landmarks in the district.<br />
Figure 3.<br />
<br />
Bazaar came into prominence regard-<br />
<br />
Heykel are of great importance when<br />
it comes to the nodes in the district.<br />
gether,<br />
it has been seen that the most<br />
southern area of Khans District is perceived<br />
better by the users.<br />
<br />
element of the district, many of the<br />
landmarks are significant historic<br />
monuments. Thus, it is clear that these<br />
historic buildings are of great importance<br />
in terms of perceiving and constructing<br />
the image of the area.<br />
<br />
<br />
image elements about the inner part<br />
of the district. Based on this data we<br />
can infer that these user groups who<br />
are mostly young people perceive the<br />
district with its borders. Thus, it can be<br />
stated that there are not adequate activities<br />
in the inner part of the district<br />
which attract these young users.<br />
Even though there are many historic<br />
buildings which are located in<br />
the inner part of the district, very little<br />
data referring to these buildings<br />
was obtained from the cognitive maps.<br />
This is because of the many disordered<br />
and unplanned buildings surrounding<br />
them, thus forming a dense urban<br />
fabric which causes these buildings to<br />
be hidden and consequently they are<br />
barely perceived.<br />
During the cognitive mapping, it has<br />
<br />
know the exact names of the important<br />
historic buildings. Instead of stating<br />
their exact names, they addressed<br />
them by indicating a path, a khan, etc.<br />
The way these places are mentioned by<br />
the users demonstrate that there is not<br />
<br />
the historic buildings in the district.<br />
<br />
awareness and interest in the district’s<br />
history on the part of the users.<br />
4.3. Evaluation of the questionnaire<br />
survey<br />
tionnaire<br />
survey was also conducted<br />
with the users. The first section of the<br />
survey started with the question about<br />
what comes first to the respondents’<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
minds when someone mentions the<br />
historic city center of Bursa. They stat-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
ered<br />
Bazaar, Heykel and Koza Khan as<br />
their first image element. It was seen<br />
that the majority of the users gave<br />
answers either related to the historic<br />
buildings or to the history of the district.<br />
Based on these answers, it is clear<br />
that the historic identity is important<br />
in forming the image of the district.<br />
The users were also asked to draw<br />
the borders of the district on the map.<br />
<br />
borders of the district with the streets<br />
<br />
<br />
important borders defined by the users<br />
<br />
<br />
Street which is a smaller area than the<br />
first one. However, it is noteworthy that<br />
ered<br />
the district much larger than the<br />
map which was given to them showing<br />
the core of the Khans District.<br />
<br />
most used route of the Khans District<br />
zaar<br />
axis, the second most used ones<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
the district is the historic commercial<br />
route which is pedestrianized and covered<br />
by a roof.<br />
The respondents were asked to indicate<br />
commercial buildings in the dis-<br />
<br />
<br />
highlighted by many of the users in<br />
comparison to the mostly used historic<br />
commercial route.<br />
When asked about the most dense<br />
ity<br />
of the answers were the nodes of<br />
<br />
The users stated that there is very dense<br />
-<br />
comfortable<br />
due to the noise and visual<br />
and environmental pollution.<br />
When respondents were asked<br />
the symbol of the district, more than<br />
<br />
Mosque, the rest of the respondents<br />
reported Heykel, Koza Khan and Tophane.<br />
These answers highlighted just<br />
<br />
a landmark for the district.<br />
The respondents were asked the<br />
most liked building in the district. The<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
Khan. Likewise, the most liked open<br />
<br />
order of importance, the answers were<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The respondents were asked to mark<br />
the most disliked buildings in the district.<br />
Even though they are located out<br />
of the map which was given, the ma-<br />
<br />
<br />
disliked buildings in the district was<br />
<br />
<br />
seen from these findings, the users feel<br />
very dissatisfied with the Doğanbey<br />
<br />
large and high-rise masses which overwhelm<br />
the historic district. These houses<br />
also form an aesthetically displeasing<br />
background for the historic district<br />
and destroy the silhouette. Moreover,<br />
they have increased the already dense<br />
<br />
Seen from many perspectives while ap-<br />
<br />
<br />
with the nearby city fabric.<br />
When the respondents were asked<br />
the most disliked open public space<br />
in the district, many users stated their<br />
dissatisfaction due to the lack of open<br />
public spaces, as is seen from the an-<br />
Figure 4.
swer of one of the users who says <br />
<br />
<br />
.” Since there are very<br />
few open public spaces in the district,<br />
this question was answered by a low-<br />
<br />
the courtyard of Rice Khan as the most<br />
disliked open public space.<br />
In the second section of the survey,<br />
questions related to the usage quality<br />
and density of the district were directed<br />
to the respondents. In this context,<br />
the first question was about the major<br />
reasons for the users to come to the<br />
district. These reasons can be listed,<br />
in order of importance, as shopping<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
that commercial and religious uses<br />
of the district are the most important<br />
functions that attract people.<br />
The respondents were also asked<br />
how they access the district. The ma-<br />
<br />
they come on foot to the district, the<br />
rest of the users expressed, by private<br />
-<br />
<br />
The last question of the third section<br />
was about the most densely used spaces<br />
of the Khans District. The respondents<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
users evaluated the most important<br />
commercial spaces of the district as the<br />
most densely used spaces.<br />
In the third section of the survey,<br />
the user opinions on the district have<br />
<br />
Figure 5. <br />
<br />
asked the qualities that make Khans<br />
District unique and different from the<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
The respondents were asked whether<br />
they have a special feeling related to<br />
the various parts of the district or not,<br />
<br />
stated religious reasons with an attach-<br />
<br />
users indicated that they like sitting<br />
<br />
the users said that they are fond of the<br />
peace and tranquility that is created by<br />
the historic and spiritual atmosphere<br />
of the district.<br />
The respondents stated the most<br />
important problems of the district as<br />
ordered<br />
and unplanned structure of<br />
-<br />
<br />
and the rest of the answers which have<br />
rioration<br />
of the historic fabric, the<br />
<br />
of tourist guides and historical awareness<br />
of people. The respondents were<br />
also asked about the opportunities<br />
which they feel will provide further<br />
development of the district. They stated<br />
that the district could be developed<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The respondents stated the weaknesses<br />
of the district as follows: the<br />
complex and disordered structure of<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
answers include the lack of promotion<br />
of the district and tourist guides, barely<br />
perceivable historic buildings, the lack<br />
of open public spaces, cleanliness, seat-<br />
<br />
Houses and the poor coordination of<br />
<br />
the respondents described the two major<br />
strengths of the district as its his-<br />
<br />
<br />
included its central location in the city,<br />
being the center of tourism, having<br />
mixed-uses, being an alive and vibrant<br />
area and the spiritual atmosphere of<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
the district.<br />
The user opinions were asked about<br />
what should be done in order to make<br />
Khans District more vivid, alive and<br />
user friendly. The majority of the respondents<br />
stated that greater promo-<br />
<br />
and that also some planning and de-<br />
<br />
other answers highlighted these issues:<br />
Car parking space and tourist guides<br />
<br />
are not in harmony with the historic<br />
fabric of the district should be demol-<br />
<br />
solved and there should be meetings or<br />
planned organizations which are open<br />
to the public.<br />
The respondents were asked how<br />
aware they are of the urban development<br />
of Khans District being carried<br />
<br />
the users said that they are informed,<br />
ly<br />
know about the current efforts for<br />
the development of the district and<br />
<br />
know anything about the work which<br />
has been carried out around the Khans<br />
District recently. Even though it is a<br />
significant effort, fewer respondents<br />
have been informed about the inscrip-<br />
<br />
World Heritage List. When respondents<br />
were asked their opinions about<br />
the current efforts for the development<br />
of the district, while the majority of the<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
users said partly enough.<br />
In the last section of the survey, the<br />
demographic characteristics of the re-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
are male. The distribution of the respondents<br />
according to age groups is<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
age. This data reveals that the sample<br />
group is comprised of mostly young<br />
and middle aged people. The majority<br />
<br />
Bursa and have lived in the city for a<br />
long time. The educational pattern of<br />
the respondents shows that the sample<br />
<br />
<br />
of them are high school graduates.<br />
naires<br />
can be summarized as follows:<br />
The image of the district which was<br />
perceived by the users is mainly<br />
comprised of historic, commercial,<br />
touristic and religious aspects. In<br />
this context, these aspects should<br />
be preserved and maintained for<br />
the future in different ways.<br />
<br />
represent the most liked buildings.<br />
The Covered Bazaar, the Long Ba-<br />
<br />
are the most densely used spaces,<br />
have special significance for achieving<br />
the sustainability of the district.<br />
The most important problems of<br />
ordered<br />
and unplanned urban development,<br />
the lack of car parking<br />
space, promotion of the area and<br />
tourist guides, poor maintenance<br />
of the district, overcrowdedness,<br />
deterioration of the historic fabric,<br />
<br />
buildings and a lack of awareness<br />
towards the value of the district’s<br />
historic assets.<br />
4.4. Results<br />
When we compared the data from<br />
cognitive mapping and the survey<br />
questionnaire, it has been found out<br />
that the results are mostly coherent.<br />
The district has been perceived with its<br />
boundaries and the boundaries of the<br />
district have been defined by the surrounding<br />
roads based on the findings<br />
gathered from both the cognitive mappings<br />
and the survey. Similarly, when<br />
comparing the findings of the cognitive<br />
mapping with the survey, even though<br />
their rank order changed, similar image<br />
