A | Z Cilt: 12 - Sayı: 3 Yıl: 2015

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015
Contents
Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel
Editorial
I
Dossier: Space syntax and architectural design
Alper Ünlü
Dossier Editorial
On space syntax and architectural design: A story of the suitcase 1-6
Daniel Koch
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial
formulation of knowledge and ideals in four library extensions 7-22
Kerstin Sailer
The dynamics and diversity of space use in the British Library 23-39
Erincik Edgü
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage? 41-53
Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu, Fitnat Cimşit Koş, Ervin Garip
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through
the syntactic analysis of Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial 55-70
Nilüfer Kozikoğlu, Pelin Dursun Çebi
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture 71-87
Esra Özsüt Akan, Alper Ünlü
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial
configuration: An elderly care institution case study 89-103
Ervin Garip, Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu, Fitnat Cimşit Koş
The influence of architectural configuration on the pedestrian
network in Büyük Beşiktaş market 105-113
Fitnat Cimşit Koş, Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu, Ervin Garip
A syntactic analysis of social interfaces in Istanbul Biennial
patterns in case of biennial buildings in 2013 115-125
Nevşet Gül Çanakçıoğlu
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax? 127-140
Suat Apak
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new
gated housing settlements 141-158
İlgi Toprak, Alper Ünlü
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space 159- 173
Erincik Edgü, Meray Taluğ, Nezire Özgece
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour 175-188
Ayşe Özbil, Demet Yeşiltepe, Görsev Argın
Modeling walkability: The effects of street design, street-network
configuration and land-use on pedestrian movement 189-207

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015
Theory
Harun Ekinoğlu, Gülname Turan
Does favorite design lead to good design?: Taxi design
competitions in Istanbul and New York City 209-225
Alev Erarslan
Continuity of architectural traditions in the megaroid
buildings of rural Anatolia: The case of Highlands of Phrygia 227-247
Özlem Atak, Gülen Çağdaş
The reflection of religious diversity and socio-cultural meaning
on the spatial configuration of Traditional Kayseri Houses 249-265
Ervin Sezgin, Gülden Erkut
Cross border cooperation in Edirne-Kırklareli border region:
New institutionalist perspectives 267-283
Mine Aşcıgil Dincer, Sevtap Yılmaz
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests 285-306

I
Editorial
Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel
The new issue of A|Z has a special
dossier theme on Space Syntax and
Architectural Design. It contains a
valuable collection of articles, each of
which is contributing to the theme as
well as to the designers who are interested
to use space syntax models as a
tool in their architectural design. There
seems to be no need to say more to the
dossier editor’s full explanation of the
individual articles in the collection and
history of development of the theme.
In this issue, also there are a number
of theory articles on varying subjects,
mostly involving field study or case
study.
In the article titled as “Does favorite
design lead to good design?:
Taxi design competitions in Istanbul
and Ne w York C it y ”, E k i no ğ lu and
Turan discuss the changes in both urban
and national bureaucracy in the
last decades. With the rejection of the
rationalist design methods in the Seventies,
due to their setting the goals in
a top-down approach in defining the
problem; the participatory design approach
were found by the scholars to
fit into the diverse needs, values, and
interests and priorities of the people.
Such a participatory decision-making
was concretized in two different design
competition conducted for taxi design
in Istanbul and in NY City during
2011 was set separately. The common
aim was to increase the quality of taxi
service as a mobile space. However,
The Concept of Participation has the
controversy when majority’s choice
dominates minority’s expectations.
Therefore, the article explains this controversy
in taxi design competition
cases: that is, a good design as defined
and agreed by the experts does not necessarily
be the most popular design for
people, and the most popular design is
not necessarily the best-quality design.
The article shows us that, this paradox
does not underestimate the value
of participatory process, as it reveals
the tastes and values of the people, no
matter how different they may be from
those of the experts.
Erarslan’s article, titled as “Continuity
of architectural traditions in the
Megaroid buildings of rural Anatolia:
The Case of Highlands of Phrygia” is
an attempt to prove that architectural
continuity, despite changing times
and societies. The case selected for the
study is Anatolia. Phrygian highlands.
In the underlining study, it has been
found out that the megaroid structures
are similar to the historical megara
houses,with respect to their plan types,
spatial organization of the house, functional
layout, construction materials,
and systems. Thus, there seems to be a
regional memory of rural architecture.
This is evidenced by the cultural adaptation
of the newcomers and nomads
by the former settlers’ cultures. Such an
acculturation and cultural adaptation
process explains architectural continuity
throughout the centuries, despite
the transition from nomadic to settled
life style. Traditional house patterns
and plans, the megaroid buildings in
the region, are found to demonstrate
not only the regional taste but also the
suitability and functionality of these
house by their courtyards and sofas.
The article sets for an interesting picture
and shows how the Anatolian
Turkish house has evolved through
overlapping cultures and centuries to
become a unique architecture of the
region. This article, despite the contextual
differences, confirm the continuity
of certain aspects of culture, to be reflected
in the architecture of the houses
in the article making Kayseri houses as
case.
Atak and Çağdaş, in their article
“The reflection of religious diversity
and socio-cultural meaning on the
spatial configuration of Traditional
Kayseri Houses” examine two different
cultures’ courtyard houses by using a
field study. The methodology is space
syntax and visibility graph analyses to
inquire into inwardness-outwardness,
the determination of spatial privacy,
control, social hierarchy within the
household, and the degree of relations
between the household and visitors.
These methods are constructed
through the relations of permeability
(based on movement) and visibility
(based on the perception of a moving
observer). In addition, while a very

II
significant proportion of the houses
exhibit outward-looking structures, in
terms of accessibility relations. Only a
small portion exhibit inward-looking
structures. The dominancy of extraversion
is expressed to be correlated
with the extroversion trend in the social
structure in the last two centuries.
The authors conclude from this study
that the courtyard plays a major role
in connecting all units of the house
to the outer space; and by structuring
these spaces of the house. Permeability
and visibility relations reveal the spatial
mechanisms of houses and how the
dwellers and visitors experience these
mechanisms. ln the fieldwork, the spatial
organization of traditional Kayseri
houses are explained by their social
and cultural factors. It is found that the
permeability and visibility structures
of the inner spaces of houses function
together. Courtyards, gardens and
central halls are predominantly more
visually integrated spaces. This study
by having systematically examined the
accessibility and visibility structures
of the traditional Kayseri houses, can
guide other studies in future to be conducted
a new,on similar spatial organizations.
“Cross border cooperation in
Edirne-Kırklareli border region: New
institutionalist perspectives” by Sezgin
and Erkut elaborate on the border issues,
especially after the Cold War.
They are justifying their study by the
expanding scholarly interest on border
regions; and explaining it by the the
changing status of the borders from
being barriers into becoming bridges
between two countries. However,
tensions occurring by such change are
understood to be caused by the global
forces imposed by supranatural conditions
and EU for the purpose of developing
flexible socio-economical and
political links between the bordering
communities; and by the constraints of
the existing national institutions. The
local/regional dynamics are inevitably
affected by this tension between the
two different scales of pressure.. While
the article gives an in-depth theoretical
background on the theme, it also
provides a case study from Bulgarian-Turkish
Border Communities. It
concludes that such change from competition
to cooperation status is regularized
by the national institutions, but
put into practice at the local level by
the creative inventions of communities
to bypass the restrictions of these institutions.
Only then change could be
achieved.
Aşcıgil Dincer and Yılmaz in their
article “Modelling road traffic noise
annoyance by listening tests”, aim to
measure the response of the dwellers
and their level of annoyance when confronting
the increasing traffic noise.
Their methodology involves simulation
technique: they gave sound clips
to their subjects by telling them to assume
that they are resting at home and
hear the noise put into sound clips.
Some of their salient findings include
the following: settlement types and
geometries can cause critical changes
in the annoyance level of the subjects;
dwellers with bedrooms across the
street are more disturbed by the traffic
noise than others; gender difference is
experienced and women seem to have
more sleep disturbance than men when
subjected to traffic noise; and horns
and motorcycles are found the be the
sources for the most annoyance while
resting. The findings carry clues for designers
in taking into consideration the
traffic annoyance for better comfort of
the dwellers.

1
Dossier Editorial:
On space syntax and
architectural design
A story of the suitcase
Alper Ünlü
A person carries some suitcases in
the short life. I may define the suitcase
here as the person’s interest, involvements,
bringings or accumulations. I
suppose the theory of Space Syntax has
been one of my suitcases that I have
been carrying more than seventeen
years. It is interesting that the subject
of Space Syntax has always attracted
me as a magic suitcase.
I noticed this subject, it was many
years ago, it was an article, probably the
first one of Bill Hillier’s, titled as same
as the theory, “Space Syntax”. In fact, I
was really in trouble about understanding
this article at that time, however it
was telling me about another but unknown
face of the architecture. It was
a kind of unusual face of my profession.
I noticed that Hillier and Hanson
were mentioning about something as a
latent discourse like an iceberg under
the sea. I thought, maybe it was reflecting
something as a magic side of our
professional duties. The subject that I
confronted was reflecting another face,
which I did not know before.
Architecture in general, design as
specific was my daily routine, either in
teaching or in my professional projects.
What was Space Syntax and what was
it telling us? What was it explaining as
a structure? How could it be linked to
our life and spaces?
I started working on Space Syntax
in 1998, and I seriously began reading
about it. In that time, some researchers
were doing their researches by UCL
based softwares, the others like me,
“poors” were making calculations by
hand.
The publication of the bible book titled
as “Social Logic of Space” was the
only one comprising many discussions;
it was proposing the linkage between
societal and syntactic values from macro,
meso and micro scales.
I participated to Space Syntax Symposium
2, Brasilia in 1999 with some
syntactic formulas modified from this
book. During the conference, participants
were taking the depth values as
inclining numericals, but I was doing
reverse. I noticed my values were reverse,
and they were opposite. However,
my reverse model also was clearly
working, like being depth values as
reverse of the integration values as
a constant acceptance. So, the paper
that I presented in Brasila was about
searching for the existence of the central
hall concept of Turkish houses
between 16th and 19th centuries. My
accidentally emerging reverse model
was working out and it was explaining
the truth between these centuries.
The true story was not descriptive, but
it was using mathematical aggregates,
more cells, depth levels, formulas and
numericals.
By time, the journey for Space Syntax
motivated many students around
me, and there was an increasing motivation
among the students. The architects
liked to work with space syntax
softwares even for testing the design
schemes and proposals. I noticed their
motivation in these investigations.
They liked to insert design layouts in
their personal laboratories and they
were checking, if the schemes were
working or not due to integration
and depth levels as reverse. They were
searching for the result that the design
is working out or not.
Space Syntax rather than as methodology
or tool, it was helping the researcher
or the architect. The classical
question was very simple and it was
concentrating on the qualities of the
design, was it working out or not? Was
it exposing a low performance and
where?
Architects were testing the design
schemes with softwares, and they
liked to involve in figures. They were
reinventing the figures but this time
through the architectural field, and
they were travelling in the latent and
magic discourse. The architects were
inventing the latent discourse based
on mathematics that they lost this
straightforward strategy in their past,
maybe in the former school years. By
the help of new feeling, students are
settled for a new confirmation system

2
for their design strategies not only
based on descriptive models, but also
based on ratios.
On the other hand, the series of
symposiums as once in two years have
been continuing, after Brasilia, London,
Delft, Istanbul and Stockholm. My
former PhD students Erincik, Mehmet
and me were talking about something
was missing in conferences. The first
thing was apparently the difference
between as high attendance for urban
planning issues and small demand for
architectural design issues. The ratio of
architectural design issues considered
in continuing series of conferences
in general was less than 30 percent of
whole accepted papers. This emerging
case has reached to the upper limits in
Santiago and Seoul. The ongoing symposiums
were densely concentrating
on urban issues and the architectural
subjects seemed to be neglected and
participants were tended to be declining.
By the time, the segregation or division
during the ongoing symposiums,
the reasons behind the subject have
become more clear for me. The urban
dynamics seemed to be as concrete dynamics,
whereas the building dynamics
are tended to be more subjective, more
human behaviour based. Of course, we
may not separate the environment as
place vs. space, whereas there are many
similarities in both sides. We may also
identify both of them as more formal,
but if we may consider that the nature
and the essence of the dynamics in the
positivist world, the content for both
sides seemed to be more reversible.
That’s why the contribution from the
architectural side to the space syntax
was so limited. The planning issues
and urban design issues were more
appropriate as part of the immanent
essence of research dynamics, on the
other hand the architectural design issues
were more based on emotional issues,
in other words, they were more as
transcendental interpretations which it
might be more powerful than positivist
explanations.
At the basic scale, the immanent
structure was determining the research
strategies of urban and architectural
spaces, but the lack of transcendental
situation in critiques was the important
issue in the architectural design
field. The issues held in space syntax
symposiums were mainly criticized
based on these augmented problems.
The lack of transcendental strategy
is not solely a critical discussion for
architectural spaces, but this is also a
debating issue for space syntax symposiums
like 2001 Atlanta. The famous
philosopher and urban geographer,
David Harvey addressed this issue in
SS3, where he pointed out the lack of
this issue in his critical conference. He
annotated the space syntax as turning
to be a vain subject in urban geography.
Many thinkers commented that
the space syntax theory is a part of immanent
thinking and it is isolated from
phenomenological interpretations.
Latterly, David Seamon in SS6, Istanbul,
criticized the lack of phenomenological
approach in space syntax. His
paper “A Lived Hermetic of People
and Place: Phenomenology and Space
Syntax”. Seamon’s paper, rather than
being as segregating, it was promising
for constructing an integrative model
between differing opinions.
By the effect of these debating considerations,
space syntax theory has
been continuing to influence us. By
time, we are driving into another debate
that it might be resulted more
effective research and strategies at the
future. In architecture, specifically at
the design field, this is my guess that all
discussions might be derived from the
essence of the professionalism and the
ongoing debates eventually may lead to
the design strategies and methodologies
as feedback. All these debates underpin
the new methodologies of the
architectural design field.
This special dossier has been prepared
under these considerations. Our
main aim is to extent the debating issues
and to convey them to the architectural
design field and the profession
itself. So, the title of this dossier is selected
as “Space Syntax and Architectural
Design” that is prepared to shed
a light for the occurrence of human
activities specifically in the buildings
or in the vicinity of the buildings, how
they are acted, by whom and where.
The selected subjects due to buildings
in this dossier are many. In the dossier,
there are recently completed researches

3
on libraries, exhibition halls, shopping
centers, elderly institutions, hospitals,
gated communities, educational areas
and houses.
The first article by Daniel Koch is an
invited one and the title of his article is
“Architectural Works as Material Discourse:
On the spatial formulation of
knowledge and ideals in four public library
extensions”. Koch evaluates four
buildings in his article and exemplifies
his ideas through Malmö City Library,
Växjö City Library, Stockholm City
Library and Gothenburg City Library.
He argues the idea of library in the
contemporary life and continues his
discussion with the essence of knowledge
and literature emerging through
architectural programme. He extends
his focus on collections, activity and
library visitors. Koch mutually tries to
find out answers linked to the architectural
form and aims to discuss through
these examples. He tries to find out
new architectural principles and ideals
of “new library design”. The results of
his scrutinized works on these buildings
bring out that appropriation and
inhabitance are empirically related to
the spatial organization in modern and
digital life. The term of appropriation
in here, rather than being an activity
or Barker’s famous “milieu” term, it
is much more spatial and cognitive issue
and a more behavioral issue. Koch
points out the complicated sides of
architectural programming and behaviour
based protocols in the design
process. The space what we concentrated
is how beyond of its pragmatic nature
and how it is more media transacted
meanings and values. Koch argues
his considerations around this theme.
The second invited article belongs
to Kerstin Sailer. Her article is titled as
“The Dynamics and Diversity of Space
Use in the British Library”. This article
also concentrates on another case
study of the library. Sailer elaborates
the dynamics of library in her article,
and concentrates on diverse user behaviors
and temporal order in the British
Library. Her aim, through the cases,
is conveying deep analytical explorations
about spaces and their usage,
where she presents a detailed picture
of usage in the building. Sailer elaborates
usage patterns, points out variations
in behaviors, adds up temporal
order in her approach, and tests the
affordance of the configuration. Sailer
presents elaborated spatial potentials
of the building. She shows how physical
environment is coexisted and presents
behavioral modes and tendencies.
By this way, she criticizes the architectural
programming and beyond this,
syntactical assumptions and how they
are modified by new behavioral modes
and patterns.
If we start from blind reviewed articles,
continuing from micro to meso
and eventually macro scale, the third
article belongs to Erincik Edgü and
her article is “Success in basic design
studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?”
This research interestingly
brings out the series of observation and
syntactic data of an educational space,
specifically the Basic Design Studio of
the architectural school, CIU (Cyprus
International University). Edgü explores
students’ preferences of seating
and she criticizes success of the student,
in terms of social interaction and
movement pattern based on the arrangement
of rows and columns that is
far from being the ideal scheme. Edgü
takes a case of educational scheme in
the architectural school and she argues
physical layout, syntactic visual field
and potentials. By the effect of these
arguments, she extends her discussion
around the essence of social communication,
and mechanisms that are
emerging social pedal or social fugal
identity in the educational space.
The fourth article is about the main
exhibition venue of 2013 Istanbul Biennial,
which is a former warehouse
just as the building next to it, Istanbul
Modern, where both buildings are altered
as exhibition buildings in the last
decade. The authors are Mehmet Emin
Şalgamcıoğlu, Fitnat Cimşit Koş, and
Ervin Garip. Their article is titled as
“Tracing a Biennial Layout: Experiencing
an Exhibition Layout through the
Syntactic Analysis of Antrepo No. 3 at
the 2013 Istanbul Biennial”. The authors
explore syntactically integrated or segregated
locations of exhibition spaces,
and how spatial layouts influence visitors’
explorations in gallery spaces. It
means, which spaces are more or less
visited. Eventually, authors scrutinize

4
the predominate path that is depending
on the number of visitors during
a specific period of time. The authors
try to find out the importance of coexistence
cognizant and syntactically integrative
spaces in accordance with the
flexibility of design spirit of biennials.
By this aim, authors discuss the impact
of the morphology of space on exhibition
visitors.
The fifth article brings out and discusses
the double aspect of the architectural
space. The authors are Nilüfer
Kozikoğlu and Pelin Dursun Çebi.
Their article is titled as “Thinking and
Designing with the Idea of Network in
Architecture”. This article focuses on
the idea of networks in architectural
design and discusses the use of “graph
theory” based on tools in the design
process. Authors take the architectural
layout cognitively as a mapping scheme
that is accorded with spatial elements
and they emphasize that these relations
are highly cognitive and brain based.
The mapping has dynamic essence and
it is contrary to preliminary assumptions
in the design process, which
is non-hierarchical. Kozikoğlu and
Dursun takes two examples, one from
an academic setting-a mapping from
the university, the other is elicited from
practice-a hospital building. The first
one describes a workshop on systems
thinking that is demonstrated with a
game and the second one is an iterative
hospital campus design scheme. The
aim of authors is to draw attention of
the readers to the importance of cognitive
mapping and cognized nodes;
and how these dynamics are segregated
from the immanent graphs.
As continuum of the series of specific
buildings, the sixth article’s subject
elaborates an elderly care institution.
The authors are Esra Özsüt Akan and
Alper Ünlü. Their article is titled as
“Behavioral Responses of the Elderly
Regarding Spatial Configuration: An
Elderly Care Institution Case Study”.
This article elaborates a case study, an
elderly institution in Istanbul, and authors
define a scrutinized observation
for behavioral occasions in the elderly
institution. The authors draw the attention
of the users to how designated
spaces are used by the elderly, and the
how segregated syntactic spaces are
transformed as sociopedal or sociofugal
spaces.
The seventh article belongs to Ervin
Garip, Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu
and Fitnat Cimşit Koş. The article is
titled as “The Influence of Architectural
Configuration on the Pedestrian
Network in Büyük Beşiktaş Market”.
The authors in this article take a specific
building as the center of pedestrian
movements, and exemplify their considerations
through the “Büyük Beşiktaş
Market” in Istanbul. The building
is a distributor and connection of the
pedestrian movements. The article
tests an urban building that is continuously
treaded by the pedestrian almost
in every second. The authors question
how syntactic pattern plays a role in
this specific planning. They also test
outcomes of their search as availability
and usage of courtyards and open
spaces regarding as possible design
criteria in the creation of specific and
private areas in public buildings.
The eighth article belongs to ” Fitnat
Cimşit Koş, Ervin Garip and Mehmet
Emin Şalgamcıoğlu as their second
outlook to the exhibition spaces with a
title of “A Syntactic Analysis of Social
Interfaces in Istanbul Biennial Patterns
in Case of Biennial Buildings In
2013”. This article is different than the
first one and it comprises activities and
behavioral patterns in the urban scale.
The authors question both the biennial
spaces and buildings, and how they
are preferred or not in the urban scale
based on space syntax parameters.
Their evaluation covers the history of
biennials and the authors search for the
importance of performances and they
evaluate how they are interacted with
syntactic values and visitors’ activities.
The ninth article belongs to Nevşet
Gül Çanakçıoğlu. Çanakçıoğlu summarizes
her main theme as the question
of the title “Can Cognitive Maps
of Children be analysed by Space Syntax?”
Çanakçıoğlu implements cognitive
mapping in two different housing
areas and she gets the responses from
children aged 11 living in two different
socioeconomic status levels. The
analysis orients to be focused on cognitive
mapping and syntactic graph
outcomes. She establishes an interesting
methodology between mapping