elements regarding landmarks,<br />
paths and nodes have been obtained<br />
with slight differences.<br />
The respondents emphasized historic,<br />
commercial, touristic and religious<br />
aspects of the district in their<br />
responses to various questions. These<br />
three major attributes of the district<br />
are the ones that need to be preserved<br />
<br />
problems of the district which have<br />
been indicated by the users is that the
historic buildings are hidden by the<br />
unplanned, disordered and aesthetically<br />
displeasing buildings. This causes<br />
them to be barely perceived, which also<br />
<br />
<br />
both cognitive mapping and questionnaires,<br />
this result requires the removal<br />
of these unplanned developments. In<br />
addition, creating an informative and<br />
directing tourist trail would encourage<br />
the touristic development of the dis-<br />
<br />
The findings of cognitive mappings<br />
showed that especially young people<br />
could not state any image elements located<br />
in the inner part of the district.<br />
This finding implied that promoting<br />
<br />
diverse activities such as hotels, cafes,<br />
restaurants, leisure and entertainment<br />
is necessary in order to attract every<br />
age group of citizens and especially<br />
younger people. During the survey,<br />
when some of the respondents saw the<br />
map of the district, they mentioned<br />
that there are buildings in the district<br />
that they do not know at all. Many of<br />
the respondents said that they feel uncomfortable<br />
because of their lack of<br />
knowledge and unawareness about the<br />
history of the district. The users stated<br />
that they want presentations, seminars<br />
or public meetings in order to be informed<br />
about the value of the district.<br />
Informing the local community is significant<br />
since it will establish a strong<br />
Table 1.<br />
<br />
1. Aims and targets<br />
Preserving and restoring the significant landmarks<br />
Maintaining the historic identity<br />
Maintaining the commercial landuse<br />
Promoting tourism in terms of both design and management<br />
Preserving and enriching existing historic commercial route<br />
Raising the awareness of the community about the historic value of the area and ongoing<br />
revitalizing works via seminars, public meetings, etc.<br />
Removing the complex and unordered buildings of the district and bringing an order<br />
Providing connection with the surrounding urban fabric visually and physically<br />
2. Planning and design<br />
Raising the perceptibility of important landmarks<br />
Enriching the quality of existing public spaces<br />
Proposing new public spaces<br />
Landscaping of public spaces<br />
<br />
Proposing adaptive reuse for abondened buildings<br />
Making courtyards of khan buildings more livable by landscaping and adding new functions<br />
<br />
entertainment or leisure facilities, etc.<br />
Promoting different types of activities for people from diverse age groups, such as hotels,<br />
restaurants, cafes, etc.<br />
Creating of a tourist trail in order to encourage people to explore the district<br />
<br />
More seating in public spaces<br />
3. Management<br />
Increasing the number of qualified tourist guides which will make easier for tourists to<br />
experince the area<br />
Carrying out maintenance, providing order and general upkeep of the district and<br />
monitoring these works by the local government<br />
Providing coordination of all the administrative units in the city<br />
Physical<br />
Socio-cultural<br />
Economic<br />
<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
√<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
public consciousness about the value of<br />
the district. We know that Bursa Metropolitan<br />
Municipality is organizing<br />
<br />
data shows that these efforts must keep<br />
continuing.<br />
The evaluation of the entire data<br />
collected from cognitive mappings<br />
and questionnaires has shown that the<br />
input not only can be categorized according<br />
to the four major dimensions<br />
of sustainable revitalization, which are<br />
physical, socio-cultural, economic and<br />
<br />
different stages of sustainable revitalization<br />
of the Khans District, which are<br />
(1) the determination of aims and targets,<br />
(2) planning and design and (3)<br />
management (Table 1).<br />
5. Conclusion<br />
Making connections between past,<br />
present and future, sustainability in<br />
historic quarters should be handled<br />
in such a way that combine physical,<br />
social, economic and governance dimensions<br />
in an interactive, holistic<br />
and complimentary process. Moreover,<br />
sustainable revitalization needs a special<br />
attention in terms of users. Unless<br />
local community’s perceptions, current<br />
needs, requirements and opinions as<br />
well as their expectations towards the<br />
future are defined well, sustainable revitalization<br />
can not be successfully realized.<br />
Thus, taking Khans District of<br />
Bursa as a case, this paper focuses on<br />
the users and by assessing their perceptions,<br />
images and opinions, aims to<br />
present how data which can obtained<br />
from the users can then be articulated<br />
in sustainable revitalization strategies<br />
and processes.<br />
User oriented data which are collected<br />
by participatory processes can<br />
contribute to sustainable revitalization<br />
<br />
the awareness of community. The user<br />
group will be aware of the value of the<br />
historic environment and want to protect<br />
and possess it and take an active<br />
role in maintaning its unique identity.<br />
Moreover, being a reliable source, user<br />
groups can be beneficial for defining<br />
the problems of an area and a specific<br />
management model which is unique<br />
<br />
<br />
in the sustainable revitalization processes<br />
since it will directly influence<br />
their lives.<br />
<br />
summarized as follows:<br />
It has been seen that the data which<br />
were obtained from the assesment<br />
of user perceptions, images and<br />
opinions can contribute to the<br />
physical, social, economic and governance<br />
dimensions of sustainable<br />
revitalization strategies.<br />
These data can influence (1) the determination<br />
of aims and targets, (2)<br />
planning and design and (3) management<br />
stages of sustainable revitalization<br />
strategies.<br />
Consequently, as a valuable resource,<br />
user perceptions, images<br />
and opinions can provide important<br />
data for sustainable revitalization.<br />
The implications of this study will be<br />
beneficial for the future development<br />
of sustainable revitalization strategies<br />
in historic urban quarters in terms of<br />
involving users’ perceptions and opin-<br />
<br />
taking users as a participatory agent<br />
in sustainable revitalization by using<br />
various research techniques such as<br />
participatory observations, in-depth<br />
interviews etc. should be carried out<br />
for different cases.<br />
References<br />
<br />
urban development in historical areas<br />
<br />
study of the cultural heritage and urban<br />
development (CHUD) project in<br />
Saida, Lebanon, <br />
-<br />
<br />
K., Elbakidze, M. and Drotz, M. K.<br />
ity:<br />
Criteria, indicators, verifier variables<br />
for measurement and maps for<br />
visualization to support planning, -<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
, Paper presented at<br />
-
Urban form and social sustainability:<br />
The role of density and housing type,<br />
<br />
<br />
Bursa and Cumalıkızık: the Birth<br />
trieved<br />
from http://whc.unesco.org/<br />
-<br />
<br />
Bursa Metropolitan Municipality,<br />
tim<br />
Planı, Retrieved from http://<br />
alanbaskanligi.bursa.bel.tr/wp-content/uploads/unesco-adaylik-dosyasi-ve-ekleri-ingilizce-icin-tiklayiniz.<br />
pdf<br />
<br />
tual<br />
exploration, <br />
<br />
-<br />
termining<br />
the most relevant strategic<br />
approach, ,<br />
<br />
<br />
M. <br />
for revitalization strategies ın histor-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
declining historic urban quarters - The<br />
prus,<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
, in: Turgut,<br />
H & Kellett P (Eds.), Traditional<br />
<br />
Istanbul: Second International Sym-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
lications.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
, Re-<br />
mission,<br />
Luxembourg.<br />
<br />
Dimensions of housing and urban sustainability,<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
in<br />
Yeniden Canlandırlılmasında Kul-<br />
<br />
lished<br />
Master’s Thesis, Istanbul Tech-<br />
<br />
Science, Enginering and Technology,<br />
Istanbul.<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
tions<br />
Human Settlements Programme<br />
<br />
Kaplanoğlu, R. and Cengiz, I. (Eds.)<br />
-<br />
,<br />
Bursa: Bursa Metropolitan Municipality.<br />
-<br />
<br />
, Paper pre-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
, Cambridge: M.I.T. Press.<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
tive<br />
study of two architectural heritage<br />
sites of Bazars and Hans of Bursa and<br />
Dhaka, -<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
model for the sustainable development<br />
of Cumalıkızık, a heritage site in Turkey,<br />
-<br />
, 21(1),<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-<br />
Khans District
Culture-space and time: The city of<br />
Bursa, Turkey, -<br />
<br />
Tweed, C. and Sutherland, M.<br />
tainable<br />
urban development, Land-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
for assessing sustainability in housing<br />
environments, -<br />
<br />
<br />
Model for measuring the sustainability<br />
level of historic urban quarters, Euro-<br />
<br />
<br />
munity<br />
engagement model for the sustainable<br />
future of a historical commercial<br />
district: Bursa/Turkey as a case<br />
<br />
ing<br />
a strategic approach for managing<br />
sustainable revitalization in world heritage<br />
sites: Historical Bazaar and Khans<br />
District, Bursa -Turkey, <br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Sustainable revitalization as a tool for<br />
regenerating the attractiveness of an<br />
inner-city historic commercial district:<br />
‘Han District’ as a case
Energy efficient lighting system<br />
retrofit for retail environments<br />
Feride ŞENER YILMAZ<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Abstract<br />
Lighting retrofit in retail environments is essential and is often necessitated in<br />
order to improve the retail atmosphere, increase energy efficiency and provide<br />
visual comfort conditions. This study introduces the lighting design criteria for<br />
retail environments in terms of visual comfort conditions and lighting energy efficiency<br />
and investigates a retail lighting retrofit application on the example of a<br />
department store. Several lighting system design alternatives including diverse<br />
lighting technologies are assessed in terms of visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />
energy efficiency. Obtained results emphasize that without compromising visual<br />
comfort conditions in retail environments, it is possible to obtain significant<br />
lighting energy consumption on an annual basis. This study clearly underlines the<br />
importance of a proper lighting retrofit project in terms of providing visual comfort<br />
conditions and lighting energy efficiency.<br />
<br />
Keywords<br />
Retail lighting, Lighting system retrofit, Retail environments, Visual comfort,<br />
Energy efficient lighting.
1. Introduction<br />
Retail environments are of the<br />
building typologies where the relationship<br />
between human factors and light-<br />
<br />
role of lighting in retail environments<br />
is to attract the eye, to illuminate the<br />
merchandise, to excite the shopper<br />
and to reinforce the shopper’s sense of<br />
value and price point (Karlen & Ben-<br />
<br />
perspectives in retail lighting design<br />
help to attract the customers and their<br />
<br />
the literature there are many interdisciplinary<br />
studies investigating the effect<br />
of lighting on visual comfort conditions,<br />
space perception, visual stimulus,<br />
spatial cognition, user behaviour<br />
for the retail environments as well as<br />
energy efficiency.<br />
-<br />
<br />
to perceived atmosphere and lighting is<br />
found to play a significant role in creating<br />
an ambiance in retail environments<br />
<br />
<br />
concepts can also help to shape different<br />
image in terms of corporate identity<br />
for retail environments and lighting<br />
can also be used for brand communication<br />
in order to define the image of a<br />
<br />
Lighting design and color scheme are<br />
other contributing factors to the brand<br />
<br />
teristics<br />
can be obtained by the help of<br />
diverse lighting strategies and lighting<br />
has a direct influence on the perception<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
essential since retail environments are<br />
open to changes concerning the rapid<br />
improvement of lighting technology<br />
and variations in brand communication.<br />
<br />
retail buildings should provide visual<br />
comfort conditions and reduce light-<br />
-<br />
<br />
proper retail lighting design concept<br />
also helps to create a suitable corporate<br />
identity and communication. The<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
followed in order to obtain proper<br />
lighting solutions and gives guidance<br />
on visual comfort conditions for different<br />
space types. This standard specifies<br />
<br />
retail spaces and their associated areas<br />
mination<br />
as well as giving recommen-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
lighting has four major roles in retail<br />
premises that are to attract attention, to<br />
send a message to shoppers about the<br />
atmosphere of the shop, to guide shoppers<br />
around the shop and to display<br />
the merchandise to advantage (Soci-<br />
<br />
<br />
lighting for retail spaces should help<br />
to create an atmosphere emphasizing<br />
<br />
place in which to shop, permit accurate<br />
ties<br />
of the merchandise and minimize<br />
glare and harsh brightness differences<br />
<br />
Sustainability is increasingly important<br />
in retail lighting design due to<br />
the dwindling energy resources, rising<br />
energy costs and the negative impact<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
hance<br />
their building regulations in order<br />
to monitor and reduce energy con-<br />
<br />
<br />
at building professionals to design or<br />
renovate buildings to a nearly zero en-<br />
<br />
<br />
performance assessment of buildings<br />
in Europe is performed using several<br />
methodologies in the frame of the developed<br />
standards. Retail sector consumes<br />
a significant amount of lighting<br />
energy due to long opening hours and<br />
reducing lighting energy consumption<br />
<br />
is essential. Energy is often wasted due<br />
egies<br />
and improper choice of lamps<br />
and luminaires (Ticleanu, Littlefair
Table 1.<br />
EN 12464 Standard<br />
Sales area<br />
Till area<br />
Wrapper table<br />
SLL Lighting Handbook<br />
budget shops (without accent or<br />
<br />
shop with an exclusive profile<br />
(widespread use of accent and<br />
<br />
shops with value for money and<br />
<br />
<br />
E m<br />
(lx)<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
E m<br />
range (lx)<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
IESNA Lighting Handbook Horizontal Illuminance E h<br />
Vertical Illuminance<br />
Retail by Classification:<br />
Visual age of observers<br />
E v<br />
Visual age of observers<br />
<br />
75 <br />
<br />
<br />
of daylight and artificial light sources<br />
during the building design process.<br />
The role of daylighting is crucial when<br />
ments<br />
in retail buildings therefore the<br />
choice of proper daylight strategies becomes<br />
necessary in the design phase<br />
of retail buildings. There is also evidence<br />
that daylight has the potential<br />
to increase sales when used in retail<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
effective in decreasing lighting energy<br />
<br />
energy, lighting control is important in<br />
retail lighting because it provides flexi-<br />
<br />
patterns of lighting, and can give dynamic<br />
or special lighting effects (Little-<br />
<br />
Lighting retrofit in retail environments<br />
is often performed in order to<br />
improve the ambiance and corporate<br />
<br />
retrofit can help to improve the visual<br />
comfort conditions as well as providing<br />
significant energy savings, controlling<br />
the cooling and lighting loads (EERE,<br />
<br />
are performed by either protecting<br />
current lighting system’s main features<br />
such as the placement and number of<br />
the lamps and luminaires or lighting<br />
<br />
efficient technology. Lighting system’s<br />
re-design can also be applied as a lighting<br />
retrofit.<br />
The aim of this study is to provide<br />
energy efficient lighting retrofit solutions<br />
and to explore the lighting energy<br />
saving potential in retail environments<br />
while providing visual comfort conditions<br />
on the example of a selected de-<br />
<br />
analysis of a department store lighting<br />
retrofit application, different lighting<br />
retrofit scenarios are evaluated and obtained<br />
results are compared in terms of<br />
visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />
energy efficiency.<br />
2. Retail lighting design criteria in<br />
terms of visual comfort and energy<br />
efficiency<br />
<br />
principles affecting the lighting system<br />
design in retail environments is introduced<br />
in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />
and lighting energy efficiency.<br />
<br />
retail lighting principles and recommendations<br />
addressed in international<br />
standards are presented in this chapter.<br />
2.1. Visual comfort criteria in<br />
retail lighting design<br />
tions<br />
can be investigated in the aspects<br />
of illuminance levels, uniformity, lu-<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
minance distribution and glare caused<br />
by light sources, colour property of the<br />
space and light sources.<br />
minance<br />
level for retail environments<br />
differ according to the type of the retail<br />
environment. Therefore, lighting design<br />
of each retail environment should<br />
be performed considering the specific<br />
<br />
<br />
luminance<br />
for sales areas, till areas and<br />
-<br />
<br />
for retail environments are given depending<br />
on the shop profile and in ‘The<br />
<br />
-<br />
ria<br />
for department store sale areas given<br />
in these publications are presented<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Uniformity is defined as<br />
the ratio of the minimum to average<br />
<br />
in order to supply the visual comfort<br />
conditions in spaces and control the<br />
occurrence of high contrasts on the interior<br />
surfaces. The uniformity criteria<br />
<br />
the retail environments in order to obtain<br />
visually pleasing environments.<br />
<br />
The luminance<br />
distribution in the visual field controls<br />
the adaptation level of the eyes,<br />
<br />
a well-balanced adaptation luminance<br />
<br />
acuity, contrast sensitivity and efficien-<br />
<br />
nance<br />
distribution is very effective on<br />
the strength of accent lighting where<br />
different sorts of luminance ratios can<br />
result in diverse strength of accenting.<br />
<br />
the strength of accent lighting for retail<br />
environments (Society of Light and<br />
<br />
The luminance distribution in the<br />
visual field affects visual comfort con-<br />
<br />
environments, control of glare is a ne-<br />
<br />
Table 2.<br />
<br />
Sales area<br />
Till area<br />
Wrapper table<br />
<br />
General recommendation (Regardless of the<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
visual comfort conditions. Glare is the<br />
sensation produced by a sufficiently<br />
greater luminance within the visual<br />
field causing annoyance, discomfort or<br />
loss in visual performance and visibil-<br />
<br />
discomfort glare caused directly from<br />
the artificial lighting system can be<br />
<br />
<br />
field of view directions in the retail<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
for retail environments, the following<br />
aspects should be considered in terms<br />
<br />
Surface material’s colour specifications<br />
in retail environments,<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
mined<br />
by the special properties of<br />
the displayed merchandise as well as<br />
branding characteristics in retail en-<br />
<br />
factor that affects the lighting performance<br />
especially in the finishing material<br />
selection phase. Light reflectance<br />
Table 3.<br />
<br />
U O<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
U O<br />
<br />
U O<br />
<br />
Luminance ratio (accent/ Strength of accenting<br />
background)<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
5 Low theatrical<br />
<br />
Theatrical<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Very dramatic
value of the surface materials should<br />
be selected studiously depending on<br />
the displayed merchandise, branding<br />
characteristics. The ranges of useful<br />
reflectances for the major interior sur-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
lamp sources depend on classification<br />
ent<br />
preference and designer preference<br />
<br />
colour appearance of the light sources<br />