5
outcomes and interpretation of them
in the syntax language. She finds out
important clues about gender and social
status level of children and the cognition
of their home environments that
is the primary subject of the article.
The tenth article comes from Suat
Apak, based on the relationship between
gated communities, space syntax
and emergence of graffiti in urban areas.
The title of this interesting research
is “Disintegration of Urban Housing
Areas: Districts and New Gated Housing
Settlements”. Apak takes gated
community examples from different
districts of Istanbul and observes these
areas based on physical appearances,
human movements and existence of
graffiti. The author argues the existence
of architectural appearance, existence
of graffiti and syntactic outcomes; how
they are interacted and what brings out
to the urban life, and also how they are
differed and why they are differed. Results
show that the interaction within
the existing texture gets weaker at substantial
levels around the walls of the
island, controversially the existence of
graffiti increases, and sociologically
existing users living around the gated
communities turn to be as the author
said “societies around / bottom the
walls”.
The eleventh article is derived from
Michel Foucault’s “heterotopia” and
“heterochronic” terms. The authors
are İlgi Toprak and Alper Ünlü, and
their article is titled as “A Diachronic
Approach on Heterochronic Urban
Space”. Toprak and Ünlü act from
Foucault’s term and investigate the
urban and social morphology of a
coastal town, Kuzguncuk of Istanbul.
The scrutinized work aims to take out
geographical layers, to conduct a diachronic
approach, and to investigate
the cases and situations derived from
the Heidegger’s “dasein” term. Toprak
and Ünlü try to combine urban geography
and space syntax terms in their
paper. They evaluate the reflections of
socio-cultural background of the historical
neighborhood and they concentrate
on the morphological and the
semantic changes of its heterochronic
elements throughout the history.
The following twelfth article belongs
to authors Erincik Edgü, Meray Taluğ
and Nezire Özgece. Their article is
named “Divided Shopping: A Syntactic
Approach to Consumer Behaviour”.
The article focuses on the comparison
of consumer shopping behaviour in a
historical city centre, Walled City of
Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus Republic
and TRNC. Despite the political isolation
and segregation, Nicosia has gone
through different physical and social
development patterns in terms of land
uses and functional changes as a divided
city. The authors try to examine
syntactic hints underlying the physical
development concerning in three different
periods of the city. Moreover,
they search for he preferences of the
pedestrians emphasizing functional
and spatial patterns. The highlighted
issue in their search is that the divided
city has consumer behaviors and patterns
as an outcome of the physical environment
that it might be interpreted
as part of the syntactical definitions.
The last thirteenth article has come
from the authors Ayşe Özbil, Demet
Yeşiltepe and Görsev Argın titled as
“Modeling Walkability: the effects of
street design, street-network configuration
and land-use on pedestrian
movement”. This study involves comparative
roles of urban design qualities
of the street environment and
street network layout on pedestrian
movement. In their comparative study,
preliminary findings imply that not
withstanding the significance of certain
aspects of the street environment,
but they relate to local urban design
qualities. They also defend the syntactic
basis of this comparison, where the
overall spatial configuration of street
network may be a concrete role and
may prove to be a significant variable
for the description and modulation of
pedestrian movement.
Consequently, the presented articles
reinforce that we may be still circling
around the problem or hopefully we
are close to the target/ core. This special
dossier may be a small step, but it
is an important one for space syntax
family. I consider this step as a more
specific and a more architectural one
that mainly sheds more light to our
problems.
The aim of this dossier is to help
new generations and to motivate them

6
by giving a reason for inventing new
methodologies in the future. The updated
considerations in architectural
design as part of the dynamic relations
of the profession have been going on
as slightly aparted from the functionalist-immanent
foundations. I may
apparently see this problem. So, the
architectural design field should gain
new methodologies concerning more
involvement on transcendental interpretations,
and more creative solutions
in the design methodologies.
As I indicated in the first page, this
dossier will be unique and precious in
my suitcase. My suitcase will be slightly
filled with this, but there is still a
space for being full. Sometimes, I call
my space syntax suitcase and I label it
as “hope chest”. If I translate it directly
into Turkish, it is called as “çeyiz
sandığı” that means “bride’s chest”. In
other words, all suitcases in our lives
partly seem to be as the “chest for
hope”. I think this dossier will be the
“suitcase for hope”, especially for new
generations.
When I come to the end of very after
very long introduction, presumably
as a very long preface, I honestly admit
that I should thank to my colleague,
first Dr. Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu
who is always showing high motivation
and sincerity for the preparation of this
publication, and solving our problems
in hundred ways and always standing
side by side in my life. My other gratitude
is to Feride Şener Yılmaz who
is always courteous and patient in the
preparation of dossier for publication
even for the typesetting and for being
as a cordially representative of the editorial
board.

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 7-22
Architecture as Material Discourse:
On the spatial formulation of
knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions
Daniel KOCH
daniel.koch@arch.kth.se • School of Architecture, KTH Royal Institute of
Technology, Stockholm, Sweden
Received: September 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
In recent decades libraries have been challenged in many ways, perhaps most
pointedly by the digital revolution. This is, however, not the first time – a series of
booms in library architecture emerging rather when knowledge ideals are challenged
than established allows us to discuss library architecture more clearly as
investigations into what knowledge, learning and literature could be rather than
as expressions of what knowledge, learning and literature is. These questions are
complex and multifaceted and require both careful examination of architectural
proposals and works and a step back to analyse the propositions they make
through their formulations into architectural form. Utilizing four public library
extensions in Sweden, of which three have been built and one has been rebooted,
and competition and parallel commission proposals for their making, this article
discusses how ideas of libraries, knowledge, and literature emerge through the
mediation of programme, collections, activity, and visitors in interaction, related
to other aspects of architectural form. Building on a series of empirical findings
of correspondences between use patterns of libraries and spatial configuration,
the article takes this discussion further into what this means for a discussion of
architectural principles, ideals, and propositions.
Keywords
Architecture, Architectural competitions, Library architecture, Space Syntax, Spatial
configuration.

8
1. Introduction
In an interview in the Architectural
Magazine RUM in 2011, Annette Gigon
discusses the practice of building as
a way to understand the world (Singstedt,
2011). Set in relation to a series
of booms in library architecture, when
they have appeared and the discussions
around their creation, this statement
seems to make an important point even
if it does not specifically relate to it. It
allows us to discuss library architecture
more clearly as investigations into what
knowledge, learning and literature could
be rather than as expressions of what
knowledge, learning and literature is.
This also makes it easier to understand,
one might argue, how come libraries
have often been built not in situations
of stability in the views of knowledge
(or the degree of literacy; c.f. Markus,
1993; Bennet 1995), but in situations
where such is challenged or under radical
transformation.
The recent boom in the so-called
‘western world’, extending back to the
1990s and tapering off somewhat after
2010 with some notable exceptions,
has taken place in a situation where
not only knowledge is under transformation,
but libraries and books as
such have been under attack through
the advent or in the wake of the ‘rise
of the network society’ (Castells, 1996)
and the growing influence of digital
media (Gillespie, Boczkowski, & Foot,
2014; Niegaard, 2011; c.f. Bruijnzeels,
2008; van der Velden, 2010). This has
in many parts of the world taken the
form of a wide range of investments
made to build large, central public libraries
(c.f. Roth, 2011). While some
of these projects have been about radical
transformation of the very idea of
‘libraries’, most have largely operated
within a paradigm of large institutional
buildings and within the frameworks
of alterations of a typology. Internationally
we have examples such as the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina (Snøhetta,
2002), Sendai Mediatheque (Ito, 2001),
Amsterdam Public Library (Jo Coenen
& Co, 2004), Seattle Public Library
(OMA, 2004), Chilean National Library
(A & F Architects, 2009), and the
Rolex Learning Center (Saana, 2009),
amongst many others. In Scandinavia
it includes the Culture House and Library
in Copenhagen (COBE, 2010),
Urban Mediaspace in Århus (schmidt
hammer lassen, 2014), Halmstad Library
(schmidt hammer lassen, 2006),
and the City Library in Turku (JKMM,
2007), to name a few. Partially, this is a
response to a general perception of an
attack on and commercialisation and
privatisation of public space (Zukin,
1995; Kärrholm, 2014; van der Werf,
2010) where libraries have been seen
as one of few remaining bastions of
the unquestionably public. This makes
the question of what these libraries do
even the more interesting.
The interest here is a set of principal
questions studied through a series
of specific projects of alteration. This
essay will therefore build on the material
of four library extensions, three of
which have been realized and one that
has been put aside for now. In three of
these cases thorough empirical analysis
of inhabitance patterns has been made,
which has partially been presented earlier
(Koch, 2004). This material will be
used to discuss the relations between
architecture and library use as a foundation
for a following discussion on architectural
principles. It will therefore
be as thoroughly presented as reasonable
within the bounds of the essay, before
the focus turns to two libraries and
two proposed extensions of each.
The discussion is deeply informed
by the work of Thomas A. Markus
(1993) and Sophia Psarra (2009) and
their analysis of public and cultural
buildings over time as well as Julienne
Hanson’s (1998) extensive work on
analysis of buildings. It is also heavily
indebted to John Peponis’ (2005) notion
of proposals and propositions in
architecture, and his and others’ work
on the formulation of architectural
meaning (Peponis, Conroy Dalton,
Wineman, & Dalton, 2003) and subsequent
work on configurational meaning
(Peponis, Bafna, Dahabreh, & Dogan,
2015). In addition, considerable
work on libraries through history by
e.g. Battles (2003), Lerner (2009) and
Dahlkild (2011) have been pivotal to
allow a broadened perspective on what
a library is, has been, and could be.
1.1. A (very brief) historical point
To understand the situation library
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

9
architecture is wrestling with there are
key historical aspects to take into account
that do not always come to surface
in the debate, partially belonging
to a typological process that embeds
(perceived) history and future into the
understanding of any type at any point
in time (Steadman, 2014; Koch, 2014;
c.f. Rossi, 1982), and partially in a ‘silent-but-present’
history of libraries
informing expectations, values, and
choices in their making. The type discussed
in this essay – the public library
in concurrent, European-American society
– is by and large a modern product
(Markus, 1993; Dahlkild, 2011).
However, this type explicitly as well as
implicitly carries a lot of its precursors
in its underlying conceptual definitions
conditioning how it is or can be
treated. The type as it is perceived today
also casts a shadow back in history
affecting our interpretation of the role
of libraries historically as well as extends
itself into the future.
Amongst the historical roots worth
reminding of, one seems to be found
in the etymological roots of the term.
Both the English library and the Swedish
bibliotek here comes from the root
‘book’ (Latin ‘liber’ and Greek ‘biblion’,
both translating to ‘book’). While etymology
should be handled carefully in
relation to the development of building
types (c.f. Forty, 2000), it is worth to
consider how the concept is specifically
tied to books and the handling or collections
of them rather than buildings
or practices of reading or learning. This
suggests that the challenges to books
raised on occasion goes right to the
very core, origins and purpose of the
type as such.
In practice, the origins seem to be
intertwined with various forms of archives.
There is an important origin in
the storage of texts – be it legal documents
as in Egypt, written versions of
oral traditions as in Ancient Greece,
or tenants of philosophy as in China
(Lerner, 2009). As many of these documents
existed in only one copy, the
earliest libraries often served a double
role as archive and library: preserving
texts in archives was a central part of
the emergence of libraries. Preservation
brought with it the formation of
a place where one could find information,
which led many of the earliest libraries
to take on a mediating function
as well as becoming sites of material
production where texts were copied
for further propagation. While the
degree of publicness have varied, the
artefact holding a text, its materiality,
storage, arrangement and subsequent
use thus is arguably integrated in the
very foundation of the library as a type
and concept. One can of course argue,
as is done in some contemporary
discussions about libraries, that the
importance of the book is a practical
result of the types of media available
within which to store and reproduce
the content (c.f. van der Velden, 2010;
Bruijnzeels, 2008), but this rather reflects
a contemporary and not entirely
unchallenged view of what a book ‘is’
that does not easily translate back to
how it has been considered throughout
history. It is in this situation important
to not project concurrent view of technologies
back onto earlier periods and
cultures and their treatment of material
(c.f. Lievrouw, 2014).
The contemporary public library, as
emerging largely in the 19 th century,
has several roots, including traditions
such as monastic libraries and personal
collections in Europe as well as the
Islamic dar-al’ilm (Lerner, 2009, p. 55-
66). Already from the beginning they
held an educational and enlightening
purpose, perhaps most clearly similar
to the dar-al’ilm, where learned librarians
were to mediate knowledge and
literature to a wider populace. This educational
purpose also formulates one
of many clear links to the university
libraries, where the university library
of Göttingen is often referred to as a
key behind their transformation from
storages to hearts of knowledge, largely
attributed to the main librarian Christian
Gottlob Heyne in the 18 th century
(Lerner, 2009, p. 112-119).
However, the contemporary public
library as a type should also be set in
relation to a growing production of
printed material, an increasing level of
literacy, and an increasing amount of
time available for especially the bourgeoisie
but also the general urban population.
This led to concerns for providing
quality literature to the masses,
but also for control of what was read,
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

10
and that the read material was appropriate
for the various audiences who
were reading it (Battles, 2003; Markus,
1993; Bennet, 1995). The public library,
thereby, also incorporated a quality
control aspect into itself, and formed a
part in a societal power struggle over
taste, knowledge, literature and ‘spare
time’. In this development they are,
therefore, also distinctly responses to
a changing urban environment as well
as a changing idea of society and the
function-types required to uphold it.
In such a historical view, a transition
from more concretely collections
of books to centres of learning and
knowledge for and of the public therefore
can be said to have begun long before
any digital era challenging the role
of the printed material; the very notion
of this being a linear progress can be
questioned. This must reasonably be
considered as part of the problematic
that is being revisited repeatedly, once
again recently. There is, simply, more in
the function-type ‘library’ that is being
challenged than the form of the media
at any turn, and perhaps especially
with the digital revolution.
Figure 1. Malmö City Library with
extension, view from the nearby park
towards the main entrance. Original to the
left in the image. Photograph: Press Image/
Malmö City Library/Niclas Blomgren.
Figure 2. Växjö City Library. Photograph of
exterior with the original in front. Press Image/
Växjö City Library.
2. The empirical material: Two plus
two times two
The empirical material behind the
discussion of this essay is, as noted,
four public libraries and their planned
or built extensions. These are the
Malmö City Library (John Smedberg
1946, Henning Larsen 1997; Figure
1), the Växjö City Library (Erik Uluots
1965, schmidt hammer lassen 2003;
Figure 2), the Stockholm City Library
(Gunnar Asplund 1928; Figure 3), and
Gothenburg City Library (Rune Lund
1967, Erséus Architects 2011; Figure
4). All are studied through interviews,
on-site visits, and studies of plans and
literature, and the first three extensively
through on-site observations. In the
latter two cases, alternative proposals
for extensions have been studied. For
Malmö and Växjö the observation data
concerns the library with extension,
and for Stockholm the library without
extension.
The reason to focus on extensions
is twofold: on the one hand, extensions
form a common practice in the
latest boom, and on the other hand,
extensions, specifically, raise interesting
architectural questions in having
to negotiate between earlier and concurrent
ideas. This forces choices and
interpretations of what the ‘previous’
was, what respect for and preservation
of it is, and how far and in what ways
architectural transformations can take
place. Analysis of competition proposals
have been used in similar ways
before (e.g. Schmeideknecht, 2012;
Rustad, 2010), and there is an extensive
discourse showing how proposals
and judgements are often highly informative
of architectural views through
quality judgements and motivations
of both architects and jury (c.f. Rönn,
Kazemian, & Andersson, 2010). Naturally,
competition briefs and conditions
heavily influence the proposals,
Figure 3. Stockholm City Library, photograph
from the park next to it. Photograph: Pressbild/
Stockholms Stadsbibliotek/Olle Nordgren.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

11
Figure 4. Gothenburg City Library, exterior
from Götaplatsen. Photograph: Håkan
Grissler.
but this will here be given less attention
in favour of focusing on the results as
material discourse.
As the cases of this essay are Swedish,
it is of interest to note that public
libraries in Sweden are bound by a specific
law, ‘bibliotekslagen’, according to
which the main purpose of public libraries
is to – in line with the development
of a democratic society – contribute
to the distribution of knowledge
and the free formation of opinions
(Swedish Government, 2013). In addition
to this aim, the law also states that
libraries are to promote the position
of literature and interest in education
(‘bildning’), enlightenment, research,
and cultural activities in general. Earlier
iterations of the law more clearly
pointed to mediation of state and municipal
information, which is more or
less completely integrated in the identity
of the public libraries today. During
the ‘million programme’ in the 20 th
century especially, but also before and
after, public libraries were considered
an integral part of any development.
This has left a clear presence and expectation
on libraries embedded in
Swedish society.
2.1. Patterns of appropriation and
spatial configuration
Of particular interest for this discussion
is the dual of symbolic values and
public appropriation of the libraries in
question, always ever in connection to
one another. What I here mean by ‘appropriation’
is how the libraries come
to be used and inhabited by visitors
but also how the arrangement of literature
and reading places as well as other
functions are negotiated, which interacts
with volumetric, organisational,
and aesthetic qualities of the library in
the forming of an identity as a meaningful
whole (Markus, 1993) – or a
‘public identity’ if one chooses to paraphrase
Zukin (1995).
It is therefore of note here that first,
there is a high and significant correspondence
between several patterns of
inhabitance and the spatial configuration
of the libraries analysed through
means as developed from the principles
set out by Hillier and Hanson
(1984). Central to this is the understanding
of spatial configuration defined
as relations taking into account
other relations (Hillier, 1996), which
has been developed to be analysed
through models that allow to mathematise
these aspects of material arrangements
of boundaries and spaces
as graphs. The libraries have been analysed
in a range of different ways and
with a range of different resolutions;
more specifically both as convex and
axial systems (Hillier & Hanson, 1984)
and as isovist fields (VGA) (Turner
& Penn, 1999; Turner, 2001). The results
have been carefully compared to
various observed patterns of user behaviour
(Figure 5), both through visual
comparison and interpretation and
statistical correlation studies. Most distinctly
clear for the patterns of collective
rates of movement, this is further
traceable in other activities such as the
differentiated practices of reading (c.f.
Verschaffel, 2010) (Table 1).
Of importance for the coming discussion
on how principles and propositions
are formulated in architectural
Figure 5. Snapshot observations, City
Library of Malmö. Examples of observations.
To the left a balcony in the centre of floor two,
to the right the top floor of the original. Both
interaction between people and percentage
of seats filled is noticeably higher in the
left. Each observed person forms a small
circle grey, each larger grey circle symbolises
interaction.
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