used in retail environments change<br />
from cool to warm as the shop profile<br />
moves from low budget to exclusive<br />
(Ticleanu, Littlefair & Howlett G.,<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
colour appearance, a light source with<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
it is considered ‘intermediate’ (Society<br />
<br />
cation<br />
of the colour rendering properties<br />
of a light source the general colour<br />
rendering index Ra is used, having a<br />
<br />
value of colour rendering index given<br />
in lighting standards and international<br />
lighting recommendations for re-<br />
<br />
can be higher when colour judgment<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
2.2. Energy efficiency criteria in<br />
retail lighting<br />
Lighting design phase should represent<br />
a major route to reducing lighting<br />
-<br />
<br />
retail sector consumes significant portion<br />
of the energy used in the buildings<br />
so it is important to minimise the light-<br />
ronments.<br />
Lighting retrofits in retail<br />
buildings often concentrate on minimisation<br />
of lighting energy consump-<br />
<br />
applications for retail environments,<br />
selection of appropriate lamps, luminaires<br />
and lighting control strategies is<br />
essential.<br />
ments<br />
of buildings are performed with<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
the detailed artificial lighting system<br />
specifications are not present, the recommendations<br />
given for lighting pow-<br />
<br />
<br />
the lighting designer to propose energy<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
Lighting<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
retail environments in terms of lighting<br />
<br />
-<br />
for retail environ-<br />
<br />
<br />
for installed power per area depend<br />
<br />
ing<br />
to this standard, basic fulfillment<br />
tions<br />
where maintained illuminance<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
for retail<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
specifies a calculation methodology<br />
for evaluation of the amount of energy<br />
used for indoor lighting inside<br />
the building and provides a Lighting<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
mination<br />
(WL,t ing<br />
on the methodology specified in<br />
n-total<br />
c-<br />
<br />
<br />
o -Occupancy dependency<br />
<br />
<br />
parasitic energy consumption (W<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
systems.<br />
<br />
culation<br />
methodology for the Lighting<br />
<br />
buildings, which can be used for existing<br />
buildings and for the lighting<br />
<br />
be calculated by total annual lighting<br />
t<br />
(m <br />
<br />
<br />
illuminance lighting control system<br />
<br />
of constant illuminance lighting con-<br />
<br />
3. Retail lighting retrofit application<br />
for a department store case study<br />
This section focuses on development<br />
of different lighting retrofit applications<br />
for a department store example<br />
and assessment of obtained<br />
visual comfort conditions and lighting<br />
energy performance for each evaluated<br />
-<br />
<br />
baseline artificial lighting system alternatives<br />
are introduced and proposed<br />
lighting retrofit schemes are evaluated<br />
in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />
and lighting energy efficiency.<br />
3.1. Description of the investigated<br />
department store, lighting patterns<br />
and evaluated lighting system<br />
alternatives<br />
<br />
investigated department store is performed<br />
and baseline artificial lighting<br />
system alternatives are presented.<br />
Figure 1. <br />
<br />
3.1.1 Description of the<br />
investigated department store<br />
Selected space type is a hypothetical<br />
department store clothes shop having<br />
a shop type of ‘shops with value for<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
reflectance of the selected space are<br />
<br />
- for floor. The space has a total area of<br />
containing sales area, till area,<br />
four fitting rooms and a storage room.<br />
This space is assumed to be situated<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
space.<br />
3.1.2. Description of lighting system<br />
patterns<br />
<br />
patterns are considered in this study<br />
depending on the use of “general lighting”,<br />
“general and accent lighting” and<br />
<br />
different layouts are generated depend-<br />
served<br />
lighting system installations in<br />
clothes shop retail environments with<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
only,<br />
use of circular recessed downlight<br />
luminaires only,<br />
<br />
and spotlights,<br />
use of recessed downlight luminaires<br />
and spotlights,
Table 4. <br />
use of spotlights only.<br />
<br />
evaluated artificial lighting systems<br />
patterns, their representative images<br />
and lighting plans. While generating<br />
the artificial lighting system patterns,<br />
changes for the sales area only is considered<br />
and the lighting system of the<br />
fitting rooms, storage and till area<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
constant.<br />
3.1.3. Description of the evaluated<br />
lighting system alternatives<br />
<br />
lighting retrofit scenarios for the evaluated<br />
baseline artificial lighting system<br />
tificial<br />
lighting system retrofit applications<br />
are proposed for baseline scenar-<br />
<br />
are upgraded with a more energy efficient<br />
artificial lighting system having<br />
lower installed power compared to the<br />
baseline scenarios. Table 5 represents<br />
the information for baseline artificial<br />
lighting system designs and artificial<br />
<br />
naires<br />
used in baseline lighting designs<br />
and proposed artificial lighting retrofit<br />
alternatives are given where each lumi-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
(use of circular re-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
scenario is performed by replacing the<br />
circular recessed downlight luminaires<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Three different lighting retrofits are pro-<br />
<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
Table 5. <br />
Scenario<br />
codes<br />
Scenario names<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
posed<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
spotlights (having a luminaire pow-<br />
<br />
<br />
the downlights and spotlights in the<br />
sales area is replaced with an ener-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
(use of recessed<br />
<br />
<br />
pact<br />
fluorescent lamps are used togeth-<br />
<br />
<br />
Type and number of<br />
luminaires<br />
<br />
<br />
flurescent lamps<br />
<br />
B<br />
<br />
<br />
E<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
with compact flurescent lamps<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
retrofits are proposed as alternatives to<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
gen<br />
spotlights (having a luminaire<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
lights<br />
(having a luminaire power of<br />
<br />
siders<br />
the replacement of all luminaires<br />
with a more energy efficient<br />
artificial lighting system and in this<br />
-
Table 6. <br />
<br />
represents the conditions<br />
where the department store sales<br />
<br />
<br />
number of selected luminaires for each<br />
scenario are determined depending on<br />
fulfilling the visual comfort conditions<br />
for the selected retail environment.<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
number of luminaires are reduced to<br />
-<br />
<br />
3.2. Visual comfort performance<br />
determination of lighting design<br />
walternatives<br />
Visual comfort performance determination<br />
of the investigated department<br />
store is performed considering<br />
<br />
-<br />
sual<br />
comfort conditions, the baseline<br />
scenarios and lighting retrofit alternatives<br />
are modelled on a computational<br />
basis and necessary calculation of each<br />
lighting design alternative is obtained<br />
in an accredited lighting simulation<br />
<br />
<br />
of visual comfort conditions are per-<br />
<br />
<br />
ering<br />
the placement of the exhibited<br />
merchandise. The width of the vertical<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
department store in each lighting design<br />
scheme.<br />
3.2.1. Assesment of illuminance<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
the investigated department store.<br />
calculations<br />
<br />
each scenario and obtained illumi-<br />
<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
Figure 2. Illustration of calculation<br />
workplanes for the investigated space.<br />
ed<br />
Em -<br />
<br />
<br />
baseline lighting system scenarios and<br />
lighting retrofit applications fulfil the<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Standard.<br />
calculations<br />
luminance<br />
results are obtained as given<br />
in Table 7. Results indicate that a min-<br />
<br />
<br />
are provided for each baseline scenario<br />
and lighting retrofit.<br />
nance<br />
is essential in order to evaluate<br />
the distribution of illuminance within<br />
<br />
of uniformity levels. Therefore, minimum<br />
illuminance values are calculated<br />
<br />
<br />
5, calculated minimum illuminance<br />
<br />
Table 8 gives the results of obtained<br />
minimum vertical illuminance calcula-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
clearly underline that horizontal and<br />
vertical illuminance obtained in the<br />
Figure 3. Illuminance maps for evaluated<br />
baseline and lighting retrofit scenarios.<br />
<br />
<br />
summarises the evaluated scenarios illuminance<br />
calculation results in terms<br />
of horizontal and vertical illuminance<br />
criteria.<br />
3.2.2. Assesment of uniformity- Uo<br />
Uniformity calculations are per-<br />
<br />
<br />
Figure 4. Results of calculated Em values on the horizontal<br />
workplane (h1).<br />
Figure 5. Results of calculated minimum illuminance values on<br />
the horizontal workplane (h1).
Table 7. <br />
A B C D E<br />
A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
v5 <br />
<br />
v7 <br />
v8 <br />
<br />
86 86 97 98 <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
75 75 84 84 75 75<br />
Table 8. <br />
A B C D E<br />
A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />
<br />
<br />
85 <br />
<br />
v5 <br />
<br />
v7 <br />
v8 <br />
<br />
78 <br />
88 <br />
75 <br />
<br />
<br />
77 77 <br />
the distribution of illuminance with-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
o<br />
<br />
is found that recommended Uo results<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
3.2.3. Assesment of glare caused<br />
by light sources- Unified Glare<br />
Rating (UGR)<br />
<br />
sources is performed depending on<br />
the UGR values of the luminaires giv-<br />
<br />
<br />
supplied for each baseline scenario and<br />
lighting retrofit proposals.<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
Table 9. Evaluated scenarios illuminance calculation results in terms of horizontal and vertical illuminance<br />
criteria workplanes (v1-v15).<br />
Scenario<br />
names<br />
<br />
B<br />
<br />
<br />
E<br />
Total light<br />
output for lamps<br />
(lm)<br />
Total light output<br />
for luminaires (lm)<br />
3.2.4. Assesment of colour property<br />
of the space and light sources<br />
<br />
the space is performed depending on<br />
the colour specifications of the surface<br />
materials and their light reflectance<br />
values. Light reflectance of the select-<br />
E m<br />
-horizontal<br />
workplane<br />
(lx)<br />
Horizontal<br />
illuminance<br />
criteria<br />
E m<br />
-15 vertical<br />
workplanes<br />
(lx)<br />
<br />
<br />
the recommended ranges according to<br />
<br />
index-Ra of selected light sources are<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
Vertical<br />
illuminance<br />
criteria<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
✓ ✓<br />
Table 10. Uo calculation results obtained for task areas and total Uo percentage results for each scenario.<br />
A B C D E<br />
A1 A2 B1 B2 C1 C2 C3 C4 D1 D2 D3 D4 E1 E2<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
v5 0,36 <br />
<br />
v7 <br />
v8 <br />
<br />
<br />
0,37 0,28<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
total
Table 11. Lighting system’s total power-Pn (W), provided LPD value (W/m2) for lighting<br />
design alternatives and comparison of results in terms of EN 15193 and ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />
IESNA Standard LPD criteria.<br />
<br />
B<br />
C<br />
D<br />
E<br />
Scenario<br />
names<br />
Lighting system's<br />
total power-P n<br />
(W)<br />
narios and lighting retrofits fulfill the<br />
necessary criteria in terms of colour<br />
rendering property of lamps.<br />
3.3. Lighting energy performance<br />
determination of lighting design<br />
alternatives<br />
<br />
retail environments depend on characteristics<br />
and number of lamps and<br />
luminaires, space dimensions and its<br />
uated<br />
lighting retrofit scenarios are<br />
assessed in terms of their annual light-<br />
<br />
<br />
consumption for lighting per unit area<br />
<br />
the lighting power density expressed<br />
. Obtained results are<br />
used to produce estimates of lighting<br />
energy efficiency potential in the retail<br />
environment.<br />
3.3.1. LPD Assessment in terms of<br />
EN 15193 and ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />
IESNA Standards<br />
narios<br />
and lighting retrofit alternatives<br />
are performed and obtained results<br />
<br />
<br />
Provided<br />
LPD value (<br />
W/m 2 )<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments<br />
EN 15195 Standard<br />
LPD Criteria (15<br />
W/m 2 )<br />
<br />
ANSI/ASHRAE/<br />
IESNA Standard<br />
LPD Criteria<br />
(<strong>13</strong>,56 W/m 2 )<br />
✓ ✓<br />
5,8 ✓ ✓<br />
B1 2151 14,3 ✓ ✓<br />
B2 1430 9,5 ✓ ✓<br />
C1 2093 14,0 ✓ ✗<br />
C2 1740,2 11,6 ✓ ✓<br />
C3 <strong>13</strong>18 8,8 ✓ ✓<br />
C4 965,2 6,4 ✓ ✓<br />
D1 2455 16,4 ✗ ✗<br />
D2 1940 12,9 ✓ ✓<br />
D3 1897 12,6 ✓ ✓<br />
D4 <strong>13</strong>82 9,2 ✓ ✓<br />
E1 3125 20,8 ✗ ✗<br />
E2 1080 7,2 ✓ ✓<br />
-<br />
n -<br />
<br />
design alternatives as well as the com-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
results that all of the lighting retrofit<br />
<br />
dards.<br />
3.3.2. Assessment of annual lighting<br />
energy performance according to<br />
EN 15193 Standard<br />
<br />
of annual lighting energy performance
Table 12. WL,t- energy requirement used for illumination, WP,t- Luminaire parasitic energy<br />
requirement, Wt- total annual lighting energy requirement and LENI values for evaluated<br />
scenarios.<br />
evaluated baseline cases and proposed<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
tained<br />
findings are compared with the<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
lowed<br />
to obtain WL,t -<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
n<br />
<br />
consideration in the lighting energy<br />
c -constant illuminance<br />
<br />
<br />
t<br />
-<br />
-<br />
-<br />
o<br />
<br />
as the space is fully occupied through<br />
the occupancy hours. Since the evaluated<br />
space has no access to daylighting,<br />
<br />
and daylight penetration is “none”.<br />
gency<br />
lighting system therefore lu-<br />
<br />
pt x year consti-<br />
<br />
annually. Total annual lighting energy<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
of the evaluated baseline alternatives<br />
and lighting retrofit proposals fulfil<br />
<br />
<br />
values for evaluated cases in a graphical<br />
expression.<br />
Figure 6. Results of Lighting Energy Numeric Indicator (LENI).
3.4. Discussion of results<br />
<br />
<br />
natives<br />
are considered depending on<br />
the use of diverse lighting technologies.<br />
This application example clearly shows<br />
that it is possible to apply lighting retrofit<br />
proposals that are fully providing<br />
<br />
and lighting energy performance criteria<br />
given the standards. Thus, this study<br />
shows the importance of an integrated<br />
lighting retrofit design process.<br />
When the lighting energy saving<br />
possibilities are investigated, it is found<br />
ergy<br />
consumption is obtained by the<br />
help of lighting retrofit where for cat-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
energy consumption reduction up to<br />
<br />
<br />
energy consumption is obtained for<br />
gen<br />
spotlights are replaced with a more<br />
<br />
lighting retrofit, a high lighting energy<br />
<br />
Obtained results show the significant<br />
possibility of lighting energy savings by<br />
the help of lighting retrofit proposals.<br />
4. Conclusion<br />
This study aims to emphasize the<br />
importance of an integrated lighting<br />
retrofit project for retail environments<br />
in terms of visual comfort conditions<br />
ducing<br />
the visual comfort criteria for<br />
<br />
gives necessary recommendations related<br />
with illuminance, luminance distribution,<br />
unified glare rating, uniformity,<br />
colour aspects of the space and<br />
light sources on the scope of current<br />
building standards and regulations.<br />
<br />
of different lighting retrofit applica-<br />
<br />
this study on the example of a department<br />
store, demonstrating the most<br />
<br />
layouts in retail environments. Visual<br />
comfort assessment is performed on<br />
<br />
lighting simulation program, which<br />
<br />
performance assessment is performed<br />
based on an up-to-date lighting energy<br />
calculation methodology described<br />
<br />
on the impact of lamp and luminaire<br />
selection on lighting energy efficiency,<br />
this study shows that it is possible to<br />
have energy-efficient lighting solutions<br />
enhancing the retail environments.<br />
<br />
energy-efficient upgrade of lighting<br />
systems can also reduce lighting energy<br />
costs as well as overheating and<br />
cooling costs, which can be investigated<br />
as a future study.<br />
Results of this research provides a<br />
practical retail lighting design retrofit<br />
guidance to retailers, architects and<br />
lighting designers in order to refurbish<br />
existing lighting schemes and develop<br />
new lighting design solutions considering<br />
the use of different lighting technologies<br />
in retail spaces.<br />
The possibility to evaluate visual<br />
comfort conditions and lighting energy<br />
efficiency in retail spaces during<br />
the lighting retrofit phase is necessary<br />
in order to obtain an optimal lighting<br />
design variant. Therefore, this study<br />
shows the importance of using computational<br />
simulations in lighting retrofit<br />
projects so that diverse lighting retrofit<br />
proposals are evaluated practically and<br />
effectively.<br />
This study is limited to the retail<br />
environments without access to day-<br />
<br />
can be expanded to evaluate the impact<br />
of daylighting on visual comfort conditions<br />
and lighting energy efficiency<br />
<br />
of lighting control strategies in retail<br />
lighting retrofits also have direct effects<br />
on lighting energy savings therefore<br />
the lighting retrofit schemes can also<br />
be generated by depending on the in-<br />
<br />
control strategies as a future study.<br />
<br />
to show the potential for energy savings<br />
in retail environments on the example<br />
of a department store lighting<br />
retrofit. With the correct implementation<br />
of diverse lighting schemes during<br />
the lighting retrofit phase, lighting de-<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments
signer can help to design a sustainable<br />
and energy efficient retail building ful-<br />
fort<br />
conditions.<br />
References<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
,<br />
Vienna.<br />
-<br />
<br />
perception in the real world. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
10 <br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
ception,<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
role does lighting have on consumer’s<br />
perception of atmosphere, emotions<br />
and behaviour?, -<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
-<br />
rate<br />
communication. <br />
<br />
<br />
munication,<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
vices<br />
Engineers.