12
Table 1. Relations between spatial configuration and occupancy patterns. Only occupancy where relations have
been found, have been included in the table. It should be noted that due to limits of programmatic distribution
and furnishing, some of the found correspondences are additionally conditioned by e.g. availability of (type of)
seats. Since furthermore distinctions between e.g. types of reading are highly interpretative, these have not been
mathematically correlated as this risk giving a false impression of precision.
Type of
Type of observation Analytic method Result
inhabitance
Movement
Flows
Counted as passing
by pre-defined
observation gates
design work is that increased detail in
the spatial analysis does not by default
increase degree of correlation; rather,
correlations tend to increase as details
are reduced. Depending on analytic
model the correlations do not peak at
the same level of detail in all libraries,
though for an axial analysis the pattern
is consistent (Table 2). For an isovist
field analysis, the visibility-blocking
objects tend to have a higher impact
especially for open hall sections of the
libraries (Koch, 2005). While further
research is needed to confirm its generality,
a reasonable interpretation of the
result seems to be that the correlation
peaks at a certain level of complexity
of the system, which is not too detailed
Statistical Correlation (gate
counts vs. integration)
Reading Occupancy of seats Statistical correlation,
occupancy per seat (snapshot
data vs. integration)
Studying
Focused
studies
Reading
novels
Group work
Meeting
Social
Interaction
Arrangement
of literature
Reading with
notebooks and/or pen
and paper
Reading focused
for longer time
period, often with
headphones or
similar
Observed relaxed
reading
Observed interaction
around books or
other media
Observed waiting
until other person
arrives
Observed relaxed
interaction
Observed location
of books and other
media
Quantitative count, number
of sitting per seat; qualitative
interpretation of type of
reading; individual trails
Quantitative count, number
of sitting per seat; qualitative
interpretation of type of
reading; individual trails
Qualitative estimation;
qualitative interpretation of
type of reading;
Quantitative count, share of
available tables
Qualitative estimation of
share of waiters; qualitative
judgement of behaviour
Qualitative estimation
Analysis of spatial
distributions of literature
compared to bookcases,
intervisibility and spatial
articulations
and complicated, yet not too simple so
as to not support orientation. Another
reasonable interpretation, arguably intertwined
with the earlier, is the degree
to which the architecture, considered
as the building in its own right, articulates
spaces on a specific and detailed
enough level or not. That is, in systems
like Malmö’s and Växjö’s large halls, additional
material structuring through
the higher bookcases have a noticeable
effect on global movement patterns,
whereas in a distinct and clear articulation
of a system as in the Stockholm
case, global movement seems primarily
related to the architectural definition
of walls and spaces.
It is worth to note here, that move-
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch
Strong correlation to global
integration with exterior
system included
Average correlation to global
integration
Corresponds to being close-to
integration and multiple seats;
largely unrelated to literature
Tends to correspond to low
integration, and limited views
or low integration and few
seats (one to two per table)
Tends to correspond to
closeness to social interaction
or spatial segregation
Corresponds to close-to
integration with limited
number of seats; somewhat
related to literature
Corresponds to a combination
of integration and control
Corresponds to distance
from studying, relates to high
integration
Follows primarily clearly
articulated spaces or volumes;
with less spatial articulation,
bookcases gain increased
importance for category
differentiation

13
Table 2. Correlations (r-square values) between global axial line integration and movement
flow rates for the libraries. For the axial line correlations specifically, the building articulation
provides highest correlation in all cases, whereas VGA analysis gives the highest correlation
at an intermediate resolution including vision-blocking objects for Växjö and Malmö (albeit
a lower correlation than the axial analysis). Correlations are provided with the entry gate
removed from the statistics due to how it alone raises correlations dramatically.
Library
Building Visibility
Permeability
Articulation limitations
limitations
Malmö 65,81% 60,76% 49,7%
Stockholm 82,37% 68,22% 63,95%
Växjö 55,76% 52,37% 48,27%
ment specifically correlates with the
spatial configuration of the building
structure in all cases, also when it peaks
for more detailed analysis. The reason
to point this out is to stress the importance
of the architectural formulation
and articulation of spaces and configurations
as having significant impact on
inhabitance regardless of subsequent
furnishing and programming, recursively
even more so through how it
conditions the same.
In a design process, of course, it does
not work in such a single-directional
manner and the process is always ever
intertwined between program, building
layout, interior furnishing, and a
range of other concerns and questions
(e.g. Koch & Miranda Carranza, 2014;
Peponis, et al., 2015; Anderson, 1984)
– but at some point the constructed
building gain more inertia than other
parts. It also points to the importance
of overall architectural configuration
for subsequent use, especially when we
consider questions of programmatic
distribution, identity and meaningful
appropriation. Rather than more detailed
levels of analysis, it is often more
explanatory to abstract the analysis
further to gain further insight into the
patterns of appropriation, such as the
volumetric distribution, clustering of
spaces to subsystems and the overall
configurational logic in relation to the
specific configuration as analysed via
isovist fields, convex spaces and axial
systems. As an example, the grouping
of literature into the three volumes of
Malmö is a more meaningful way of
understanding the distribution of the
programme and collections than configurational
or metric distances on a
furnishing level of detail. This is not
to disregard detailed analysis as it can
clearly relate to other forms of use,
such as the repeatedly found pattern of
‘waiting’ in locations with a combination
of high axial or isovist integration
and high isovist control value.
Second, it is important to point out
that in the empirical studies of the libraries,
the found correspondences
between appropriation patterns and
configurational properties require the
analysis to take the exterior into consideration
for most studied forms of
use. Somewhat counter-intuitively,
however, this is not as simple as that as
public domains and spaces they form
extensions of exterior public space and
therefore the spatial system used for
the analysis must include the public
exterior. Rather, the correlations increase
in all studied cases if the specific
exterior is disregarded and the configurational
formulation of this relation
of the library building ‘itself ’ is analysed,
although the effects on buildings
with singular entrances like the analysed
libraries are minimal. Technically,
this is done through a process of
‘mirroring’ and thereby analysing the
configuration as related to itself internally
and through the entrances (c.f.
Koch, 2013). This suggests that a large
portion of the mediation of the library
content to the public is defined by the
internal configuration rather than the
external, which increases the importance
of understanding how the libraries
‘themselves’ make this description.
While these correlations and observations
are not the central discussion of
this essay, I believe it is what enables
the coming discussion as it means that
changing the internal configuration of
the libraries will re-describe the relation
between program and public no
matter what effort is put externally or
in the specific new or existing entrance
spaces to handle it. The internal configuration
is simply a powerful means
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

14
through which this is communicated,
and it is through the global internal
configuration of the public portions
that it is at its most powerful.
The point here is to raise the discussion
from pragmatics of ‘use-values’,
pros and cons of different proposals, to
a discussion of the proposition made in
each specific proposal (Peponis, 2005)
of what a library and what knowledge
is, operating on an overall global-configurational
level through its subsequent
mediation of content and programme
to visitors, and its relation to
people both individual, as relational
collectives, and as a general public,
through how this comes together as
possible meaningful wholes (Markus,
1993). How public is a public library?
For whom? What kind of activity is
given priority and under what conditions?
What is arranged for to be common
and shared, and what is arranged
for to be a private, or at least personal,
concern? And not the least, what is the
general ideas of hierarchies and distributedness,
and what degrees of differences
are introduced or maintained?
2.2. Global configurations and structures
of knowledge
Architectural configuration participates
in such propositions in more
ways, however. For instance, the differentiation
between ‘kinds’ of literature
is within the bounds of possible configurations
emphasised in the current
City Library of Stockholm, making the
visitor chose branch early on and making
it comparatively more difficult to
change branch the further into one one
has venued. Comparatively, Malmö
City Library offers a more flexible situation
that does not to the same extent
emphasise this differentiation and has
a more networked character, but still
makes clear differences between what
is readily accessible and what is distant
in the library in general. Växjö here,
partially by means of placing all literature
comparatively deep into the configuration,
makes differences smaller.
However, in spite of its circular form,
it places an emphasis on two key transitions
in the central atrium that operate
very similar to the tree structure
of Stockholm. In fact, in general Växjö
operates in a very tree-like manner
simply due to how the solution emphasises
the central walk around the atrium
and de-emphasises the peripheral
walk along its boundary – which is also
observed to affect the movement pattern
of visitors by making more common
the inner route and less common
the outer one even when the second
would be the functionally more efficient.
This tree-like structure is significantly
strengthened as compared to the
original library which was organised to
perform much more like a grid or a
field (c.f. Allen, 1997).
The distributions of space hence
clearly signals ideas of the structure
and hierarchies of knowledge in general
(e. g. as series, trees, or networks
as discussed by Foucault, 1997) as well
as the relations between depth and
width thereof, in relation to which the
distribution in space of functions, literature,
and activities communicates
both internal relations between these,
and their relation to the public as well
as what constitutes branches, entities,
or categories therein. In practice the
libraries spatially demonstrate a less
clear and rational organisation than is
perhaps expected, and one that is logically
incoherent as it comes to their
classifying operations – which appears
to rather provide clarity than confusion
for most of the visitors. Spatially measured
as being co-located in the same
spaces of intervisibility on the scale of
architectural articulation of spaces, for
instance, Malmö organises its literature
into a clear separation between fact
and fiction into two buildings, ‘youths’
as a separate group of in-between, arts
and music as being as related to fiction
as to humanities and social sciences,
and a range of other categories. On a
finer level, natural sciences and technology
are separated, but co-located as
compared to humanities and social sciences.
Et cetera. (Figure 6) While one
should not take these distributions too
literally as representations of the ideal
organisation of knowledge or literature
for either architects or librarians, it can
clearly be interpreted from the point of
view of an emergent structure thereof
based on a negotiation between an
overall ideal and specific local choices
which responds to values and ideals on
an often non-discursive level (c.f. Fou-
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

15
cault, 2003; Markus & Cameron, 2002).
In such a process the materiality of architecture
and collections forces such
choices to be made and to take shape
within the spatial organisation through
which it operates. It can therefore
also be seen as to ‘unearth’ otherwise
non-discursive portions thereof, and
subsets of values and priorities that in
ideal images can be relegated to heterotopias
(Foucault, 1997) and therefore
be left outside of consideration.
Figure 6. Malmö City Library, literature
structure. Some simplifications have been
made for readability. (a) Popular, (b)
Newspapers and Magazines, (c) Children,
(d) Humanities & History, (e) Social
sciences, (f) Jurisprudence, (g) Technology,
(h) Sustainability, (i) Natural Sciences, (j)
Arts and music, (k) Reference books, (l)
Fiction, (m) Thrillers, Detective Novels,
etc, (n) Novels in foreign languages, (o)
Old novels, (p) Literature by people from
Malmö or about the region, (q) Genealogy
and microfiche, (r) DVD and CD records, (s)
Listening Books and easy reading, (t) Youth
books, fact, (u) Youth books, fiction. As can
be seen, especially fiction becomes a blended
category. Another possible interpretation
would have been that the southern length
of rooms from the atrium (M, P, Q, S)
constitutes ‘anomalies’ on each floor and that
fiction rather consists of L, N and O.
2.3. The extensions
When discussing the extensions,
it is important to consider that the libraries
in question are historically and
culturally significant; Stockholm has
international recognition, Växjö was
Sweden’s first open-hall library, and
Gothenburg forms an important piece
of Götaplatsen, a square surrounded by
several important cultural and social
buildings in Gothenburg. The outlier
here is Malmö, where the old library
was originally not built as a library and
arguably had issues in how the library
had been integrated into the existing
old building before the extension was
to be made. Furthermore, two of the
built extensions are highly regarded:
Malmö was awarded the Kasper Salin
prize – the most prestigious architectural
reward in Sweden (Hultin, 2001)
– and Växjö was a nominee for the
same.
If we begin with the extensions less
central to the essay – the ones of Malmö
and Växjö City Library – it can be noted
how they in both cases come in the
form of clear geometric formal play
(Figure 7). In Växjö an original square
volume is paraphrased by a cylindrical
volume, where the vertical arrangement
of solid mass and transparency is
inverted. In Malmö the square, nearly
cubical, form of the original building is
repeated in the extension with a similar
size but including a small offset of a
cube in a cube, connected to the old via
a much smaller cylindrical form. There
is, however, a noticeable difference in
how the solution in Malmö places the
new entry in the in-between cylinder,
engaging both larger volumes equally
and equidistantly from the new entry
with several connections in-between
and how the Växjö solution places the
added cylinder behind the original
square, leading to a differentiated relation
to the public. In Malmö, furthermore,
the old library still holds a large
portion of the literature, whereas Växjö
– arguably in a common form of solution
– places all literature in the new
volume and reworks the original book
hall into casual reading places, information
and utility desks, magazine and
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

16
Figure 7. The volumetric composition of Malmö (left) and Växjö
(right).
newspaper sections, a café, and a few
other service functions.
On one hand, this preserves the
main hall as present in any library visit
to Växjö, while the old building can remain
unvisited in Malmö. On the other
hand, this makes a radical transformation
of what a visit to the ‘old library’
contains, what practices it includes,
and the aesthetics and functionality of
the spaces in Växjö whereas the part
of being a ‘library’ that concerns the
housing and mediation of access to
books is preserved in Malmö. At the
same time, in order for the old library
in Malmö to become an integrated part
of the new whole in use and not only
in volumetric composition, it has had
to be dramatically altered; an earlier
courtyard has been turned into an atrium
in which balconies and stairs form
the main communicatory space of the
volume (Figure 8), and one of the most
active parts of the library has become
its connection to the other volumes, i.e.
where there used to be bricks and mortar.
Neither as a configuration nor as a
generic material-spatial arrangement
guiding and allowing inhabitance,
then, the old library operated remotely
close to how it does currently. Arguably,
this comes as a result of an altered
idea of what a library is combined with
a wish to include the existing library
into such an idea, where the consequences
of such an altered view have
been followed through architecturally.
This solution in Malmö furthermore
allows literature to remain closer to the
public, whereas they are – in Hanson’s
(1998) terms – insulated from the public
in Växjö both distinctly spatially
(number of spaces one needs to pass,
especially in relation to total depth)
and spatio-functionally (number of
functions one needs to pass). It thus
shows differences in relation to both
architectural preservation and ideas of
a library, but also in what careful consideration
of the existing as argued for
in both cases leads to as architectural
proposals. From this point of view I will
continue through the material of two
times two proposals: two proposals regarding
the Gothenburg City Library,
and two proposals for the Stockholm
City Library, in both cases comparing
the winning proposal (which are radi-
Figure 8. Malmö City Library. Interior of
the atrium, previously a courtyard, original
building. Photograph: Malmö City Library/
Niclas Blomgren.
cally different between the two to start)
to an alternate proposal that shows
clearly other configurational strategies
(c.f. Peponis, et al., 2015).
2.4. Stockholm and Gothenburg
The Stockholm competition was an
open international competition, receiving
a vast number of contributions.
Of these, I will mainly present two –
Heike Hanada’s winning proposal ‘Delphinium’
(Figure 9) and JaJa Architects’
(Jakob Steen Christensen and Jan
Yoshiyuki Tanaki) awarded proposal
The Book Hill (shared 4 th place). Hana-
Figure 9. Delphinium; extension proposal for
Stockholm City Library by Heike Hanada.
Press image from Sveriges Arkitekter for the
competition.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

17
da’s proposal clearly separates new
and old in two volumes, respectfully
keeping the Asplund building intact in
its volumes and as a solitary, whereas
Christensen and Tanaki’s makes a radical
cut into the building connecting
the new addition right into the rotunda
of Asplund’s work (Figure 10). This
makes them two of the most radically
different outcomes of the competition.
The Gothenburg extension was instead
handled by a parallel commission
given to five architectural offices.
Also in this case I have chosen to make
use of the winning proposal by Erséus
Architects in comparison to one of
the other proposals by Malmström &
Edström. Here, the winning proposal
(Figure 11) is claimed to work within
the logic of the original work by “letting
the library spaces grow forth and
develop from within” (personal communication,
Peter Erséus, May 2008,
trans. by the author), whereas the other
proposal maintains the exterior integrity
of the building by adding a second
volume to the side of the original
seen from the square against which it
is located (Figure 12). This means that
the two are different both from one
another and from the Stockholm proposals
as in Malmström & Edström’s
work, the new volume holds auxiliary
functions whereas in Hanada’s work
the new volume holds the main part
of the book collection. Hanada’s work
also aims to transform the library into
more of a ‘public living room’ whereas
Malmström & Edström’s aims to
preserve the identity and character of
the originally by adding space for the
additional functions and activities expected
of a library today. The relation
Figure 10. Book Hill; extension proposal for
Stockholm City Library by JaJa Architects.
Press image from Sveriges Arkitekter for the
competition.
Figure 11. Extension proposal for
Gothenburg City Library by Erséus
Architects and WSP. Gothenburg/Press
Image/Erséus Architects.
Figure 12. Extension proposal for
Gothenburg City Library by Malmström
& Edström. Gothenburg/Press Image/
Malmström & Edström.
to Götaplatsen here adds an additional
dimension as the original library forms
a coherent image with the surrounding
buildings in material and stylistic
expression, which is challenged by the
extension by Erséus both in the volumetric
composition and in aesthetics
and materiality.
It is thus possible to create a kind of
matrix of solutions amongst proposals,
all argued for as carefully preserving
the core of the architecture of the existing
libraries. On the one hand proposals
creating a new building in order
to preserve volumetric composition
and exterior aesthetics of the existing,
and proposals focusing on the ‘internal
spatial logic’ at the expense of considerations
for preservation of exterior
expression. On the other hand, it is
possible to set up the extent to which
the traditional ‘library’ is significantly
altered or moved. Here, Malmström &
Edström’s proposal with a new volume
is uncommon amongst extensions in
that it specifically strives to maintain
the existing as far as possible and let
the ‘new’ functions and activities be
housed in the addition. In light of the
above discussion, however, it seems
clear this matrix is insufficient as more
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