Contributors<br />
Ebunoluwa Y. AKINGBASO<br />
Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso obtained her<br />
Masters in Architecture from Eastern<br />
Mediterranean University in the area<br />
of Urban Design in 2014. Her current<br />
contributions to the field of research<br />
includes Agricultural land use and<br />
land cover changes, Migration and<br />
land use changes, and Socio-economic<br />
drivers of land use/cover changes in<br />
Famagusta.<br />
Halil Z. ALİBABA<br />
Dr. Halil Z. Alibaba obtained his Masters<br />
and Ph.D. in Architecture from<br />
Eastern Mediterranean University in<br />
1998 and 2003 respectively. He is currently<br />
an Assistant Professor at Eastern<br />
Mediterranean University. His current<br />
research areas include Sustainable<br />
Construction, Energy issues in Architecture,<br />
Solar Architecture, Room<br />
Acoustics and Expert systems in Architecture.<br />
Açalya ALLMER<br />
Açalya Allmer is an Associate Professor<br />
of Architecture and the Head of<br />
the Building Design Section at Dokuz<br />
Eylül University, Izmir, where she has<br />
been teaching since 2005. Having received<br />
a national scholarship, Allmer<br />
completed her Masters and PhD degree<br />
in architecture at the University<br />
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. She received<br />
her Bachelor’s degree in architecture<br />
from the Middle East Technical<br />
University. She published a number of<br />
essays in edited volumes and in leading<br />
journals including Architectural<br />
Theory Review, Architectural Research<br />
Quarterly, METU Journal of Architecture,<br />
Textile: The Journal of Cloth and<br />
Culture. She also acted as the editor of<br />
Cine-space: Architecture in Cinema<br />
(2010). Allmer’s research focuses on<br />
the history and theory of architectural<br />
representation, architecture in cinema<br />
and literature, contemporary architecture<br />
and its criticism.<br />
Deniz BALIK<br />
Deniz Balık works as a Research Assistant<br />
in the Department of Architecture<br />
at Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir. She<br />
holds a Ph.D. degree in Architectural<br />
Design from Dokuz Eylül University,<br />
a M.Sc. degree in Architectural Design<br />
from Istanbul Technical University,<br />
and a Bachelor’s degree in Architecture<br />
from Dokuz Eylül University.<br />
Lale BERKÖZ<br />
Lale Berköz is a full professor in the<br />
Department of Urban and Regional<br />
Planning, Architectural Faculty of Istanbul<br />
Technical University. She has<br />
a diploma in architecture from I.T.U.,<br />
Faculty of Architecture in 1982. She<br />
has a master degree in urban planning<br />
program from I.T.U. in 1984. She received<br />
her Ph.D. in urban planning<br />
program from I.T.U. in 1991She is interested<br />
in metropolitan development<br />
dynamics, locational behaviors of service<br />
sector activities and foreign direct<br />
investments, user satisfaction in residential<br />
areas.<br />
Fulin BÖLEN<br />
Fulin Bölen is a professor emeritus in<br />
the Department of Urban and Regional<br />
Planning at the Istanbul Technical University.<br />
Her principal research topics<br />
include residential densities, land use<br />
and urban form, land use intensity and<br />
urban quality of life, physical quality of<br />
residential environment and land values.<br />
Warebi Gabriel BRISIBE<br />
I hold BSc and MSc degrees in Architecture<br />
from the University of Jos, Nigeria<br />
and a PhD in Architecture from<br />
Newcastle University, UK. My research<br />
interests are in vernacular architecture<br />
and architectural education. I am a<br />
registered architect and lecturer in the<br />
Department of Architecture, RSUST,<br />
Port-Harcourt and also a consultant<br />
on using local materials in educational<br />
buildings in Tanzania.<br />
Gizem CANER<br />
Gizem Caner has a Ph.D. in Urban<br />
and Regional Planning from Istanbul<br />
Technical University. She has five years<br />
of professional experience in urban regeneration,<br />
risk analysis and management,<br />
and master planning. Her main<br />
research interests include divided/<br />
multicultural societies and planning,
comparative urbanism, socio-spatial<br />
analysis, urban politics, post-conflict<br />
planning, and resilience.<br />
Işıl ÇOKUĞRAŞ<br />
Architect Işıl Çokuğraş is an Assistant<br />
Professor at Bilgi University, Department<br />
of Interior Design. She hold<br />
a MSc Degree in Architectural Design<br />
from Istanbul Technical University<br />
and PhD degree in History and Theory<br />
of Architecture from <strong>Yıl</strong>dız Technical<br />
University. Her field of research<br />
includes urban history and modernization<br />
period of Ottoman State and<br />
Turkey.<br />
Marwa DABAIEH<br />
Marwa Dabaieh is architect and Bio-<br />
Geometry® practitioner. She is a postdoc<br />
researcher at Lund University<br />
in Sweden. Her current research focus<br />
is vernacular architecture passive<br />
low-tech methods and their<br />
adaptation for contemporary zero energy<br />
and zero carbon building practice.<br />
Rully DAMAYANTI<br />
Finished bachelor in architecture in<br />
1996 at Gadjah Mada University- Yogyakarta,<br />
and received M.Art from Curtin<br />
University- Perth. In 2015, received<br />
Ph.D from the University of Shefffield-<br />
UK. Has been teaching architecture in<br />
theory and design studio since 1998 at<br />
Petra Christian University- Surabaya<br />
until today. Has done several research<br />
in Indonesia and India regarding making/creating<br />
places in urban areas.<br />
Ranjith DAYARATNE<br />
Dr. Ranjith Dayaratne teaches Theory<br />
of Architecture at the Department of<br />
Architecture and Interior Design at the<br />
University of Bahrain. He is the editor<br />
of the ISVS e journal dedicated to Vernacular<br />
Architecture and coordinates<br />
the activities of the International Society<br />
for the Study of Vernacular Settlements<br />
(ISVS).<br />
Yüksel DEMİR<br />
Studied Architecture in Istanbul Technical<br />
University, Faculty of Architecture<br />
(1983-1987). Currently works as<br />
an Associate Professor in ITU Department<br />
of Architecture and is the<br />
head of the department of Fine Arts in<br />
ITU (2007-Present). He founded ITU<br />
Mardint Interdisciplinary Research<br />
and Development Center (2005). Assigned<br />
as advisor to the rector(2014-).<br />
He continues to work in the fields of<br />
Architectural Design, Urban Design,<br />
Interior Design, Product Design, ICT<br />
in Design, and Art.<br />
Birgitte Tanderup EYBYE<br />
Birgitte Tanderup Eybye has a master’s<br />
degree in architectural heritage.<br />
At present she is writing her PhD thesis<br />
on sustainable building methods in<br />
Danish vernacular architecture at the<br />
Aarhus School of Architecture in Denmark.<br />
Gül Sibel GEDİK<br />
Gül Sibel Gedik was born in Bursa in<br />
1989. She graduated from the Faculty<br />
of Architecture of Bursa Uludağ University<br />
in 2010. She received her M.Sc.<br />
degree in Architectural Design Program<br />
in 2015 from ITU. Her thesis is<br />
on the subject of sustainable revitalization<br />
in historic urban quarters.<br />
C. İrem GENÇER<br />
Architect İrem Gençer is an Assistant<br />
Professor at Yildiz Technical University,<br />
Department of Architecture.<br />
She holds a PhD and MSc degree in<br />
Architecture from Istanbul Technical<br />
University Restoration Program. Her<br />
field of research includes urban preservation,<br />
vernacular architecture and<br />
planning history in Mediterranean<br />
towns.<br />
Esin HASGÜL<br />
Esin Hasgül was born in Istanbul. She<br />
graduated from ITU Faculty of Architecture<br />
in 2009. She completed her<br />
master in ITU, IMIAD (International<br />
Master of Interior Architecture Design)<br />
in 2011. After working in design<br />
offices; she is now doing doctorate in<br />
ITU and working as a research assistant<br />
in IKU.<br />
Maria I HIDAYATUN<br />
Finished undergraduate in architecture<br />
in 1983 at Gadjah Mada University-Yogyakarta,<br />
and received Magister Antropology<br />
from Indonesia University,<br />
Jakarta in 1994, received Dr. from the<br />
Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember
Surabaya in 2015. Has been teaching<br />
architecture in theory, history and design<br />
studio since 1985 at Petra Christian<br />
University-Surabaya until today.<br />
Has done several research in Indonesia<br />
related to the architecture of the Archipelago,<br />
vernacular and regionalism.<br />
Timothy O. IYENDO<br />
Timothy O. Iyendo obtained his Masters<br />
in the field of Architectural Acoustic<br />
from Eastern Mediterranean University<br />
in August 2011. He is presently<br />
pursuing a Ph.D. in Architecture at the<br />
aforementioned University. His research<br />
interests include Architectural<br />
Acoustics, Design education, Climate<br />
responsive building, Sound perception<br />
and visual articulation of architectural<br />
space.<br />
Florian KOSSAK<br />
Studied architecture at the Technical<br />
University Berlin and received M.Arch<br />
from the University of Strathclyde<br />
(1997). After a collaboration with the<br />
Munich-based architect Otto Steidle,<br />
co-founded of the workers co-operative<br />
GLAS – Glasgow Letters on Architecture<br />
and Space (2001). Teaching<br />
architecture and urbanism in the<br />
design studio since 1997, first at the<br />
Academy of Fine Arts in Munich, then<br />
Strathclyde University and, since 2006,<br />
at the University of Sheffield. In 2008<br />
he received PhD from the Edinburgh<br />
College of Art.<br />
Selin KÜÇÜK<br />
She has a bachelor’s degree from ITU<br />
Department of Architecture and studies<br />
in ‘Environmental Control and<br />
Construction Technology’ Master Program<br />
in ITU. On Hattusha and Kültepe<br />
Archaeological Excavation Projects<br />
she had labored as excavation architect,<br />
managed an architectural office in<br />
İstanbul. She has academic studies on<br />
archaeoacoustics, architectural documentation<br />
on archaeological sites and<br />
traditional architecture subjects.<br />
Mesut B. ÖZDENİZ<br />
Professor Mesut B. Özdeniz obtained<br />
his Ph.D. in Architecture from Istanbul<br />
Technical University in 1979. After<br />
many years of teaching/research experience,<br />
he joined Eastern Mediterranean<br />
University in 1988. He is presently<br />
the dean, Faculty of Architecture,<br />
European University of Lefke. His research<br />
area includes Climatic Design,<br />
Architectural Acoustics and Lighting.<br />
Shikha PATIDAR<br />
Practicing Architect and visiting faculty<br />
in School of Planning and Architecture,<br />
Bhopal. Associate member of<br />
Indian Institute of Architects. Occasionally<br />
writes in newspapers and journals.<br />
Participated and presented papers<br />
in International conferences. She has<br />
deep concern for low cost building<br />
techniques, vernacular practices and<br />
traditional knowledge systems.<br />
Attilio PETRUCCIOLI<br />
Attilio Petruccioli is Professor of Landscape<br />
Architecture and Dean of the<br />
School of Architecture at the Polytechnic<br />
University of Bari, Italy. From 1994<br />
to 1998 he was the Aga Khan Professor<br />
of Design for Islamic Societies at the<br />
Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture<br />
at the Massachusetts Institute<br />
of Technology. His research interests<br />
are the methodology of design (landscape<br />
and contextual design, typological<br />
research and the work of modern<br />
architects), traditional settlements and<br />
housing, Islamic architecture, town<br />
and territory and Mediterranean landscape<br />
architecture.<br />
Josef PRIJOTOMO<br />
Studied architecture at the Institut Teknologi<br />
Sepuluh Nopember and fineshed<br />
at 1976 and received M.Arch<br />
from the Iowa State University (1982).<br />
In 2006 he received Dr. from the Institut<br />
Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember.<br />
He had also teaching architecture in<br />
theory, History and Critics since 1977<br />
at Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember<br />
until today. In 2008 he received<br />
to get the title of Professor from the<br />
Government by giving a speech about<br />
the Archipelago/Nusantara Architecture<br />
and in 2015 he was awarded the<br />
culture as a pioneering architecture of<br />
the Archipelago/Nusantara. Has several<br />
research in Indonesia related to the<br />
History of Architecture, Theory about<br />
Architecture and Culture to do with<br />
Architecture.
Brishbhanlali RAGHUWANSHI<br />
She is an Asst. Professor in School of<br />
Planning and Architecture Bhopal, India.<br />
Her career objective is to work for<br />
sustainable development through vernacular<br />
architecture principles and to<br />
evolve an innovative and creative approach<br />
integrating traditional knowledge<br />
and modern technology. She has<br />
publications in journal and presented<br />
papers in conferences.<br />
Murni RACHMAWATI<br />
Studied architecture and fineshed in<br />
1985, received Magister Teknik in 1999,<br />
and in 2009 she received Dr. from the<br />
Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember.<br />
She had also teaching architecture in<br />
theory, History and Critics since 1986<br />
at Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember<br />
until today. Has several research<br />
in Indonesia related to the History of<br />
Architecture, Theory about Architecture<br />
with several cases architecture in<br />
Indonesia.<br />
Pınar SIVALIOĞLU<br />
Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, has a diploma in<br />
Landscape Architecture from I.U., Faculty<br />
of Forestry in 1992. She has a master<br />
degree in Landscape Architecture,<br />
from I.T.U in 1997. She received her<br />
Ph.D. in City and Regional Planning<br />
from I.T.U. in 2012. She is interested<br />
in environmental psychology, environmental<br />
behavior, perception, satisfaction<br />
and place attachment.<br />
Feride ŞENER YILMAZ<br />
Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz (PhD) is a research<br />
assistant at Istanbul Technical<br />
University Faculty of Architecture. She<br />
is graduated from Gazi University Department<br />
of Architecture in 2006 and<br />
in 2009 she completed her Masters education<br />
at Istanbul Technical University.<br />
She received her PhD degree from ITU<br />
Building Science Doctorate Program.<br />
She participated in Stuttgart University<br />
of Applied Science, Department<br />
of Building Physics as a researcher in<br />
2008 and she was a visiting researcher<br />
at Building Research Establishment-<br />
BRE in England between 2012-20<strong>13</strong>.<br />
Her primary areas of expertise are sustainable<br />
lighting design in architecture,<br />
daylighting and artificial lighting, visual<br />
comfort, lighting simulation and<br />
energy efficiency in buildings.<br />
Emre TORBAOĞLU<br />
Graduate of MSGSU Department of<br />
Architecture (2004). Earned master’s<br />
degree from ITU Department of Architecture<br />
(2010). After winning “Bolu<br />
Chamber of Commerce Building Architectural<br />
Project Competition” he<br />
established Atölye Kolektif (2007). He<br />
contributes to the educational processes<br />
either as a lecturer, tutor or as a jury<br />
member. He is a board member of 44th<br />
term of Chamber of Architects Istanbul<br />
Metropolitan Branch. Continuing<br />
his professional work as a partner of<br />
Atölye Kolektif.<br />
Dilek YILDIZ<br />
Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız is an architect, researcher<br />
and lecturer in the Department of Architecture<br />
at Istanbul Technical University<br />
(ITU) since 1995. She received<br />
her Ph.D. degree in Architectural Design<br />
Program in 2005 from ITU. Her<br />
research is focused on design theory,<br />
research methods, housing design, gated<br />
communities, sustainability, urban<br />
design, urban architecture and environment-behavior<br />
studies.