18
than a starting point.
Considering the question of spatial
organisation, taking into consideration
the distinct relation of Asplund’s building
to on the one hand an international
library culture and on the other a prevalent
idea of knowledge at the time of its
making, it is arguably difficult to speak
of preservation of the library without
including how it represents and organises
knowledge as a tree structure
with distinct branches ordered around
a central space of fiction. This is not a
pragmatic solution to a programme,
but a distinct formulation of an idea on
several levels including spatial configuration
as expression and representation
as well as through how it organises
narratives of library visits (c.f. Psarra,
2009) and distributes flows and other
activities in and through the building.
This organisational idea comes clear
through how the tree structure has
been maintained even when it might
for practical reasons been better not
to, and in how the deviations from the
structure appear to be more or less hidden
and subsequently less used (Koch,
2004). Arguably, the specific order of
the collections – which has been altered
over time – is of less importance than
the systemic tree-representation and
its relation to the central space of fiction.
This representation also requires,
more or less, all of the collection to follow
this logic or it looses its power. The
organisation furthermore tends to lead
to a quieter space in the branches, as
thoroughfare is more or less eliminated,
supporting focused, undisturbed
reading as a central activity while potentially
inhibiting browsing.
This is not to say the volumetric
composition can be ignored; Asplund’s
work as a whole clearly includes the
volumetric arrangement and how
these volumes meet the surrounding
streets – carefully making the library
offset and monumental from all directions
– the streets, the park next to it,
and the annexes (Figure 13). Keeping
in mind the historical context of Asplund’s
work, the library as a solitary
composition is an important part of
its urban identity; an identity arguably
also dependant on housing at least
most of the library within its boundaries.
Since his work remains within an
Figure 13. Asplund’s Plan for the Stockholm
City Library from 1928, showing the library
without its fourth branch in the back, and
with four annexes planned – as well as
drafts of the park and hill. It is clear how the
composition was a city planning question
to a large extent. The square building at
the top of the hill is a preliminary draft
for a building for what is now Stockholm
University. Public Domain by Age.
understanding of ‘library’ as primarily
being concerned with the housing, organisation
of, and access to a collection
of books, de-coupling the building and
the books under a new paradigm of library
typologies becomes problematic
from a point of view of preservation.
At some breaking point, preserving the
volume would still not preserve its library
identity. This clearly has raised a
kind of conundrum where the different
proposals have opted to give priority to
one aspect at the expense of other.
This contradiction is noted already
in the competition programme, stating
that “[t]he assignment includes proposing
a link that ensures the best possible
spatial and functional connection
between the buildings, all while being
sufficiently respectful to the Asplund
building” (Stockholm Stad, 2006, p. 32).
However, when it comes to the judgement
of the competition, it comes clear
how the respect for Asplund’s volumetric
composition and exterior overrules
the programme’s stress on the connection
(see Stockholm Stad, 2007). The
jury also points to a not awarded but
mentioned proposal by Wingård’s that
arguably draws on the historical evolution
of the Asplund building by rather
than running a chirurgical corridor to
the rotunda, replaces Asplund’s own
addition of a western foyer with the beginning
of the new extension, which,
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

19
Figure 14. Brass; extension proposal for
Stockholm City Library by Wingård’s. Press
image from Sveriges Arkitekter for the
competition.
according to the jury, better connects
to the rotunda and forms a more complete
whole than the other proposals
making the connection (Figure 14).
From this point of view, if we insist
on the library as a representation of
an idea through how it organises and
distributes its material collection of
books, it is then also not enough to – as
in some of the proposals – ensure that
the rotunda is a central part of most
visits to the library. The narrative logic
of arrangement would have to be maintained
as well. That is, the tree-structure
branching out from the rotunda.
In the material of the competition, it is
not fully clear to what extent the proposals
breaking their way through the
wall into the rotunda do this, though
in as far as it can be told it appears the
focus has been on reaching the rotunda
specifically to incorporate it in the new
structure.
As noted earlier, the winning proposal
in Gothenburg, in comparison,
explicitly attempts to work with the
‘formal logic’ of the existing over and
above its volumes or its exterior expression;
what is to be preserved is
the original’s ‘inner logic of growth’
from the inside out. Under such logic
it is reasonable to preserve the overall
arrangement of functions and collections
and let them grow outwards.
While this logic only holds so far – the
extension is after all rather modest in
meters from the facade and there is
little difference to this growth related
to any need – it formulates a radically
different stance. In the situation, the
rhetoric around the proposal suggesting
that the old library will still be visible
through the glass parts of the new
facade must be considered more of a
post-rationalisation (c.f. McMorrough,
2008); at the very least, it can be noted
that as the work has been realized, the
old library is hardly visible as reflections
and viewing angles hide it behind
the new glass facades. It is, however,
part of the motivation of the jury. All
the same, the approach have allowed
Erséus to create a new whole based on
an inner logic with consequences for
other architectural questions such as
the exterior expression and the contextual
relation across Götaplatsen to the
surrounding buildings.
Malmström and Edtröm’s proposal
here reminds more of the solution in
Malmö, although even more consideration
may be allowed for the existing
situation. An added volume housing
‘other’ or ‘new’ activities attached to
the old with some connections in between.
Naturally this at least skews the
configuration and centrality somewhat
and rearranges certain flows, but arguably
to a comparatively small extent. It
does, however, clearly signal the split
between the traditional and the new
and questions can be raised how this
affects the whole. In comparison to the
Malmö case, one can raise the question
whether there is a contradiction between
global integration of the whole
and preservation that can only be resolved
by deliberate choice of priority,
but this may seem premature. What is
clear, however, is how different priorities
taken to certain extents radically
conflict with one another, possible to
read as differences on the level of architectural
principles and ideologies.
What the configurative analysis allows
is a deeper and firmer understanding
of the structural representation and
mediation of ideas of knowledge, its orders
and arrangements, and the way it
is to be accessed, sequenced, insulated,
separated, and connected. It furthermore
strengthens this understanding
by showing how, specifically, the spatial
configuration is powerful in communicating
this by how it structures
flows of movements and other activities,
as expressed through correlations
between configurational measures and
various activities on the one hand, and
additionally through how measures
relate to common individual behav-
Architecture as Material Discourse: On the spatial formulation of knowledge and ideals in four
library extensions

20
iours of visitors on the other. That this
statistical correlation increases when
the volumetric composition and more
detailed configuration of delimitations
and allowances of visibility coincide in
their basic network logic is of interest
but not the main point.
3. Transformations and Additions
between Geometry, Aesthetics and
Configuration
What I have tried to do here, is not
to suggest one strategy as superior over
the other. I believe it is fair to say that
I have my preferences, but that more
than that I am deeply fascinated by the
process and the proposals in how what
could be considered as small shifts in
priority can lead to such radically different
results – and how this leads to
all the proposals being argued for as
being respectful to the existing building.
To an extent, the proposals conduct
a discussion where each of them
challenge the very notion of preservation
in all of the other proposals, suggesting
they have misunderstood just
what the foundational principles of the
libraries are, which leads further to a
discussion about architecture and architectural
principles that reach deep
into the heart of the concept. The argumentation
presented for competition
or parallel commission proposals must
here, as McMorrough (2008) argues,
be treated partially as ruminations on
established case. While it must also be
considered that there are many reasons
that the proposals have reached their
final shape, studying the proposals
themselves as statements in such a debate
is what allows for this discussion
to happen.
I do not here propose that it is as
simple as differences between valuing
aesthetics or use; this is clearly not the
case and I would challenge such a division
to start with. However, relations
between geometry, configuration, aesthetics,
and many other factors come
into play, as well as how they relate to
programmed content and to consecutive
appropriation and inhabitance,
as aspects of integrated architectural
questions. These are statements made
regardless of whether they are intended
or not, and priorities made in the
decision of a winner regardless of expressed
intent or explicit motivation.
In light of this discussion, one could
argue that Asplund’s solution is resistant
to extension by the dual relation of
a tree-structure with a central rotunda
inscribed in a distinct solidity of geometrical
definition. This is only partially
true, however, as the original library
lacked one of the branches leaving one
side open. On the other hand, the extension
possibility was effectively cut
off with Asplund’s own addition of the
final volume in the ‘back’ that geometrically
seals it off.
The issue can of course be further
complicated by raising questions of
what the original architectural intentions
were, both explicitly and implicitly,
which additionally is challenged
by the interplay of the discursive versus
the non-discursive in architectural
design suggesting that we cannot understand
the original intentions solely
by looking at what was formulated in
speech or writing, which, in addition
to not communicating non-discursive
ideas, is also balanced by how the architects
have had to argue for their proposals
as well as how they have sought
to present the work as conforming or
challenging concurrent traditions –
and if so, which.
What we can say, however, is that the
appropriation and inhabitance of the
buildings, clearly shown empirically to
relate to the spatial organisation in several
distinct ways, reasonably must be
one piece of the discussion that cannot
reasonably be disregarded even if in
the end it can be given higher or lower
priority than other factors depending
on aims and values. However, the more
the inhabitance or the way a library
mediates an idea of knowledge through
how it structures narratives of uses and
visits is valued, the more significant it
becomes to consider the spatial-configurational
effects of the extensions. In
some cases, this may provide keys that
allow clearer choice to be made on priorities
and proposals, whereas in other
cases it may help clarify if within the set
ambitions a proposal taking care of all
expectations is plausible. In order for a
configurational analysis to contribute
beyond mere pragmatics, however, a
more complex understanding of mediation
of ideals, values and meanings
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

21
not as separate from but intertwined
with practical considerations and user
concerns must be brought into play
and analyzed from the point of view of
architectural propositions.
Acknowledgements
The writing of this paper had not
been possible without the discussions
with John Peponis, Sophia Psarra and
Ermal Shpuza back in Stockholm in
the spring of 2013 and following. It
also relies heavily on the discussions
within the research group Spatial Analysis
and Design at the KTH School of
Architecture and, for this paper specifically,
especially with Ann Legeby.
Part of the writing work of this paper
is done through the FORMAS-funded
research environment Architecture in
the Making. Finally I would like to acknowledge
the support, openness and
willingness to contribute in various
ways shown by the libraries in question.
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Planning.
Turner, A., Penn, A. (1999). Making
isovists syntactic: isovist integration
analysis. Paper presented at the
2 nd International Symposium on Space
Syntax, Universidad de Brasilia, Brazil,
April 1999.
van der Velden, D. (2010). The Netbook
and its Library. In H. H. van der
Werf (Ed.), The Architecture of Knowledge:
The library of the future (pp. 24-
37). Rotterdam: NAi Publishers.
van der Werf, H. H. (2010). The Architecture
of Knowledge – Introduction.
In H. H. van der Werf (Ed.), The
Architecture of Knowledge: The library
of the future (pp. 10-19). Rotterdam:
NAi Publishers.
Verschaffel, B. (2010). Guessing the
Future of the Library. In H. H. van der
Werf (Ed.), The Architecture of Knowledge:
The library of the future (pp. 84-
95). Rotterdam: NAi Publishers.
Zukin, S. (1995). The Cultures of Cities.
Oxford: Blackwell.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • D. Koch

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 23-39
The dynamics and diversity of
space use in the British Library
Kerstin SAILER
k.sailer@ucl.ac.uk • Space Syntax Laboratory, The Bartlett School of Architecture,
University College London, 140 Hampstead Road, London NW1 2BX, United
Kingdom
Received: September 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
The Space Syntax study of buildings typically distinguishes between weak and
strong programming, where social behaviours either follow or defy the spatial
logic of a building. This is often based on analysing collective and aggregate patterns
of behaviour. This paper builds on recent work redefining our understanding
of weak and strong programming, yet aims to analyse usage patterns and
spatial affordances in a much more fine-grained way by taking diversity of user
groups as well as the temporal unfolding of behaviours into account. The British
Library acts as a case study and is investigated based on a rich empirical dataset of
observed user behaviours.
Results suggest that the British Library shows both strong and weak programming:
movement flows only partially followed spatial configuration, and the interface
the building constructed kept people apart rather than bringing them together.
In addition, large variations in user activities existed in some parts of the
Library, all of which points towards strong programming. At the same time however,
certain activities showed clear spatial preferences and significant differences
in local and global visibility patterns, which illustrates weak programming. It was
also shown how dynamic and diverse user behaviours emerged in the British Library,
highlighting the need to draw a nuanced picture of usage. The contribution
of the paper thus lies in a detailed and deep analysis of usage patterns, unpacking
variations in behaviours between different users at different times and linking this
both to the affordances of configuration as well as programmatic influences.
Keywords
Public libraries, Space syntax, Space usage, Temporal dynamics, Strong and weak
programming.

24
1. Introduction: More than just
books…
Buildings are dynamic settings
that accommodate a range of different
uses. A hospital for instance is
not just a place for curing the ill, but
also a workplace for nurses, doctors,
cleaners and porters (see for instance
Heo, Choudhary, Bafna, Hendrich,
& Chow, 2009 on nurses assignments
and behavioural patterns). A school
not only enables teaching and learning,
but is also an important place for socialisation,
making friends and hanging
out (Minuchin & Shapiro, 1983;
Sailer, 2015). Shops have clear social
functions beyond their retail purpose
(Koch, 2014). Museums do not only
exhibit pieces of art, but also educate,
entertain and sell merchandise (Kwon
& Sailer, 2015). Likewise, libraries have
always been meeting places for communities
in addition to storing books
and organising access to information
(Capille & Psarra, 2015).
All of the above descriptions centre
on what people do in buildings.
Indeed, most buildings are defined by
functions or so called ‘use types’ (Forty,
2000) or ‘activity types’ (Steadman,
2014): a hospital is a hospital because
of what happens there, and likewise
a school is a school again because of
what goes on inside it (Hillier, Hanson,
& Peponis, 1984).
Yet, it seems that what people do
in buildings becomes even more important,
as a new focus on the human
side of architecture as well as on people’s
experiences, behaviours and usage
patterns can be observed in recent
discourses. The question of usage and
daily life has already been popular in
the 1970’s with architects like Herman
Hertzberger defining architecture as
concerned with ‘daily life lived by all
people’ (Hertzberger, 1991), however
only recently, scholars have argued that
the social agenda of architecture has
too long been a blind spot that needs
re-addressing (Cupers, 2013). Other
recent publications on usage and the
social role of architecture and design
(Awan, Schneider, & Till, 2011; Bergdoll,
2010; Maudlin & Vellinga, 2014;
Till, 2009) underlined the important
reading of buildings as ‘lived in’
(Brand, 1994; Hollis, 2009).
If we consider buildings based on
usage, change becomes essential. Public
libraries, like most other building
types have seen a dramatic change in
how they are used, perceived and experienced.
The increasing digitisation
of content means that new ways of accessing
collections emerge, thus shifting
the necessity of a physical site away
from providing access and towards
other uses. Drawing on a study of 24
recently built monumental public library
buildings, Shoham and Yablonka
(2008) came to the conclusion that the
new-built libraries had increased user
numbers, were full of life and served
wider purposes as symbols of culture,
as tourist attractions, but also as pleasant
meeting places in a quiet cultured
environment.
The British Library forms a particularly
interesting case in this context.
The architect of the British Library,
Sir Colin St John Wilson (1998) described
the multitude of functions to
be accommodated as: a day-to-day
workplace, an institution that embodies
and celebrates national memory, a
storage of collections, places of study,
exhibitions of its treasures, an eventspace
hosting lectures and seminars,
and back-of-house functions such as
conservation laboratories and administration.
This already points to a real
diversity of space usage patterns. How
the publicly accessible areas of the Library
are indeed used in their everyday
functioning will be explored in
this paper, drawing on a rich data set
of empirical and both quantitative and
qualitative participant observations,
collected in 2009 and 2010 by MSc
students at the Bartlett, UCL. It will be
asked how people move around in the
building, to which degree the spatial
layout (analysed with Space Syntax)
informs usage patterns and how usage
varies between different user groups,
but also over time. Its main aim is to
provide a sketch of the multi-functionality
of the building and describe user
groups and usage patterns in as much
detail and variation as possible. This is
an important task, if we want to reflect
on how to design ‘social’ buildings in
the future, where usage and people’s
activities, preferences and experiences
are actively anticipated, embedded,
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • K. Sailer

25
and allowed to grow and change.
This paper is structured as follows:
Chapter 2 will provide theoretical
foundations for the empirical explorations
of usage patterns in the British Library
by sketching research on library
buildings and human behaviours, but
also by elaborating on the Space Syntax
theory of ‘strong and weak programming’
in buildings. Chapter 3
will introduce the British Library as a
case study, followed by a detailed description
of methodology in Chapter
4. In four consecutive steps, Chapter 5
will discuss the diversity and dynamics
of usage patterns in the British Library
and a final Chapter 6 will draw
conclusions, discuss limitations of the
study and provide an outline of future
research in the field.
2. Usage patterns and building types:
On strong and weak programming
In their paper ‘Visible Colleges’ Hillier
and Penn (1991) conceptualised
buildings as either strongly or weakly
programmed depending on the degree
to which the activity patterns inside
the buildings followed strict rules,
procedures and models. This theory is
crucial in understanding the relationship
between spatial layout and usage
patterns inside different building types.
A programme was defined as “not
the organisation it houses (…) [but] the
spatial dimension of an organisation,
and the key element in any programme
is the interface, or interfaces, that the
building exists to construct (…) [i.e.] the
spatial relation between or among two
broad categories of persons (…) that
every building defines: inhabitants, or
those whose social identity as individuals
is embedded in the spatial layout and
who therefore have some degree of control
of space; and visitors, who lack control,
whose identities in the building are
collective, usually temporary and subordinated
to those of the inhabitants”.
(Hillier & Penn, 1991, p. 33)
Therefore, buildings were considered
strongly programmed if the interface
between user groups was highly
controlled and the patterns of encounter
followed so called ‘long models’
with a high degree of prescription
and determinism (Hillier & Hanson,
1984). A court was the classic example
of a strong programme building, since
different user groups with varying degrees
of inhabitant or visitor status
such as judges, barristers, witnesses,
defendants and public were channelled
through the building along separated
paths so that their movement was
highly controlled and encounters were
actively hindered until all users met
in the highly orchestrated and ritualised
court room proceedings (Hanson,
1996). In contrast, buildings were seen
as weakly programmed if the interface
between user groups was not controlled
and everyone could encounter
everyone else freely, following ‘short
models’ with a high degree of randomisation
and morphogenesis (Hillier &
Hanson, 1984). The most used example
for traditionally weakly programmed
buildings was the editorial floor of a
newspaper, which flourished through
generative and unstructured encounters
among different users.
The implications of this theory for
the understanding of buildings and
usage patterns lie mainly in the question
how closely movement flows and
resulting patterns of encounter correspond
to spatial configuration. Traditional
Space Syntax theory would suggest
that movement flows are highest
in areas of high spatial integration – so
called ‘natural movement’ (Hillier &
Iida, 2005; Hillier, Penn, Hanson, Grajewski,
& Xu, 1993), however, adding
strong and weak programming, we
would only expect this relationship to
hold in the case of weak programming,
where randomisation is at play and
the layout can act morphogenetically.
In contrast, it could be argued that
movement flows follow programme in
strongly programmed buildings.
Over recent years, the theory of
strong and weak programming was
taken up by different researchers and
articulated further, for instance Koch
and Steen (2012) proposed a new criterion
for strong programming, thus
adding more nuance and variation to
the original concept. Likewise, Capille
and Psarra (2013) suggested that
the unequal distribution of activities
across different spaces and functional
areas of a building meant strong programming,
whereas an equal distribution
highlighted weak programming.
The dynamics and diversity of space use in the British Library

26
Studying two public libraries in London,
it was concluded that one library
was weakening the influence of programme
on activities, while the other
one was strengthening it.
Additionally, it was shown that elements
of strong programming could
appear in traditionally considered
weakly programmed building types
such as workplaces and offices, for instance
in the form of attractors that
may deflect movement flows away
from spatially integrated areas (Sailer,
2007, 2010). Similarly, buildings considered
strongly programmed such as
hospitals could show aspects of strong
and weak programming, even within a
single case depending on which criterion
was applied (Sailer et al., 2013).
What can be learnt from these studies,
is the insight that space usage activities
are dynamically enfolding systems,
embedded in spatial situations
and practices, driven by organisationally
defined roles and programmes, but
also distributed in space by configuration.
Building types (such as hospitals,
libraries or offices) cannot be associated
with one type of programming per
se; neither does a particular building
necessarily follow clear categorisations
as strong or weak programme. The theory
of strong and weak programming
of buildings can help scrutinise phenomena,
yet detailed analysis is needed
before a judgement on the degrees and
levels of programming in its interplay
with spatial configuration can be made.
For the study of libraries, which in
the traditional dichotomised description
of either ‘strong’ or ‘weak’ would
have been seen as a typical example
of a weak programme (Zook & Bafna,
2012), this means scrutinising the
space for aspects of strong programming
(rules, procedures, attractors,
strong distribution of activities by
function, movement flowing against
configurational logic) in addition to
understanding weak programming
and spatial practices.
Particular studies on libraries within
the framework of Space Syntax seem
worth mentioning, too.
With the aim to discover how spatial
systems produce meaning, Koch
(2004) studied three public libraries in
Sweden and concluded that three different
forms of knowledge representation
(tree-like, network-like, as a control
system) were found. Overall, it was
concluded that contemporary libraries
could be seen as systems that increasingly
aim to integrate people and promote
social encounter rather than keep
people apart by providing silence, solitude
and concentration. To that end, it
was shown that the activity of reading
occurred mainly next to heavily used
corridors and areas of movement flows,
thus giving rise to social encounters.
This very phenomenon of reading
in close proximity to highly integrated
areas was found in a study of nine
academic libraries in Portugal as well,
however, here it was reported as a
noise problem inhibiting concentration
(Both, Heitor, & Medeiros, 2013).
Another recent study on two academic
libraries in London (Zong, 2015) focused
on the diversity of activities as a
result of new pedagogic ideas and digital
access. Analysing both spatial configuration
and furniture arrangements
as affordances for usage, it was proposed
that a diversity of spatial characteristics
allowed for a diversity of usage
patterns to unfold.
The theme of libraries changing to
accommodate different functions was
also the subject of a syntactic study of
18 public libraries in France, where it
was investigated how traditional libraries
with closed collections and a central
catalogue changed into so called ‘mediatheques’
providing access to a diversity
of media sources and information
types, which meant a spatial change
towards open bookshelves and reading
spaces (Lim & Kim, 2009). Results suggested
that newer building types which
followed the mediatheque model had
lower overall values of visibility on
average, but also a wider and more diverse
range of configurational options.
Visibility relations also feature in
the paper by Zook and Bafna (2012),
which highlights how everyday activities
(borrowing a book, attending a
scheduled meeting, meeting a friend in
the reading rooms) in the Seattle Public
Library – a building with a highly
unusual spatial composition – still
follow genotypical patterns of visual
access, where paths lead through expected
levels of openness and enclo-
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • K. Sailer

27
sure, thus publicness and privacy, underlining
the view of the library as a
known institution. This so called ‘social
staging’ is contrasted by a view of the
‘phenomenal staging’ – the subjective,
individual experience of a user as they
make their way through the building,
which is characterised by unexpected
vistas, hidden outlooks and surprising
elements.
Libraries were also used as settings
to understand issues of wayfinding and
signage (Carlson, Hölscher, Shipley,
& Conroy Dalton, 2010; Li & Klippel,
2010, 2012) and to test new methods
for user feedback and Post-Occupancy
Evaluations (Dalton, Kuliga, &
Hölscher, 2013).
In summary, previous research has
shown how libraries have become settings
staging a multitude of different
usage patterns beyond the traditional
access to collections and the accommodation
of the process of reading.
Instead libraries were shown to be social
spaces, experienced differently by
people and supported by specific configurational
properties of the library
buildings.
How these phenomena resonate in
the case of the British Library will be
explored in the following chapters.
3. Case study: The British Library
This paper draws on rich observations
of space usage in one particularly
interesting building: the British
Library. As National Library of the
United Kingdom, its aim is to store
every book published in the UK and
Figure 1. Annotated floor plan of the British Library.
The dynamics and diversity of space use in the British Library

28
make its collections freely accessible to
the public. With a building size of more
than 122,000 sqm it stores around 170
million items (among them almost 14
million books) 1 and employs around
1200 staff in its main St Pancras building.
As an institution, the British Library
was founded in 1972 by an Act
of Parliament, but first continued having
its collection and reading rooms
housed in the British Museum, until it
moved to its own site in 1997, when the
first reading room opened.
The British Library’s main building
in the centre of London near the railway
station St Pancras was fully opened
to the public in 1998 after a more than
thirty-five year-long conception, design
and construction process. The
British architect Colin St John Wilson
created a building ‘based on purpose’
and human scale in an approach that
he called ‘the other tradition’ of Modernism
(Wilson, 2007). For Wilson, architecture
was grounded in use, creating
an ordered framework for activities
to happen; this was also called an ‘architecture
of experience’ (Stonehouse,
2004). The building was described as
‘inviting’ and ‘democratic’ by critics:
“A library might be expected to be
conceived as a monument. (…) Yet
this building [the British Library] has
found a kind of democratic equivalent.
(…) This kind of monumentality
is not imposed upon us; it is assigned
by us. So the building is symbolic, but
this symbolism is not assertive and it is
not about great occasions or collective
events. The building seeks relationships
with the individuals who use it and visit
it, through a sense of invitation first
evident in the forecourt and entrance.
You are invited to be a participant,
not merely a spectator.” (MacCormac,
2004, pp. xii-xiii)
The way in which the building negotiates
between individual usage and
institutional representation was described
as ‘intimate monumentality’:
“The building is book-like, revealing
its inner world only when entered,
an individual, intimate act. The hard,
rather sober exterior allows the interior
to be revealed and discovered on
entering and using the library (…) – all
part of an intimate experience of monumentality.”
(Stonehouse, 2004, p. 69)
It was also praised to provide an “inherent
versatility of form” (Stonehouse,
2004, p. 79), able to adapt to future
usage and organisational needs, for
instance the new ways in which information
will increasingly be stored and
accessed digitally.
4. Methodology
This paper combines the syntactic
study of the British Library, based
on axial accessibility maps (drawn on
knee level) and Visibility Graph Analysis
(VGA, constructed on eye level)
(Turner, Doxa, O’Sullivan, & Penn,
2001) with detailed and structured observations
of space usage patterns. The
following three standard Space Syntax
observation techniques (Al-Sayed,
Turner, Hillier, Iida, & Penn, 2015;
Grajewski, 1992) were used: gatecounts,
traces by following people and
snapshots.
For the gate-counts, movement
flows across a total of 127 imaginary
gates on all six public floors of the
British Library were counted for five
minutes each in the morning, midday
and afternoon on three days (including
Saturday) in 2009 and on two days (including
Sunday) in 2010. Gender and
readership status 2 was recorded. Data
was aggregated across all observations
and collective hourly flow at each gate
was calculated.
Movement was also captured
through traces, where observers picked
up building users at entrances or other
movement distributors on each floor
plate (lift, staircases) and discretely followed
them for 10 minutes (in 2009),
5 minutes (in 2010) or until they had
reached a destination (for instance a
desk in a Reading Room or a seat in
the café), or in fact left the floor plate
or building. The route they took was
traced on a floor plan and digitised
in GIS. A total of 679 building users
were shadowed during Library opening
hours, and additional demographic
and user specific information (gender,
estimated age range, formal or informal
attire, Reader or Non-Reader) was
noted.
Snapshots recorded the exact location
and type of activity of building users
at a precise moment in time. All six
publicly accessible floors of the building
were observed repeatedly throughout
the course of the day. Most areas
1
Some of the books
of the British
Library are stored
in its branch in
Boston Spa in
Yorkshire, from
where they can
be ordered to the
Reading Rooms
in St Pancras
within 48 hours;
basic statistics
are from Wilson
1998 and updated
statistics on the
building are taken
from: https://
en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/British_
Library
2
Building users
were distinguished
by visual cues:
Readers could
be recognised by
their Reader’s
passes, sometimes
worn around
people’s necks, or
more obviously,
by carrying their
belongings in
plastic carrier bags,
which were the
only bags allowed
inside the reading
rooms. This means
that everyone
categorised as
a Reader in the
observations
definitely had a
Reader’s pass, but
the observations
could be biased
by not recognising
all Readers as
such (for instance
those leaving their
possessions in
lockers or at a desk
in the Reading
Rooms and going
for a coffee).
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • K. Sailer

were observed eight times in total with
more intensively used areas captured
up to 17 times to get a higher data resolution.
Primary and secondary activities
were recorded: primary activities
included sitting, standing and walking
as individual behaviours and interactions
as group behaviours, while secondary
activities distinguished a total
of 22 different behaviours (such as
searching, shopping, working on a laptop,
reading, looking at an exhibition)
and combinations of behaviours (such
as laptop and reading, looking at an
exhibition and talking, etc.). A total of
7993 people were observed.
5. The British Library: Diversity and
dynamics of usage patterns
Patterns of usage in the British Library
will be analysed in this section,
discussing the distribution of activities
in space, the diversity of behaviours,
rhythms and temporal patterns as well
as emerging communities and their
specific needs and activities.
5.1. Movement flows
As a first step in the analysis, it is of
interest to understand the overall distribution
of people in the building and
investigate to which degree movement
flows are driven by configuration (indicating
a weakly programmed building)
or in contrast by programme and
function (indicating a strongly programmed
building).
Four spatial variables of the axial
map were analysed regarding their relationship
to the overall flow of people
in the British Library, as well as to the
flow of Readers and Non-Readers (using
gate-count data): Connectivity, Integration
Radius 3 (Local), Integration
Radius N (Global) and Choice. No single
relevant correlation was found, although
Choice and Global Integration
yielded highly significant / significant
results for Non-Readers (p

30
Figure 2 a-d. Movement traces of 427 Readers (red) and 149 Non-Readers (black) on the
ground floor, mezzanine, first and second floor.
es through the entrance, however it is
not necessarily also the most integrated
place in the building. Buildings with
many floors often show the integration
core placed around the geometric centre
of the building as a whole, which is
also is the case for the British Library,
where the most integrated areas are
found on the first floor. Again, this
distorts the correlation between movement
flows and configuration.
The relationship between different
user groups such as Readers and
Non-Readers can also be analysed as a
matter of the interface constructed by
the building to bring people together or
keep them apart. First of all movement
traces of the two different user groups
can be compared visually. It can be seen
in figure 2a-d that movement flows between
Readers and Non-Readers overlap
in certain parts of the building such
as the ground floor, mezzanine and first
floor, yet, there are many spaces with a
distinctive dominance of either Readers
(upper floors, circulation, staircases,
Reading Rooms) or Non-Readers
(exhibitions, café, canteen). It can also
be seen from the traces that Readers
(shown in red in Figure 2a-d) move in
a rather targeted fashion with straight
routes, while Non-Readers (shown in
black) tend to wander more aimlessly
along curvy paths.
The degree of co-presence between
Readers and Non-Readers can also be
investigated statistically by correlating
total numbers for each group across
the different locations in the building.
With gate-count data a correlation of
R2=0.28, p

31
of Readers showed rather low counts
of Non-Readers and vice versa. This
means the building creates a controlled
interface between the different user
groups and keeps them apart rather
than bringing them systematically together.
It seems the Library offered attractive
spaces to each group separately;
they co-existed rather than cohered
and came together.
In summary, the analysis of movement
flows has highlighted that the
British Library is a predominantly
strongly programmed building: overall
flows do not follow configurational
logic consistently and different user
groups with distinct usage patterns
(Readers vs Non-Readers) were separated
to a high degree. A further analysis
of strong and weak programming in
buildings as a function of the diversity
and distribution of activities will follow
in the next section.
5.2. Diversity and distribution of activities
To investigate diversity and distribution
of activities, a two-step approach
was followed: firstly it was analysed
whether primary and secondary activities
differed according to their spatial
properties of connectivity and integration
(i.e. visual Mean Depth), retrieved
from the VGA. This will highlight
whether certain activities show preferences
for areas with high or low direct
visibility (connectivity) and for areas
with strategically short or long visual
paths (mean depth). Secondly, the distribution
of activities will be brought
together with the functional allocations
of spaces to analyse whether specifically
allocated areas attract usage
differently from the overall building
averages.
Regarding the spatial logic of primary
activities, i.e. sitting, standing
and walking as individual behaviours
and interactions as group behaviours,
highly significant differences of connectivity
and mean depth can be found
between these activities in a statistical
Analysis of Variance (ANOVA). Results
of the ANOVA tests are shown in
Table 2; Figures 3a-b show the VGA of
the building for connectivity and mean
depth. Differences in connectivity are
more pronounced, leading to a higher
coefficient of R 2 =0.07 (p

32
Figure 3 a-b. Visual Graph Analysis of the British Library: Connectivity (a) and Mean Depth (b).
behaviours; the ANOVA results for
connectivity were highly significant
(p

Table 3. Number and statistics [mean, standard error] of spatial properties connectivity
[CONN] and mean depth [MD] of observed secondary activities from ANOVA tests.
Activity Count Mean [CONN] Std Err [CONN] Mean [MD] Std Err [MD]
Bag Cloak Locker 22 213.261 77.42 6.70176 0.15607
Eating Drinking 133 211.232 31.49 6.03696 0.06348
Eating Drinking Laptop 7 159.619 137.26 6.51515 0.27669
Eating Drinking Reading 12 203.076 104.83 5.54179 0.21132
Eating Drinking Talking 115 218.767 33.86 5.88826 0.06826
Exhibition 297 341.650 21.07 6.05512 0.04248
Exhibition Talking 33 402.942 63.22 6.17684 0.12743
Laptop 819 399.693 12.69 5.40453 0.02558
Laptop Reading 311 929.028 20.59 6.03018 0.04151
Laptop Talking 34 265.319 62.28 5.47077 0.12554
Lift 4 333.188 181.57 5.93379 0.36602
Looking 19 323.947 83.31 4.37154 0.16794
Order 74 153.375 42.21 6.14963 0.08510
Phone 47 314.777 52.97 4.69967 0.10678
Reading 420 514.097 17.72 5.75063 0.03572
Reading Talking 70 155.665 43.40 6.37389 0.08750
Searching 8 195.458 128.39 6.21016 0.25882
Shopping 66 180.619 44.70 7.03216 0.09011
Sitting 3534 752.236 6.11 5.76712 0.01231
Standing 208 430.779 25.18 5.75250 0.05076
Talking 880 275.280 12.24 5.74283 0.02468
Walking 625 425.535 14.53 5.57156 0.02928
* Connectivity values larger than the building average and mean depth values lower than the
building average are highlighted in red.
building as a whole and comparing it to
the distribution in different functional
areas was applied here. In addition to
investigating functional areas (Figure
4a), the variation across the different
floors was also scrutinised (Figure 4b).
Looking at the building as a whole,
it can be seen that using a laptop is the
most predominant activity in the British
Library, amounting to 40% of all
observed activities, followed by talking
(20%), reading (15%) and sitting (8%).
While the mix of activities in the corridors
and café strongly resembled
those found in the entire building (see
figure 4a), some more variation was
found in the foyer (where 19% of people
engaged with exhibition material
33
Figure 4 a-b. Distribution of ten core activities (based on 2009 data) across different functional areas [a] and
floors [b] of the building in comparison to the whole building average. The lower ground and 2nd floor were not
observed in 2009. Percentage values are rounded.
The dynamics and diversity of space use in the British Library

34
rather than just 3%) and the reading
rooms (where laptop use rose to 63%);
the highest level of variation however
was found on the staircases and the
exhibition spaces themselves. The figures
obtained for the average variation
in those two areas are in line with the
ones reported by Capille and Psarra for
a strongly programmed building. This
means that some parts of the British Library
enact a strong programme, distributing
and shaping behaviours and
the mix of activities in addition to the
effect of spatial configuration, as argued
in the previous section.
Analysed floor by floor, the mix of
activities on the mezzanine level, as
well as the 1 st and 3 rd floors is comparable
to the overall building distribution;
only the ground floor showed significant
variation, which is due to the high
number of specialised functions on the
ground floor, for instance exhibition
spaces. The role of the ground floor
in helping people to orient themselves
also becomes obvious in the disproportionately
high percentage of people using
their phones (14% rather than 2%)
and more than twice the percentage of
people talking (43% rather than 20%).
To summarise, the British Library
is a building combining both elements
of weak programming (since activities
showed statistically significant
preferences for integrated or segregated
spaces) and strong programming
(since activities were distributed unevenly
across the functional areas of
the building).
5.3. Rhythms and temporal patterns
of usage
In addition to the analysis of the
overall diversity of activities unfolding
in the British Library, changes in usage
patterns over time were also investigated.
Regarding the distribution of movement,
it can be seen that busy areas
(with high flow intensity) during the
week are not necessarily those also populated
to a higher degree on weekends.
A correlation of gate counts based on
traces for the week versus the weekend
reveals an R 2 =0.32 (p

35
Figure 5 a-b. Average connectivity [a] and average mean depth [b] of activities on weekdays
versus weekends (based on 2009 data only, since weekend observations were not done in
2010).
Figure 6. Variation of ten core activities plus interactions between
people (based on 2009 data) over the course of the day. The time
marked in the diagram highlights the starting time of the observation
period.
The dynamics and diversity of space use in the British Library
more socialising opportunities on
weekends and thus preferred to place
themselves in more buzzy (hence integrated)
areas.
Looking at the distribution of activities
across functional areas again,
not much variation appeared between
weekday and weekend, however interesting
differences can be detected over
the course of the day (as illustrated in
Figure 6).
Concentrated work such as reading
or working on a laptop peaks in the afternoon
(from 3-4pm); eating peaked
at lunchtime and in the early afternoon
as expected (between 1-3pm); social
activities such as talking and interactions
peaked mid-morning (11-12pm),
at lunchtime (1-2pm) and in the late
afternoon (5-6pm); and the engagement
with exhibits showed a high in
early morning (10-11am) after lunch
(2-3pm) and in the afternoon (4-5pm).
In summary, this analysis highlights
how temporal patterns of usage evolve,
creating a rhythm of activities and experiences
over the course of a day with
shifting preferences and locations of
activities between weekday and weekend.
Qualitative accounts of people’s
engagement and behaviours in the

36
British Library (Thomas, 2013) seem
to underline this interpretation of user
experience of rhythms and temporal
patterns, where people chose to change
activities as the day went on.
5.4. Emerging communities and usage
patterns
Last but not least, specific usage patterns
of emerging communities and
particular groups of people can be investigated.
From qualitative observations
we know that a group of people
using the British Library for working
purposes queue outside the building
every morning to take up seats in front
of the Kings Library on the first floor,
which offered good seating, nice individual
lighting and power plugs in addition
to the free wifi available in the
whole building. Those spaces shown in
Figure 7 offer both opportunities for
socialising (as they are in a highly frequented
route) as well as solitude (by
the nature of the furniture) and were
the most popular seats in the Library,
essentially being occupied first thing in
the morning and throughout the whole
day. As an emerging community of so
called ‘nomadic workers’, people have
come to know each other and watched
out for other people’s belongings.
Other specific communities of people
with particular space usage patterns
were entrepreneurs using the IP and
Business Centre of the British Library.
All areas connected with the IP and
Business Centre showed disproportionate
numbers of males (four times
as many males as females as opposed
to a ratio of 1:1.15 for the building as
a whole), but also higher numbers of
users in the age range 40-60 (1.7 older
people per younger people in contrast
to a 1:1.03 ratio for the entire building).
Other areas with an uneven distribution
of users by additional demographic
information include a female
dominance in the Social Sciences
Reading Room (3.4 females per male)
and the shop (1.6 females per male)
and a higher presence of older people
(40-60 years of age) in the Philatelic
Exhibition (3.6 older people per young
person), whereas twice as many 20-40
year olds as compared to 40-60 year
olds were found around the areas of the
Folio Society Gallery.
Figure 7. Community of nomadic workers in front of the Kings
Library. Photograph by Kerstin Sailer.
This account of emerging communities
and differences in the distribution
of people with certain user demographics
highlights how the building
affords behaviours by particular groups
of people in distinct ways.
6. Conclusions: On diversity, dynamics
and built form
This paper presented evidence from
observations of space usage patterns in
the British Library in conjunction with
an analysis of the spatial configuration
of the building and its affordances for
user behaviours. It was shown how
movement flows in the British Library
mostly defied configurational logic.
In addition to a rather controlled interface
between different categories of
people such as Readers and Non-Readers,
this drew a picture of a strongly
programmed building. However, the
analysis of the distribution of activities
across space highlighted that activities
and behaviours of people followed
configurationally defined preferences
and thus showed weak programming.
Functional areas in contrast, in particular
exhibition spaces and to a smaller
degree the foyer and Reading Rooms
maintained elements of strong programming,
since the mix of activities
there differed significantly from the
overall building average, pinpointing
the many ways in which the functional
allocation and affordances of different
spaces drove usage behaviours. The
analysis of temporal dynamics, emerging
communities and different user
experiences over the course of the day
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • K. Sailer