Guide for authors<br />
Authors must follow these instructions carefully to avoid delays in submission,<br />
peer-review and publication processes.<br />
1. Submission of manuscripts<br />
The language of the journal is English. The digital copy of the manuscript, prepared<br />
by Microsoft Word, together with original figures and tables must be submitted to<br />
the journal only via e-mail (az@itu.edu.tr). After the submission, the manuscripts<br />
will be edited according to the journal submission format and authors may be<br />
requested for some corrections or for addition of any missing information. All<br />
papers will be blind reviewed and assessed by two referees. During the publication<br />
process, camera-ready manuscripts will be sent to the authors for approval.<br />
2. Preparation of manuscripts<br />
The manuscript must be prepared by following the order of cover letter, title page,<br />
abstract(s), keywords, article, acknowledgement (if any), references, tables and a<br />
list of figure captions in one single Word document. The manuscript must be typed<br />
in double spacing by using Arial font with 12 points. All pages must be numbered<br />
consecutively.<br />
2.1. Cover Letter<br />
The cover letter must state that the manuscript has been written and approved by all<br />
authors, that it presents an original and unpublished work; and it has not been<br />
submitted to, or is not under review process in another journal. It must contain the<br />
names and signatures of all authors. The scan of the cover letter is acceptable.<br />
2.2. Title Page<br />
The cover page must contain a concise and informative title; names, affiliations<br />
(department, faculty, university, city and country) and e-mail addresses of all<br />
authors, and identify the corresponding author.<br />
2.3. Abstract(s)<br />
A concise and informative abstract in English must not exceed 250 words in length,<br />
must summarize the purpose, methods and major findings of the paper. National<br />
contributors have to submit an additional abstract in Turkish, which must not<br />
exceed 1000 words in length and include the title of the article in Turkish.<br />
2.4. Keywords<br />
The article must have maximum 5 keywords which must be sorted in alphabetical<br />
order and separated by comma. Keywords must be carefully selected to facilitate<br />
the readers’ search.<br />
2.5. Article<br />
Articles must not exceed 7000 words. All headings must be numbered consecutively<br />
and hierarchically. Authors, for whose English is not the native language, are<br />
strongly encouraged to have their manuscript carefully edited prior to submission.<br />
Also, authors are recommended to perform spell checking of the article. Within the<br />
article, avoid the use of footnotes and endnotes, if unavoidable, label as (1), (2) and<br />
list all together at the end of the page where they occur.<br />
2.6. Acknowledgement<br />
If necessary, acknowledgements can be provided.<br />
2.7. References<br />
The style and punctuation of the references must follow the APA referencing style.<br />
References in the manuscript must give the surname of the author and the year of<br />
publication in brackets. The references must be listed in alphabetical order of<br />
authors’ names and in chronological order for each author. The upper and lower<br />
case rules and punctuation types of APA style must be carefully followed. Further<br />
details about APA referencing style can be seen from http://www.apastyle.org/.<br />
Some examples of reference citation are given below.<br />
Books<br />
Author, A. (2014). Title of the book. London: Mitchell.<br />
Journals<br />
Author, A. A., Author, B. (2012). Title of the article. Title of Journal, 12(4), 187–195.<br />
Conference Proceedings<br />
Author, A. A., Author, B. (2014). Title of paper. Paper presented at the meeting of<br />
Organization Name, Location.<br />
Thesis<br />
Author, A. A. (2008). Title of thesis (Unpublished doctoral dissertation or master's<br />
thesis). Name of Institution, Location.<br />
Websites<br />
The BBC (http://www.bbc.co.uk).<br />
Author, A. (2011). Title of document [Format description]. Retrieved from<br />
http://URL<br />
Report<br />
Author, A. A. (2012). Title of work (Report No. 123). Location: Publisher.<br />
Author, A. A. (2012). Title of work (Report No. 123). Retrieved from Name website:<br />
http://www.xxxxxxxx.pdf<br />
3. Preparation of tables and figures<br />
Tables and figures must not be embedded in the article. The proposed location of<br />
figures and tables must be indicated in the article by using format.<br />
Tables must be provided after the references. They must be double spaced,<br />
consecutively numbered and must have a brief informative caption. The caption<br />
must be provided before the table and written in “Table 1. Name of the table”<br />
format. If necessary, explanatory footnotes must be brief, placed beneath the table<br />
and indicated by (*).<br />
Figures must be numbered consecutively throughout the paper and provided in a<br />
separate file. Figures must be in grayscale or in black-and-white with minimum 300<br />
dpi resolution as jpeg format. Figures must be named as they named in the article<br />
in “Figure 1. Name of the figure” format. Figure captions must also be listed at the<br />
end of the article, after the tables.<br />
4. Symbols, abbreviations and conventions<br />
Symbols, abbreviations and conventions in papers must follow the recommended<br />
SI Units. Abbreviations must be defined in brackets after their first mention in the<br />
text in accordance with internationally agreed rules.<br />
5. Mathematical expressions<br />
Mathematical symbols and formulae must be typed and any other application or<br />
program must not be used. Particular care must be exercised in identifying all<br />
symbols and avoiding ambiguities. Distinction must be made between the number<br />
one (1) and letter (I) and between the number (0) and the letter (O). Equation<br />
numbers must appear in parentheses and numbered consecutively. All equation<br />
numbers must appear on the right hand side of the equation and must be referred<br />
to within the text.<br />
6. Final submission<br />
After the acceptance of the manuscripts for publication, authors must send the final<br />
version of their manuscript and figures to the journal e-mail<br />
7. Copyright and originality<br />
It is the author’s responsibility to obtain written permission from authors and<br />
publishers of any previously published material; text, tables, figures, etc.<br />
8. Book reviews and notes<br />
A book review must run between 500-1000 words, which give scope for an<br />
assessment of the book and its contribution to knowledge and discussion within<br />
the broad field of architecture, planning and design. Reviews must be typed in<br />
double spacing by using Arial font with 12 points. Name, affiliation and e-mail<br />
address of the reviewer must be given. A photograph of book cover must be<br />
provided in jpeg format. The title, author, origin, publisher, date, number of pages,<br />
price and ISBN number must be provided as in the following example.<br />
The Search for Form in Art and Architecture<br />
Eliel Saarinen, 1985<br />
Dover Publications Inc.: New York<br />
354 pp 8.95 US $ Paperback<br />
ISBN 0-486-24907-7<br />
9. Publication charges<br />
There is no submission and page fee for A|Z ITU Journal of the Faculty of<br />
Architecture.
Y. Çağatay Seçkin ∞ Editor<br />
Editorial<br />
Dossier: Vernacular architecture<br />
Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel<br />
Dossier Editorial<br />
Attilio Petruccioli<br />
Keynote: Vernacular architecture and typology<br />
Esin Hasgül<br />
Incremental housing: A participation process solution for informal housing<br />
Marwa Dabaieh, Birgitte Tanderup Eybye<br />
A comparative study of human aspects in acclimatization of adobe vernacular architecture: A case from Denmark and Egypt<br />
Emre Torbaoğlu, Yüksel Demir<br />
A research on the continuity of the original settlements: A case study on Kemaliye/Erzincan<br />
Rully Damayanti, Florian Kossak<br />
Extending Kevin Lynch’s concept of imageability in third space reading; case study of Kampungs, Surabaya–Indonesia<br />
Timothy O. Iyendo, Ebunoluwa Y. Akingbaso, Halil Z. Alibaba, Mesut B. Özdeniz<br />
A relative study of microclimate responsive design approaches to buildings in Cypriot settlements<br />
Warebi Gabriel Brisibe<br />
Lessons from ‘archaeotecture’: Analysing variations in vernacular architecture using methods from archaeology<br />
Selin Küçük<br />
Structural transformations of traditional architecture from Hittites to Ottomans in Bogazkoy<br />
Maria I Hidayatun, Josef Prijotomo, Murni Rachmawati<br />
Vernacular architecture as an alternative design approach with interpretation of Paul Ricoeur’s critical theory<br />
Shikha Patidar, Brishbhanlali Raghuwanshi<br />
Vernacular to modern in the search of sustainable development<br />
Ranjith Dayaratne<br />
Re-dignifying vernacular for constructing national identity: Elitism, grand traditions and cultural revival in Bahrain<br />
Theory<br />
Gizem Caner, Fulin Bölen<br />
Urban planning approaches in divided cities<br />
Deniz Balık, Açalya Allmer<br />
A critical review of ornament in contemporary architectural theory and practice<br />
Pınar Sıvalıoğlu, Lale Berköz<br />
Relationship between place attachment and user satisfaction at some national parks in Turkey<br />
Işıl Çokuğraş, C. İrem Gençer<br />
Urban regulations in 18 th century Istanbul: Natural disasters and public dispute<br />
Gül Sibel Gedik, Dilek <strong>Yıl</strong>dız<br />
Assessing the role of users in sustainable revitalization of historic urban quarters: The case of Bursa-Khans District<br />
Feride Şener <strong>Yıl</strong>maz<br />
Energy efficient lighting system retrofit for retail environments<br />
Vol <strong>13</strong> No 1 ∞ March <strong>2016</strong><br />
az.itu.edu.tr<br />
ISSN <strong>13</strong>02-8324