37
and between weekday and weekend
highlighted how the building constantly
evolved, shifted and changed, depending
on perspective.
The main contribution of this paper
is therefore the conceptualisation of
a building as a layered, dynamic and
changing experience rather than as
a definite entity impacting collective
user behaviour in one particular way. It
also shifts the attention of Space Syntax
analysis away from top-level collective
user behaviours to more nuanced and
detailed understandings of the diversity
and dynamics of the relation between
configuration and space usage.
Due to the nature of the used data
set, this paper has clear limitations; issues
include inconsistent data (for instance
different observation standards
in 2009 and 2010), missing data (for instance
not all areas were covered equally
well), and possibly limited quality of
the data due to issues with interobserver
reliability, specifically given that the
data was collected by Master’s students
in their first weeks of their degree.
Wherever possible those limitations
were taken into account for the different
types of analysis.
To conclude, this paper has investigated
the diversity of different space
usages of a building over time in relation
to its spatial configuration. It has
explored both temporal dynamics as
well as usage diversity to incorporate a
more differentiated perspective on who
uses a building when for what purpose,
or in short the ‘multiplicities of occupation’
(Groák, 1992). Space Syntax
can offer a fruitful framework for this
exploration beyond mere aggregate
and collective social patterns. Future
research could focus on the nuances of
temporal and user-specific dynamics
more systematically to address what
Brand (1994) called a ‘shocking lack
of data’ on building usage. He highlighted
the need for studies of all kinds
of buildings in use and what changes
from hour to hour, day to day, week
to week, month to month and over the
years. 20 years later this is still an open
research question, which this paper
hopes to contribute towards.
Through its architecture and ‘versatility
of form’, the British Library
has clearly managed to be a space that
‘builds relationships with individuals’
as evident in the diverse and dynamic
usage patterns showcased in this paper.
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincere
gratitude to the staff at the British Library,
in particular their Welcome
Team and Mark Walton, who have
made it possible to investigate the
building and its usage. I would also like
to thank two generations of students
of the MSc ‘Advanced Architectural
Studies’ (now called: ‘Spatial Design:
Architecture and Cities’), who have
collected the data used in this paper
during long days in the field as part of
their coursework; these are in alphabetical
order: Eleni Alexiou, Min Hi
Chun, Monica Datta, Jean-Francois
Goyette, Birce Eren Karafazli, Eun Hye
Kim, Tim Mason, Fiona McDonald,
Gillian McNally, Nikolina Nikolova,
Stella Parpa, Amanda Pluviano, Rosamund
Pomeroy, Zhen (Alex) Qian,
Carolina Rodriguez, Aabid Raheem,
Khondoker Mobinur Rahman, Fernanda
Lima Sakr, Ria George, Frederik
Weissenborn and Jingcao Zhang (MSc
AAS cohort of 2009-2010); and Rahwa
Ayob, John Bingham Hall, Michelle
Chan, Vasiliki Gogou, Rosie Haslem,
Zahra Khaniki, Efstathia Kostopoulou,
Annita Miltiadis, Krisangella Camacho,
Rosica Pachilova, Fei Que, Zheng
Xie and Kelin Yue (MSc AAS cohort of
2010-2011). Last but not least, I would
like to thank Dr Jaehong Lee for his
help with the spatial analysis as well as
with cleaning and processing observation
data.
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ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 41-53
Success in Basic Design Studios:
Can seat selection be an advantage?
Erincik EDGÜ
erincik@gmail.com, erincikedgu@duzce.edu.tr • Department of Architecture,
Faculty of Arts, Design and Architecture, Düzce University, Düzce, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
Socio-petal spaces have proven to be crucial for students’ social life especially
in outdoor spaces and common gathering areas; however, actual design studio
seating deserves to be examined as well. In various studies, it is revealed that there
may be a correlation between seat location, seat selection and student performance.
As social interaction is among the essential qualities of design education
where training is based on table critiques and face to face discussions, studios
ideally should provide the desired interaction. This research explores the students’
preference of seating assuming that it affects the consequent success of the student,
in terms of social interaction and movement pattern, conducted in classically
arranged rows and columns based studio layout, far from being ideal, where
the movement pattern among the tables and the visual field become the most
important modes of communication between students and instructors. The syntactic
values of tables located adjacent to windows or aisles, middle rows, or back
seats, front lines or wall corners help to determine the reason behind preference
and selection of these seats.
Integration values along with mean depth data are used to explore the socially
active and passive sections of the studio layout, while isovists are examined to
analyse the visual scope of each assigned seat. The results indicate that when the
medium is crowded the position of the tables located alongside of circulation path
gains importance. When the medium is less crowded, students prefer to prioritize
their visual scope rather than physical accessibility.
Keywords
Social interaction, Space syntax, Spatial preference, Studio layout, Visual field.

42
1. Social interaction in studios
As is the case in all design programs,
studio courses constitute the essence
of architecture program. The data, inputs,
outputs and problems of the spatial
design issues are alike regardless of
the scale differences. It is important for
students to see at the beginning of their
education that different variations may
occur in designs and different results
can be achieved. Since, it is essential
that each student makes original design,
drawing and presentation, in a
design course multiple instructors may
be present in order for each instructor
to deal with the student individually
and supervise the project development
process, whereas the students can have
the opportunity to acquire different
design views. The design students are
distinctive with their designed products,
the equipment they use, working
hours, patterns of behaviour and their
perceived image. Thus, design students
usually form Gemeinschaft society
thinking, working, consuming and
living together, as suggested by Dobriner
(1969). This method of education
necessitates a well balanced communication
between the instructor and the
student as well as a sociopetal form of
behaviour where face to face seating
arrangements may be used for both
parties. However, in most cases the
advantages of this unique method of
teaching takes time for a first year student
to notice and discover.
Previous researches conducted by
Ünlü et al., (2001 and 2009) indicate
that sociopetal spaces have proven to
be crucial for students’ social life especially
in outdoor spaces and common
gathering areas; however, actual design
studio seating deserves to be examined
as well. There are researches examining
the students’ seating preferences
in relation to territorial behaviour
in various classroom layouts (Guyot
et.al, 1980; Pedersen 1994; Kaya and
Burgess, 2007; Costa, 2012). In these
studies, territoriality is regarded as
a behaviour mechanism occurred in
public territory (Altman & Chemers,
1980) which is in fact related with self
protection or defence (Sommer, 1969)
rather than visual control. Miura and
Sugihara (2011) emphasize in their
research that large-sized classrooms
may decrease the learning effect on
the basis that as the distance between
the teacher and the student increases,
it would be difficult for the student to
pay attention to the teacher. Another
study within the context of economics
courses conducted by Benedict
and Hoag (2004) showed that in large
lecture rooms, students who prefer to
sit towards the front of the room, have
higher probability of receiving good
grades compared to the ones sitting at
the back. Perkins et al. (2005) conducted
a seating research in the context of
a physics classroom, where they have
found that the initial seat location significantly
affected student attendance,
performance and attitudes. Through
these studies, it is seen that there may
be a correlation between seat location,
seat selection and student performance.
However, these studies are usually
executed within conventional lecture
halls where students are assigned
either tablet arm chairs or desks where
they need to express their individuality
by controlling their environment. In
case of design courses however, the relationship
modes of the students with
the instructors and with their peers
change extensively.
Miura and Sugihara (2011) define
studio as a place where students constantly
interact within a group, with
their peers and mentors. As Webster
(2008) and Dutton (1991) emphasize,
architectural education orients students
into some aesthetic and ethical
values along with specific manners and
language, in which peer motivation
gains more importance compared to
conventional lecture based methods.
Social interaction is among the essential
qualities of design education where
training is based on table critiques and
face to face discussions, therefore studios
should provide the formation of
desired interaction. Ideally architectural
school layouts are supposed to provide
the optimum settings as an exemplar
for the design students. Especially
design studio layouts equipped with
movable drafting tables, computer stations,
modelling spaces and reference
shelves are considered to be a necessity
for widening the scope of design
intellect. However, especially in newly
established institutions, limitations of
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü

43
the classroom facilities and teaching
resources necessitate cases where the
pragmatic solutions are deemed to be
crucial. In these cases the courses vary
according to the weekly schedule within
the limits of the same studio space,
where classically arranged rows and
columns based seating pattern is observed.
This type of layout indicates
a focus on the instructor similar to a
theoretical lecture; on the other hand,
students’ seating also gains importance
on the basis of providing concentration
on the individual work or keeping
uninterrupted eye contact with the instructor.
Also, in classically arranged
rows and columns based studio layout,
the instructors’ movement pattern between
the tables and the visual field of
students become the most important
modes of communication between the
students and instructors.
The layout of the physical setting
and the seating arrangements, are interrelated
with the user behaviour
patterns such as participation, social
interaction and consequent success.
Tables located adjacent to windows or
aisles, middle rows, or back seats, front
lines or wall corners have all various
syntactic values in terms of integration.
For example, in a study investigating
the relation between privacy preference
and the location of selected seats
in a classroom Pedersen (1994) indicate
that, students who chose to sit in
the back of the classroom desire to be
out of the visual field and wanted less
Figure 1. Student participation in a classic row and column layout
(Adapted from Sommer, 1969).
involvement with others. On the other
hand, seating pattern studies searching
the best layout for prevention of cheating
by Pomales-Garcia et al. (2009)
have concluded that concentric rectangles
and look away arrangements are
better alternatives to traditional classroom
seating. Prevention of cheating
necessitates non-contact between the
students; so this situation is just the opposite
of what is expected and desired
in a design studio. Sommer (1969)
found out that in row-and-column
arrangements student participation
in the front row and in the middle of
each row is the highest as it is indicated
in Figure 1; while for example, in the
U-shaped arrangement the class participation
was the highest among students
sitting directly across from the
instructor. Kaya and Burgess (2007)
on the other hand compare traditional
setting and U-shaped arrangement in
the context of social interaction. They
emphasize that U-shaped configuration
in classroom layouts generates an
increased sense of community, eases
discussion and promotes social interaction
while, the traditional rows and
columns layout helps the concentration
especially on teacher centred lecture
based courses. In their research, they
have also concluded that in rows and
columns layout, seats that are located
on the sides are territorially claimed
compared to middle seats. This finding
may be similar to the situation of
this research where the assumption includes
that the tables located alongside
the movement axis are considered as
syntactically integrated and therefore
are likely to be preferred by the students.
Wang, et al. (2010) emphasize that
the needed knowledge in architectural
design studio, is dynamic and complicated,
in a way that an individual student’s
knowledge is no longer sufficient
to complete a good design project.
McCormick, (2004) mentions the importance
of knowledge sharing and resource
exchange in dealing with complex
design projects, whereas, Chiu
and Shih (2005) emphasize the notion
of peer to peer learning, indicating the
importance of cooperation in a design
studio as a learning alliance. These aspects
are crucial to differentiate the seat
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?

44
selection of a design student who has
to keep communication and social interaction
both with the instructors and
the peers, in order to come up with a
good design. However, during the first
few weeks of the freshman year, this
social interaction is usually not settled
yet. Ünlü et al. (2001) remark that social
intelligibility of a space is not fully
linked to social interaction level among
users, but it is correlated to visual capacity
of the environment. Thus, the
research hypothesis assumes that regarding
inexistent habitual attachment
to specific seats, the low levels of acquaintances
and yet lacking friendship
bonds, the students are free to choose
the seats they will occupy. Therefore,
this research explores the students’
preference of seating on the basis that
it affects the consequent success of the
student, in terms of social interaction
and movement pattern of instructors.
The mentioned social interaction both
with peers and instructors and the
movement pattern of instructors are
tested in an actually unfit medium for
design studio with fixed physical layout
of rows and columns.
2. Case study area and limitations
Physical characteristics of studios in
terms of shape or size, drafting table
layouts, position and width of the circulation
axes are among the important
aspects of social interaction between
the students and thus, seat selection.
Referring to Georgiadou’s (2003), research
done in the context of child care
centres, in settings where internal configuration
produces easily supervised
areas, there seems to be less rigorous
control needed and so autonomy for
children can be offered.
This situation is similar in a design
studio context; indeed it is observed
that in studios with smaller dimensions
and smaller cohort sizes, it is
easier to maintain social interaction
through discussions. However this is
unfortunately not the case for this research.
In this research, an actually unfit
medium for design studio with fixed
physical layout of rows and columns is
tested on the basis of students’ social
interaction and the movement pattern
of instructors.
The case study is conducted with
the freshman year basic design studio
students of Architecture and Interior
Architecture departments of Cyprus
International University; a privately
owned university with a student population
less than 10.000 located on a
single campus. As mentioned before,
lack of physical resources necessitates
the studio to be kept in traditional
row-column layout to enable theoretical
courses to be conducted in the same
location as well. As a combined hall of
two smaller units, B221 (Figure 2) is
the largest design studio of the Fine
Arts building with dimensions of 7.8
m by 24.5 m almost totalling an area
of 200 m². Although it faces a western
sun, lacks acoustic comfort and ease
of control for the instructors, with 76
numbered drafting tables, studio embodies
the largest groups of students.
The studio also has a white board on
the northern wall and ceiling fixed
computer controlled equipment pro-
Figure 2. Studio B221 existing layout.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü

45
jecting on this white board as well.
Therefore, in this context, any comparison
between different studio layouts
with differing drafting table organisation
is impossible to explore. However,
behaviour patterns of two different
groups of students of two following
years are compared in a longitudinal
study.
In this aspect it is also important to
mention that in this research, the instructor
group delivering the course
and the studio remained the same
while students changed. The data concerning
the seating preference of the
students gathered from weekly photographs
taken throughout the first few
weeks of the basic design studio courses
in the 2009-2010 and 2010-2011 fall
semesters. Photos from the 3rd, 6th,
9th and the 12th week of the semester
are matched with the drafting tables
the students preferred to sit and the
grades that they have for that specific
week’s studio assignment. The selection
of these weeks based on the exclusion
of initial and final weeks to ensure
attendance and midterm exam weeks
because of a different time schedule.
Keeping the distance of three weeks
apart between the photos also made it
possible for students to forget about the
photo shooting and select their seats in
a more randomly manner.
The sample groups were all students
of architecture and interior architecture
departments however, cohort size
of 2009-2010 was twice larger than the
following year. This is due to the academic
decision of separation of lectures
into groups for a more flexible
weekly schedule. When the number of
students enrolled is smaller than the
number of available seats, their scope
of preference widens, and it would be
possible to differentiate the logic behind
seat selection. However when the
cohort size is just barely equal to the
number of seats available, then the first
come first served rule applies, as it was
seen in the case of 2009-2010 fall semester
students’ seat selection.
Basic design studios introduce a totally
new world for the student with
its own values and behaviours. It is
important for students to see at the
beginning of their education that different
variations may occur in designs
and different results can be achieved.
As the studio is conducted with three
to five instructors depending on the
number of students, instructors take
turns on attending to each student individually
and students can have the
opportunity to receive different design
opinions. Thus, receiving critics from
different instructors consolidates what
the instructors have been pointing
out. Therefore, students’ interaction
and visual contact within the studio
space, both with peers and instructors
were the crucial aspect of the research.
There were two policies of the
researched basic design studio; one of
them was to integrate basic design with
space using short-term and daily studies
that would create a design identity
on an individual basis and the second
one was to plan longer-term projects of
team work that would create a sense of
belonging, shown in Table 1. Therefore,
it is assumed that for the daily assignments
students would seek social interaction
with the instructors by means of
table critiques. On the other hand, the
assumption is opposite for the short
term group studies. The students select
seats within close vicinity of the groupmembers
to bond with them, while
they disregard social interaction with
the instructors. However, in this research
only the results of daily assignments
are explored.
Students who have failed in attendance
and the ones who had not
submitted more than one of the assignments
of the observed week were
excluded from the sample set. A total
of 72 student grades from 2009-2010
fall semester and 36 student grades
Table 1. Basic Design Studio conception.
Design Methods
Studio
Aims
Individual Work
Development of a Designer Identity
Teamwork
Development of Sense of Belonging
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?

46
from 2010-2011 fall semester are com-
WWpared on the basis of their daily individual
applications, and the syntactic
values of the seat positions that they
have selected with regression analysis
and Spearman’s rho correlation test in
SPSS.
3. Space syntax methodology and
analyses
Space syntax is defined as the set of
rules that generate different spatial arrangements
(Hillier and Leaman, 1974;
Hillier et al., 1987). Space syntax is also
used as a theory and a method in order
to define the structural environment.
According to this theory, there are relations
among the exterior forces and
the social forces, which generate the
forms. As for the architectural point of
view, space syntax helps to understand
the interaction of design objectives and
characteristics with social restrictions
and formal possibilities. The essential
concept of syntactic approach assumes
that the interior and exterior geometry
of spaces are shaped according to certain
cultural considerations and these
forms also affect social relations in one
way or another. According to Hanson
& Conroy Dalton (2007), space syntax
is built on three distinct spatial units,
each having a different representation.
These are the axial lines, convex spaces
and visual fields called as isovists. Axial
lines denote movement as movement is
essentially a linear activity. Social interaction
on the other hand, necessitates
a convex space in which all points of
space can be seen from all other points,
or users. Using convex shapes, and axial
lines, space syntax data can be calculated
mathematically in order to represent,
quantify and interpret spatial
configuration and visual perception.
The University of Michigan registered
software, Syntax 2D is used in for the
analyses of the mentioned syntactic
properties. In this research integration
values along with mean depth data are
used to explore the socially active and
passive sections of the studio layout. In
an architectural layout, integration denotes
the socio-petal aspects, whereas
the depth denote the opposite, almost
hidden sections of the layout. On the
other hand, visual scope that describes
the visual area and the visual boundary
of the users is another determinant to
be considered. An isovist is the directly
visible area within the space and the
visual field changes when people move
around in spaces. Therefore, both the
visual scope of the instructors if seated
on the assigned seat and the visual
scope of the students on the preferred
seats reveal the seen/unseen sections of
the layout.
When working with syntactic aspects,
the initial concern was the
movement of instructors and the accessibility
of drafting tables by peers or
instructors. The assumption was that
the instructors can give table critiques
or the student may stand up and go to
the instructor or any other peer’s table
for interaction. In this scenario, the position
of the unmovable tables within
the rows and columns layout was important.
The drafting tables acted as
blocking walls and they can only be
reached by moving the assigned stools
in front of them. Therefore, the integration
analysis of the studio layout is
calculated according to the blockage of
the drafting tables (Figure 3). The tables
just adjacent to circulation path in
the centre and the ones with a room in
Figure 3. Studio B221 integration analysis.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü

47
Figure 4. Integration analysis with people blocking the view.
Figure 5. Visual scope of each seat assigned for students.
front of them for an instructor to stop
by and comment are assumed to be
more accessible and therefore, should
be initially preferred by students who
seek interaction with the instructors or
peers through movement.
The second concern on the other
hand, was the visual scope of each
stool, i.e., the students themselves, in
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?
relation to instructors or peers (Figures
4 and 5). In this scenario, the
sitting mode was taken into consideration.
Thus the positions of tables are
neglected, as if the floor was raised to
table height, while the position of the
stools and so the students sitting on
them, gained importance. The assumption
here is again the students who
seek interaction especially with the
instructors would select the seats with
wide visual range or other seats to keep
an eye on the peers in case they come
up with something interesting or such.
Although the isovists have the capability
of showing a visual scope of 360°,
selected isovist nodes are all positioned
to face the board, thus the instructors.
In order to maintain this, the stools are
considered as the blocking objects with
students sitting on them. Therefore
student’s default visual field is set to be
towards the front to communicate with
the instructors and sideways to communicate
with peers.
The last concern here was the actual
visual scope of the instructor in sitting
mode (Figure 6). Although this specific
position provides a single datum, it was
considered important especially for the
social interaction between the instructor
and the students selecting seats
from the front rows. Therefore, this
analysis is conducted solely with the
thirty four seats that are within the visual
scope of the instructor. However, it
is also interesting to see that as the students
sitting next to the corridor seats
at the back of the studio can still keep
their eye contact with the instructors
as well as their peers (Figure 5) consistent
with the high integration values
of these seats and longer isovist perimeters.
On the other hand, students on

48
Figure 6. Visual scope of the instructor.
the back seats are completely hidden
from the instructor’s view while their
large isovist area enables them to keep
visual contact with their peers.
4. Conclusions and discussion
The integration results show the
accessibility of the tables, while the
isovist parameters show visual scope
of the students, as well as the instructor.
Correlation results from the daily
assignment average on the predetermined
weeks vs. the related seat’s syntactic
values are conducted separately
for the fall semesters of both academic
years. In all of the analyses, the students’
grades are considered as dependent
variables, while the syntactic values
are independent. The results of the
regression analysis are shown in Table
2. Regression analysis is investigated
with the R values with significance
between -1 and +1. It is assumed that
the third week results would indicate a
rather random range owing to lack of
lesser prior experience, while following
weeks would fall into a better range of
correlations.
Therefore, according to Table 2, integration
level and success relationship
is only seen on the relatively crowded
group’s early settlement. The isovist
area values of the seats present no correlation
with grades, while isovist perimeters,
i.e. the farthest distance that
can be seen while working on the table
are worth noting. Although the values
shown in the table can be regarded
Table 2. Fall semester regression analyses from both academic years with df=75.
integration isovist area isovist perimeter
3rd week
grades
2009-2010
2010-2011
R=0.225
(p= 0,05=0,05)
R=0.146
(p= 0,208>0,05)
R=0.131
(p= 0,26>0,05)
R=0.093
(p= 0,422>0,05)
R=0.101
(p= 0,384>0,05)
R=0.189
(p= 0,101>0,05)
6th week
grades
2009-2010
2010-2011
R=0.017
(p= 0,887>0,05)
R=0.143
(p= 0,218>0,05)
R=0.062
(p= 0,595>0,05)
R=0.034
(p= 0,770>0,05)
R=0.221
(p= 0,055>0,05)
R=0.335
(p= 0,030,05)
R=0.134
(p= 0,248>0,05)
R=0.001
(p= 0,996>0,05)
R=0.02
(p= 0,863>0,05)
R=0.093
(p= 0,423>0,05)
R=0.144
(p= 0,215>0,05)
12th
week
grades
2009-2010
2010-2011
R=0.201
(p= 0,082>0,05)
R=0.159
(p= 0,169>0,05)
R=0.073
(p= 0,529>0,05)
R=0.062
(p= 0,596>0,05)
R=0.306
(p= 0,007

49
as mild correlations, the significance
of isovist perimeter values versus the
grades of sixth and twelfth weeks of
both years is interestingly striking.
When we compare the outcomes
in the Spearman’s rho, the correlation
between the 3rd week grades of the
2009-2010 fall semester with integration
values shows a high significance
with r(76) = 0.428, p < 0.01, complying
with the regression analysis results
of Table 2. However, integration vs the
grades of this year are striking. We see
correlation between the integration
and 6th week grades of the 2009-2010
fall semester as r(76) = 0.284, p < 0.05,
whereas 9th week grades and integration
correlation is r(76) = 0.319, p <
0.01, and lastly comparing 12th week
grades, a strong correlation appears
as r(76) = 0.456, p < 0.01. This situation
indicates that when the medium
is crowded and early seat selection is
crucial for interaction with instructors,
then the position of the tables located
alongside of the circulation path gains
importance.
On the other hand, for 2010-2011
fall semester, where the seat selection
options were more diverse than the
previous year, there appears to be a
strong negative correlation with isovist
perimeter, in the 6th week grades
r(76) = -0.359, p < 0.01, indicating that
the students have selected seats on the
front rows and mainly next to wall or
window. While the 3rd and 9th week
results don’t show significance again
complying with Table 2, there appears
to be another inverse correlation for
isovist perimeter in 12th week as r(76)
= -0.369, p < 0.01 indicating a similar
seat selection with the 6th week.
The similar situation is also seen in
the comparison with grades of the 9th
week of 2009-2010 fall semester; where
it gives us a negative correlation of r(76)
= -0.250, p < 0.05. Inverse correlation
means that there’s a relation between
the isovist perimeters and the failure of
the students instead of success.
The instructor’s visual scope as
shown in Figure 6, however, has not
presented the expected correlations.
Spearman correlations between the
syntactic properties of the 34 seats that
fall within the scope of the instructor’s
visual field and the actual grades of the
students who have selected these seats
initially showed that visual field of the
students with respect to their proximity
to seated instructors had no impact
on the grades. While isovist area and
isovist perimeter presented no connection
to the obtained grades, isovist circularity
showed a negative correlation
of r (34) = -0.353, p < 0.05, from the 6th
week of 2010-2011 fall semester. Benedikt
(1979) describes isovist circularity
as another measure of compactness or
complexity of the visual field like area
and perimeter which don’t change according
to vantage point. This result
may imply that if given a variety of
seat choice, the students prefer to have
a small amount of visual contact with
the instructors rather than a full scope
or none. While the extent of this visual
contact is more important than the
width of visual range, it still does not
give any valid information about the
success level of the student.
Although the unequal size of cohort
may necessitate cautious interpretations,
there are still some interesting results
to be discussed. The results of the
research imply a relationship between
the seat selection and grades, in terms
of physical and visual accessibility. The
integration based correlations are seen
mainly in the 2009-2010 fall semester
where the student group is large, and
sitting on the preferred table is a matter
of coincidence, unless the student intentionally
comes to the studio earlier.
In the case of 2010-2011 fall semester
however, since the number of students
are almost half of the number of seats,
the students of this group have a wider
range of selection. It is seen that these
students prefer to take first rows for a
higher level of social interaction with
the instructors, seats alongside the circulation
axis for easy access and seats
alongside the wall or window for longer
visual scope.
It is also discerned that, different cohort
sizes also seem to affect the success
of the basic design education. The ideal
ratio of design studio lecturer per student
changes between 8-15 according
to semester and level of design complexity,
however, it is seen that meeting
the quantity requirements does not
automatically satisfy the desired design
quality. Having a group with cohort
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?

50
size not exceeding 35 opposed to a
larger group also verifies the test results
as well. When the students have an opportunity
to select seats from a variety
of tables, they prefer to prioritize their
visual scope rather than accessibility;
however this visual scope is mostly
related with peer vision or general
panorama of either studio or exterior
space. While in design studios successful
students show no significance in
seat selection unlike theoretical lecture
halls, average and upper average students
prefer easy access to instructors’
circulation paths and instructors’ visual
field by selecting front rows.
It was also assumed that the value
of isovist area would be important
as it denotes the width of the visual
scope; however the results showed no
significance. This would have been
more important maybe in a lecture
hall, where a clear view of the board
or stage would be prioritized. However,
the nature of any design studio also
involves the movement of students as
well as the instructors. Since usually, it
allowed eating and drinking during the
studio hours, the students select their
tables for a longer period than any lecture
based course. Therefore average or
unsuccessful students seem to attach
importance not to the easy accessibility
of their tables either by the instructors
or their peers but instead they prefer to
have a longer visual axis, so as to control
the instructors or their peers. That
is why, for example if there is someone
important for them, who is getting a
critique from the instructors, they can
easily come to listen as well, or check
if someone is using a different material
or having a better model. This situation
also confirms the importance of information
sharing and peer to peer learning
through social interaction especially
in design as denoted by Wang, et al.
(2010); McCormick, (2004); Chiu and
Shih, (2005). It may also be concluded
that, regarding the student interaction
thus desired peer to peer collaboration,
traditional seating pattern with accessible
movement routes, without walls
and column like barriers that hinders
visual scope can still be safely used in a
studio layout.
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Temel Tasarım Stüdyolarında başarı:
Yer seçimi bir avantaj olabilir mi?
1. Stüdyolarda sosyal etkileşim
Tüm tasarım programlarının esasını
tasarım probleminin verileri,
çıktıları ile sorunlarının incelendiği
stüdyo dersleri oluşturur. Öğrencilerin
eğitimlerinin başlarından itibaren
tasarımda farklı çeşitlemelerin ve sonuçların
olabileceğini görebilmeleri
gerekir, çünkü öğrencilerin özgün tasarım,
çizim ve sunum yapması esastır.
Bu nedenle, tasarım stüdyolarında
öğrencilerin özgün tasarım süreçlerini
tek tek ele alacak, projenin gelişimini
denetleyecek ve öğrencilerin de kendilerinden
farklı tasarım görüşlerini alabilecekleri
birden çok eğitmen bulunabilir.
Bu tür bir eğitim yöntemi yüz
yüze oturma düzenleriyle dışadönük
davranışı olduğu kadar, eğitmenler ile
öğrenciler arasında dengeli bir iletişim
kurulmasını da gerektirir. Ancak çoğu
zaman, bu özgün eğitim yönteminin
avantajlarının birinci sınıf öğrencileri
tarafından farkedilmesi zaman alır.
Öğrencilerin üniversite binalarındaki
sosyal davranışları, birbirleriyle olan
sosyal etkileşimleri ve toplanma alanları
özellikle tasarım programları açısından
son derece önemlidir. Ancak,
Miura ve Sugihara’nın (2011) öğrencilerin
arkadaşları ya da eğitmenleri ile
sürekli olarak etkileşimde oldukları bir
yer olarak tanımladıkları stüdyoların
oturma düzenleri de araştırılmaya değerdir.
Sosyal etkileşim masaüstü eleştirilere
ve yüz yüze tartışmaya dayanan
tasarım eğitiminin temel özelliklerindendir,
bu nedenle stüdyolar istenen
etkileşimi sağlayabilmelidirler.
Öğrencilerin çeşitli sınıf düzenlerindeki
oturma tercihlerini görüş alanından
çok savunma odaklı egemenlik
alanı davranışına bağlayan çalışmalar
bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmalarda büyük
ölçekli sınıflarda öğrenci ile eğitmen
arasındaki uzaklık arttıkça öğrenmenin
güçleştiği, ön sıralarda oturan
öğrencilerin arka sıralarda oturanlara
oranla daha yüksek notlar aldığı,
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?

52
yer seçimi alışkanlığının devama ve
performansa etki ettiği gibi sonuçlara
varılmıştır. Ancak bu çalışmalar her
öğrenciye kolçaklı bir sandalye verilen
ve bireyselliği hedefleyen kuramsal
içerikli derslerin verildiği geleneksel
dersliklerde yürütülmüştür. Tasarım
stüdyolarında ise öğrencilerin gerek
arkadaşlarıyla gerekse eğitmenlerle
farklı ilişkileri vardır.
Mimarlık okullarında stüdyo düzenlerinin
hareketli çizim masaları, bilgisayar
donanımları, maket tezgâhları
ve referans kütüphaneleriyle öğrenciye
örnek olması beklenmekle birlikte,
özellikle tasarım eğitimine yeni başlayan
kurumlardaki bazı kısıtlar daha
yararcı çözümleri gerektirebilir. Aynı
stüdyonun kuramsal dersler için de
kullanıldığı geleneksel sıra düzeninde
oluşturulmuş mekânlarda odak noktası
eğitmendir ve eğitmenin masa dizileri
arasında dolaşırken öğrenciler ile
kuracağı göz teması önemlidir.
Fiziksel mekândaki oturma düzeni,
sosyal etkileşim, derse katılma ve kullanıcının
başarısı ile ilişkilidir. Pencere
veya koridor yanındaki oturma elemanları,
ön, orta ve arka sıraların her
birinin bütünleşme değerleri farklıdır.
Mahremiyet odaklı bir çalışmada Pedersen
(1994) arka sıralarda oturan
öğrencilerin görüş alanından ve diğerleriyle
etkileşimden uzak olmayı tercih
ettiklerini, Pomales-Garcia ve diğerleri
(2009) ise, herkesin birbirinden farklı
noktalara baktığı merkezi dikdörtgen
düzenlerin kopya çekmeyi engellediğini
öne sürerler. Oysa, bu tür bir düzen
etkileşimi azalttığı ya da engellediği
için tasarım stüdyosunda istenenin
tam tersidir. Diğer yandan, geleneksel
sıra dizisiyle oluşturulmuş dersliklerin
U düzenle karşılaştırıldığı çalışmalarda
(Sommer, 1969; Kaya ve Burgess,
2007), ön ve orta sıralardaki öğrencilerin
derse katılımının daha yüksek
düzeyde olduğu ancak bu tür ortamlarda
odak noktasının eğitmen olduğu,
U düzende ise eğitmenin tam karşısındaki
öğrenciler daha katılımcıyken ortamın
kendisinin tartışmayı ve sosyal
etkileşimi özendirdiği savunulur.
Tasarım stüdyosunda gerek duyulan
bilginin dinamik ve karmaşık yapısı
nedeniyle öğrenciler arasında bilgi ve
kaynak paylaşımının önemi artmakta
(Wang ve diğ., 2010; McCormick,
2004) ve akranlar arası öğrenme ile
mesleğin özündeki disiplinler arası
çalışma alışkanlığı oluşmaktadır. Bu
nedenle, gerek eğitmenler gerekse arkadaşlar
ile iletişim kurmayı sağlayacak
yer seçimi iyi bir proje ortaya koyabilmek
açısından önemlidir. Ancak
birinci sınıfın ilk haftalarında sosyal
etkileşim henüz tam olarak kurulmamıştır.
Bu araştırmanın hipotezi henüz
belirli yerlere karşı oluşmamış olan
alışkanlık, kurulmamış sosyal ve arkadaşlık
bağları nedeniyle öğrencilerin
yer seçiminde daha bağımsız olacakları
ve sabit düzendeki bir stüdyoda kuracakları
sosyal etkileşimin başarılarını
etkileyeceğidir.
2. Araştırma alanı ve kısıtlar
Kolayca denetlenebilen sınırlı ortamlardaki
küçük gruplar arasında
sosyal etkileşimin oluşması daha kolaydır
ve tasarım stüdyoları açısından
da bu istenen bir özelliktir. Ancak bu
araştırma için seçilen alan tüm bu
ideal şartların dışında kalan bir stüdyodur.
Geleneksel sıra düzeninde 76
çizim masası alabilen 200 m²’lik bu
stüdyo, özel bir üniversitenin birinci
sınıf mimarlık ve iç mimarlık öğrencileri
ile ardışık iki yıl yapılan temel
tasarım dersinde kullanılan ve kısıtlı
fiziksel kaynaklar nedeniyle kuramsal
derslerin de aynı yerde yürütüldüğü
bir mekândır. Eğitmen grubunun aynı
kaldığı, 2009-2010 ve 2010-2011 güz
yarıyıllarını içeren çalışmada, 3, 6, 9
ve 12. haftalarda çekilen fotoğraflarla
öğrencilerin yer seçimleri belirlenerek
bu haftalara ait uygulamalarda aldıkları
notlarla karşılaştırılmıştır. İncelenen
iki yarıyıldaki önemli bir fark da 72 ve
36 öğrenci ile ikinci yıla ait öğrenci sayısının
ilk yılın yarısı kadar olduğudur.
Yer seçimi havuzunu etkileyen bu fark
sonuçlara da yansımıştır. Öğrencilerin
eğitmenlerle ve arkadaşlarıyla farklı
sosyal etkileşim alanını kullanacağı
varsayılan günlük uygulamalar, stüdyo
oturma düzeni, eğitmenlerin dolaşım
aksı ile görüş açılarının dizimsel değerleri
regresyon analizi ve Spearman
korelasyonları ile karşılaştırılmıştır.
3. Mekânsal dizim yöntemi ve analizleri
Mekânsal dizim çeşitli mekânsal düzenleri
üreten kurallar dizisi olarak ta-
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü

53
nımlanabilir (Hillier ve Leaman, 1974;
Hillier ve diğ., 1987). Hanson ve Conroy
Dalton’a (2007), göre mekânsal dizimde
farklı gösterim biçimleri olan üç
birim bulunur; bunlar hareket belirten
aks çizgileri, sosyal etkileşim belirten
dışbükey mekânlar ve görsel kapsamı
belirten eşgörüş alanlarıdır. Mimari
düzende bütünleşme değerleri dışadönüklüğü,
derinlik ise gizli alanları belirtir.
Bu çalışmada çizim masalarının
dolaşıma ve erişime olanak sağlayan
düzenlerini araştırmak için bütünleşme
değerleri, sosyal etkileşim için ise
gerek eğitmenlerin gerekse öğrencilerin
oturur durumdaki eşgörüş alanları
dikkate alınmıştır. Çizim masalarının
erişilebilirliği ve eğitmenlerin masalar
arasındaki dolaşım aksının bütünleşme
değerleri için masalar sabit kabul
edilmiş, her bir taburenin görüş alanı
için ise masaların konumu gözardı
edilmiş ve en geniş görüş açısı araştırılmıştır.
Eğitmenin görüş açısına giren
masalar ayrıca analiz edilmiş ve özellikle
stüdyonun arkalarında yer alan
masalardaki öğrencilerin eğitmenin
görüş açısından tamamen gizlenmelerine
rağmen arkadaşlarıyla göz kontağı
kurmaya devam ettikleri için bu masaları
tercih ettikleri görülmüştür.
4. Sonuçlar ve tartışma
Yapılan analizlerde öğrencilerin
notları bağımlı değişken, dizimsel veriler
ise bağımsız değişken olarak ele
alınmıştır. Tablo 2’de verilen sonuçlara
göre, başarı ve bütünleşme değeri
ilişkisi ancak kalabalık grubun ilk haftalarında
görülmüştür; buna rağmen
öğrenci sayısının neredeyse masa sayısına
eşit olduğu bu dönemde sonuçlar
rastlantısaldır. Bir sonraki yılda ise, seçenek
çok daha fazlayken, orta düzeyin
üstündeki öğrencilerin eğitmenlerle
etkileşim için öndeki masaları, kolay
erişim için dolaşım hattı boyundaki
masaları, geniş görüş açısı için ise pencere
veya duvar kenarlarındaki masaları
tercih ettikleri görülmüştür. Öğrencilerin
seçenekleri fazla olduğu zaman
fiziksel erişim yerine geniş görüş alanını
tercih ettikleri; ancak bu geniş görüş
alanının önceliğinin arkadaş ya da
manzara olduğu, eğitmen etkileşimiyle
ilişkili olmadığı görülmüştür.
Eğitmenlerin eşgörüş alanlarının
öğrenci yer seçimi ve başarısıyla belirgin
bir ilişkisi görülmezken, stüdyo kuramsal
derslere oranla içinde daha çok
zaman geçirilen bir yer olduğu için,
eşgörüş çevresi her iki yıl sonuçlarında
da özellikle orta ve düşük düzeyde başarılı
öğrencilerin tercihleri açısından
anlamlıdır. Bu araştırma tasarım süreci
açısından ideal olmamakla birlikte, erişim
kolaylığı sağlanabilen geleneksel
masa düzeninde oluşturulmuş stüdyoların
da hâlâ kullanışlı olmaya devam
ettiğini göstermektedir.
Success in Basic Design Studios: Can seat selection be an advantage?

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 55-70
Tracing a biennial layout:
Experiencing an exhibition layout
through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul
Biennial
Mehmet Emin ŞALGAMCIOĞLU 1 , Fitnat CİMŞİT KOŞ 2 , Ervin GARİP 3
1
salgamcioglu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
fitnatcimsit@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Beykent University, Istanbul, Turkey
3
ervingarip@gmail.com • Interior Design and Environmental Design Department,
Faculty of Art and Design, Istanbul Kültür University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
The design of an exhibition gallery and its curatorial intension for either a temporary
exhibition or a permanent museum installation requires understanding
how its morphology influences the use of space, as well as the spatial experiences
of visitors. The morphology of a gallery in terms of its shape and configuration
may affect the display of the artwork, visitors’ activities and their movement
through the space. This paper examines the layout of Antrepo No. 3, the main
exhibition gallery of the 2013 Istanbul Biennial.
This research explores: 1) how museum design influences integrated or segregated
locations, as well as visitors’ use of the space during their visits; 2) how
spatial layouts influence visitors’ explorations in gallery spaces; 3) which spaces
are more or less visited; and 4) what the predominate path is depending on the
number of visitors during a specific period of time. Answers to these questions
are crucial for this study to understand the impact of the morphology of space on
museum visitors. In this sense, syntactic correlations are key to grasping the idea
of morphology and visitor experience relations in a curated space in exhibition
design.
For this investigation, gate counts within the exhibition space and snapshots
showing the number of people and their patterns of interaction with the exhibition
are correlated with syntactic parameters. Visitors’ spatial experiences and
the use of the overall layout depending on the number of visitors during a certain
period of time in a specific convex space are taken into account.
Keywords
Building morphology, Exhibition architecture, Space syntax, Spatial layout, Syntactic
analysis.

56
1. Introduction
Built space is composed of patterns
that are interrelated through different
syntactic and semantic layers, and museum
space layouts are no exception.
According to Peponis and Wineman
(2003), built space is to be understood
as a relational pattern supporting that
situation: “A pattern of distinctions,
separations, interfaces, and connections,
a pattern that integrates, segregates,
or differentiates its parts in
relation to each other” (Peponis and
Wineman, 2003). The built environment
has a “social logic” (Hillier and
Hanson, 1984) that relates to the layout,
the pattern of the space that hosts
the activities of daily life or special occasions
such as temporary or permanent
curated museum exhibitions.
Spaces of the built environment such
as museum spaces also structure social
relationships such that society and culture
become intelligible through their
spatial form (Peponis and Wineman,
2003).
2. Antrepo No. 3 and the conceptual
framework of the 2013 Istanbul Biennial
Antrepo is a complex made up of 4
buildings previously used as warehouses
at the Salıpazarı Harbour in the district
of Tophane, Istanbul (Figure 1).
The buildings have been used as venues
for various Istanbul Biennials, and Antrepo
3 was in fact honored as the best
venue of the Istanbul Biennials. Antrepo
3 has previously housed major
artworks by contemporary artists such
as Renée Green, Hung-Chih Peng, Yan
Pei Ming, Ivan Grubanov, and Michael
Rakowitz. The venue also houses art
fairs as well as temporary exhibitions
other than the Istanbul Biennials. The
neighboring building, Antrepo No. 4,
houses the Istanbul Modern Art Museum.
The conceptual framework of the
13th Istanbul Biennial is based on the
main theme, “Mom, Am I a Barbarian?”
Curator Fulya Erdemci declared
that, “The notion of the public domain
as a political forum will be the focal
point of the 13th Istanbul Biennial. This
highly contested concept will serve as a
matrix to generate ideas and develop
practices that question contemporary
forms of democracy, challenge current
models of spatio-economic politics,
problematize the given concepts of civilization
and barbarity as standardized
positions and languages and, above all,
unfold the role of contemporary art as
an agent that both makes and unmakes
what is considered public.” (Anon,
2015) This idea is grounded in diverse
historic, philosophical, theoretical and
geo-political ideas. Questions of democracy,
equality, civic rights and political
debate are interpreted through
the works in the Biennial largely in the
main venue, Antrepo No 3. “From the
existence of an artwork to the freedom
of social media and the designation of
urban spaces as public, the notion of
public domain can cover a vast area
where social engagement and political
public debate are possible. It is this potentiality
of public domain discourse
that the exhibition aims to articulate.”
(Anon, 2015)
The curated artwork in the exhibition
is organized by several themes:
fragility: “Am I Not A Citizen?”; spatio-economic
justice: “How Is It Possible
To Be ‘Rich’ In A World That Is
Steadily Growing Poorer?”; agoraphobia:
“Istanbul Is Ready, Target 2023”;
the public domain as a battle-ground:
“Conflict Or Consensus?”; and ‘Between
Agency And Action’. Reflections
of these themes are also seen in
the works presented in Antrepo No.
3 (Figure 3); a list of exhibiting artists
Figure 1. 2013 map of Istanbul Biennial spaces, highlighting
Antrepo No. 3 in relation to the Bosphorus, the Golden Horn and
the historic peninsula of Istanbul.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş, E. Garip

57
is provided in this paper according to
the locations of their artwork in the
building (Figure 2). The syntactic values,
such as the integration of visual
and accessibility concerns in locating
the artists’ work, the circularity values
of the convex spaces in which the artworks
exist, and the visitor frequencies
depending on the convex spaces and in
relation to the works of these artists are
also considered in this paper.
3. Research goals and relationship to
existing theory and previous studies
This research seeks to explore the
main venue of the 2013 Istanbul Biennial,
Antrepo No. 3, through syntactic
analysis and semantic explorations.
This study includes the interpretations
about the morphology of exhibition
spaces’ in terms of building morphology
issues and explores the relations
between the frequency of people and
syntactic values of spaces. The relation
between the geometry of the spaces
and the perception issues in relation
with the movement of visitors in those
spaces are important in this study. In
that sense, the term “building morphology”
includes the issues about
the shape of convex spaces that people
move in or through while they are visiting
the exhibition space. The physical
pattern and the overall structure, layout
of the exhibition venue, in terms
of geometrical measures and shape
characteristics of its convex spaces are
important building morphology issues
in relation with the syntactic measures
such as “circularity” and “integration”.
Experiencing the temporary exhibition
layout of Antrepo No. 3 (Figure 2
& Figure 3) is crucial to understanding
the syntactic and semantic patterns
that complement the social and physical
patterns exposed in this study.
Understanding the nature of Antrepo
No. 3’s layout also requires grasping
the idea of “the theory of natural
movement” (Hillier, Penn, Hanson,
Grajewski, & Xu, 1993), that the distribution
of movement is a function
of spatial configuration. The theory of
“virtual community” (Hillier, 1989) is
also a key to this understanding and
“brings focus to a particular form of
community that is based on the pattern
of coawareness and copresence arising
as a by-product of movement” (Peponis
and Wineman, 2003). From this
perspective, museum spaces hosting
temporary or permanent exhibitions
have the opportunity to attract people
from various communities and act as
a gathering space and a space of information
and burgeoning intellectual
values. Here, the Istanbul Biennial also
acts around these values and its main
venue should be investigated with this
awareness.
In this study, Perception and movement
related issues should also be
grasped in order to understand the
morphology of exhibition layouts
through their syntactic and semantic
dimensions. Kuipers et al.’s (2003)
study on the cognitive maps of movement
of the people describes how visual
perception and cognition plays a
key role in the processes of navigation,
movement, and wayfinding. In relation
with the museum and exhibition environments,
visual perception and accessibility
of the spaces also play a significant
role in movement and wayfinding.
Dalton’s (Zimring & Dalton, 2003) approach
to decisions of people in terms
of visual perception of the space that
is similar to Kuipers et al.’s (2003) approach,
Zimring & Dalton (2003) was
interested in decisions that people
head to during their navigation and in
route choice decisions that are made
at path junctions. “She created an environment
in which participants were
presented with a variety of different
junction types and then noted the sequence
of decisions.” (Zimring & Dalton,
2003). Dalton (Zimring & Dalton,
2003) found that “Angles that deviated
least from a continuous straight heading
were preferable to sharp turns.”.
Another interesting finding was “a
strong evidence that participants tended
to select routes that approximated
a straight line and avoided routes that
were particularly convoluted or meandering.”
(Zimring & Dalton, 2003).
The study of Wineman and Peponis
(2010) point out the issues that construct
spatial meaning through visitors’
movement in museum and exhibition
spaces, “The ways in which visitors are
encouraged to move through an exhibition,
whether along a clearly defined
path or more freely weaving a self-di-
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

58
rected path, will structure the overall
impression of the exhibition.” Wineman
and Peponis (2010) argue these
two polarized point of view and introduces
the term, “spatially guided movement”
and evolve it to “spatially dictated
movement” and “spatially random
movement” from a third point of view
in between these two polarized views.
“Spatially guided movement” kind of
understanding makes the connection,
interrelation of geometrical space with
the perception and movement in space.
The spatial order and form of space is
always a parameter effecting the perception
and movement issues.
Perception and understanding of
visitors in exhibition spaces are constructed
through “patterns of accessibility
through the space of the exhibition,
connections or separations
among spaces or exhibition elements,
sequencing and grouping of elements”
(Wineman and Peponis, 2010).
The issues related with perception
of space and movement of visitors
become more clear when we think of
spatial relations based on patterns of
access and choices effected by visibility,
where the curatorial message of
the exhibition is also a parameter effecting
the decisions. The experience
of the visitors when they start to move
through the exhibition space is also
unfolding based on the artwork and
the order of spaces in relation with the
content (Wineman and Peponis, 2010).
“As a by-product of the exploration
of museum content, visitors are seeing
and being seen by others. Thus, museums
function to construct a sense of
community arising according to patterns
of otherwise random copresence”
(Wineman and Peponis, 2010; Hillier,
Peponis, & Simpson, 1982; Peponis &
Hedin, 1982). Actually, the circulation
pattern and visibility sequence of the
artwork were mentioned as key issues
earlier in terms of cultural function
in the literature (Gilman, 1923; Levin,
1983; Montaner & Oliveras, 1986).
In this study, examining the physical
layout of exhibition spaces became
possible using techniques of spatial
analysis. Space syntax analysis is based
on isovists (Benedikt, 1979; Hillier
and Hanson, 1984); visual perception
is taken into account and measures of
Figure 2. Location of the artists throughout the exhibition space
of Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial.
Figure 3. Various views from the exhibition space of Antrepo No.
3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial (View from Artist 42-Upper left;
Artist 3&4-Upper right; Artist 2-Lower right; Artist 42&43-Lower
left in relation with Figure 2).
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş, E. Garip

59
accessibility and movement are also
considered in the analysis. The key
definitions of space syntax theory and
methodology, such as isovists and convex
space (Hillier et al., 1987), should
also be introduced for a better understanding
of the concepts of space syntax
and exhibition space in this study.
An isovist is a concept of spatial recognition
that defines any particular viewpoint
in a space by its visibility field;
the visibility field of a single viewpoint
can also be called the isovist field.
Understanding the presence of the
artwork in the exhibition space and
the visitor frequency at the venue in
relation to the isovist fields is crucial
to understanding whether there is a
correlation between the physical characteristics
of the space and visitor frequencies
depending on different convex
spaces in the exhibition venue.
As Hillier et al. (1993) note in Figure
4, beyond the relationship between
visitor frequency and the configuration
of the space in the exhibition area, depending
on the morphology of convex
spaces as a whole, while attractors and
movement may be mutually influential,
the other two relationships are
asymmetrical. The configuration may
influence the location of attractors, but
the location of attractors cannot influence
configuration. Likewise, the configuration
may influence movement,
but movement cannot influence configuration.
If strong correlations are
found between movement and both
configuration and attractors, the only
logically possible lines of influence are
from the configuration to both movement
and attractors, with the latter two
factors influencing each other. In this
study, the relationship between visitor
frequency and configuration is analyzed
in detail; the attractors, namely,
artworks by various artists, are also
considered in this relationship through
certain critical counts within the exhibition
space.
Various techniques of spatial analysis
have been used to discuss the functions
of museums (Peponis & Hedin, 1982;
Wineman & Choi, 1991). Choi (1999)
has analyzed visitors’ paths and found
that integration was significantly correlated
with “tracking scores,” the number
of people who reached each convex
space, and the correlation of tracking
scores with “tracking frequencies” was
investigated. “Spatial variables play an
important role in structuring exploration
even where the purpose of exploration
is not to comprehend the layout
itself but to view the displays in it. Choi
also studied the distribution of people
present in the museum, using normal
behavioral mapping techniques” (Peponis
and Wineman, 2003).
4. Method of analysis in relation to
the aim of the study
The space syntax method will provide
significant data in terms of the
method of analysis and is an important
theory used to define the structural environment.
Used as a syntactic measurement
method in the space syntax field, the
Syntax 2D software developed by
the University of Michigan makes its
calculations starting from a logical
ground built over vision fields we term
“isovists” (Benedikt, 1979; Batty, 2001;
Conroy, 2001; Edgü et al., 2012). As
for the concept of convex space, ap-
Figure 4. Attraction, configuration and movement (Hillier, et. all., 1993).
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

60
proached by scrutinizing interspatial
relations within space syntax theory,
it reduces the differently sized plans,
spaces whose relationships will be examined
as cellular spaces. In space syntax
analyses, studies within the framework
of a base logic that progresses by
examining the relationships among
these cells, or convex spaces, are performed.
Syntax 2D handles the analyses
based on isovists. Within the definition
of an isovist, the walls, furniture,
exhibition systems, artwork and other
systems obstructing our sight in the
space are handled as walls and affect
the determination of the visual field
(Benedikt, 1979; Turner and Penn,
1999; Batty, 2001; Turner et al., 2001;
Conroy, 2001; Ünlü et al., 2009; Edgü
et al., 2012; Salgamcioglu and Unlu,
2013).
For this study, it is key to specify an
analysis method in Syntax 2D that will
allow us to examine the relationships
among the convex spaces of Antrepo
No. 3, depending on the exhibition
venue and visitor frequencies counted
separately for the specified convex
spaces on weekdays and weekends,
which will be described in the next
data analysis section of this study.
Syntax 2D works by creating a grid
fragmentation. A plan proportional to
the actual size of the site was drawn
digitally using AutoCAD (.dwg) and
transferred to the Syntax 2D program.
This enabled us to compare the plan integration
and depth comparison values
through different convex spaces within
the same plan. Visible, perceived field
(on the plan platform) analyses were
performed within this context. This
research explores how integrated or
segregated locations in a museum influence
the installation of artwork, museum
design and visitors’ use of space
during their visits; how spatial layouts
influence visitors’ explorations of a gallery
space; how the integration value of
a space affects the number of visitors
to a specific gallery in the museum;
the impact of visiting time (weekday
or weekend) on the number of visitors
to the museum during a specific period
of time; which spaces are more or
less visited and which artworks more
or less viewed; the predominate path,
depending on the number of visitors
on this path during a specific period of
time; and whether visitor frequencies
in the convex spaces of Antrepo No. 3
are correlated with the syntactic values
of the spaces.
Of the data generated as a result of
the analyses, the data utilized for every
convex space were:
• Mean depth
• Mean integration
• Mean circularity
These three data points are three
of the primary concepts addressed in
space syntax theory. These data were
calculated separately for every convex
space. Subsequently, the values at the
active grids of the exhibition plan were
separated into these three data groups
and added on three different charts,
and a mean data value was obtained for
the three concepts (see Tables 1 and 2).
Contingently, calculations were made
via the arithmetic averaging of the grid
values for every convex space.
To understand the impact of the
morphology of space on visitors, gate
counts and snapshot analyses were
undertaken to understand visibility
relations, the regions described and
isovists. Gate counts for 6 gates (see
Figure 6) in the exhibition gallery,
which provide access to the exhibition
and circulation areas of the exhibition
gallery, are taken into consideration on
a designated route (see Figure 6) for
several time periods. During these gate
counts, snapshots are also used to analyze
the visitor frequencies in each convex
space shown in Figure 5. Snapshots
are created using the observations for
one weekday and one weekend day in
Antrepo No. 3. For both days, observations
for the snapshots and gate counts
were repeated 8 times per day, starting
at 11:00 am and repeating hourly
until 7:00 pm.. At the beginning of
every hour, the researcher walked the
route shown in Figure 6 and counted
the number of visitors in each convex
space (Figure 5). After completing the
visitor count observations by walking
the route, gate counts were taken for a
period of 5 minutes at each gate, starting
from gate 1 and ending at gate 6,
to find the number of visitors passing
through the gates; this is also shown in
Figure 6. These gate count values provide
information about the movement
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş, E. Garip

61
Table 1. Syntactic scores and frequencies (number of visitors) according to the counts made on a weekday at
hourly intervals for all the convex spaces specified in Figure 5.
Convex space
number
Mean
integration
Mean
depth
Mean circularity
Snapshot 11.00 am
weekday
Snapshot 12.00 pm
weekday
Snapshot 13.00 pm
weekday
Snapshot 14.00 pm
weekday
Snapshot 15.00 pm
weekday
Snapshot 16.00 pm
weekday
Snapshot 17.00 pm
weekday
CS1 485785.00 161.52 2.22 8 5 10 6 21 20 9 4
CS2 461897.00 151.65 2.24 10 12 4 24 12 3 4 5
CS3 207877.67 62.14 2.77 10 3 5 12 10 6 12 5
CS4 177923.00 56.12 2.73 2 5 1 15 7 8 1 3
CS5 89785.00 29.67 2.98 3 0 0 5 4 1 0 0
CS6 42111.00 92.59 2.85 20 0 7 11 13 6 4 7
CS7 221267.00 82.03 2.56 4 20 10 4 2 6 8 1
CS8 25659.00 52.66 3.18 1 1 1 2 1 3 3 4
CS9 265665.00 180.15 2.48 4 3 2 1 1 5 0 3
CS10 302639.00 221.84 2.36 1 6 2 3 7 8 1 2
CS11 195888.00 82.88 2.65 4 6 4 4 8 7 1 1
CS12 307059.00 141.57 2.55 10 0 10 6 3 4 6 1
CS13 259832.00 120.83 2.57 28 17 9 9 39 14 18 11
CS14 190268.50 93.32 2.70 2 0 5 0 5 5 2 3
CS15 10535.00 19.07 4.59 4 2 2 5 9 2 2 2
CS16 194992.00 127.12 2.72 1 3 9 5 5 5 5 3
CS17 183702.33 124.98 2.75 2 5 7 6 3 5 3 9
CS18 334739.00 277.37 2.25 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0
CS19 209709.50 178.87 2.55 17 14 7 11 8 5 2 4
CS20 2680.00 20.85 5.63 10 0 11 6 5 1 10 9
CS21 158177.00 118.42 2.65 0 1 3 1 6 5 2 5
CS22 39099.00 48.11 3.51 12 12 2 3 26 3 4 1
CS23 127174.00 150.67 2.67 5 2 2 5 3 5 1 1
CS24 22777.00 23.50 3.98 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0
CS25 52023.00 87.65 2.77 0 0 1 0 1 4 6 0
CS26 333477.00 204.53 2.22 0 7 1 0 0 3 1 0
CS27 148304.00 203.25 2.53 3 0 0 3 3 2 1 0
CS28 136294.00 133.46 2.56 8 0 5 4 4 4 1 13
CS29 65502.00 46.70 2.99 0 0 2 3 4 9 0 0
CS30 244243.75 115.98 2.55 19 10 9 5 7 5 20 3
CS31 3377.00 27.83 3.98 0 3 1 0 12 1 0 0
CS32 160970.00 141.29 2.55 22 12 3 0 8 5 5 2
CS33 237413.00 101.73 2.53 3 16 1 11 10 4 7 7
CS34 312821.00 202.07 2.41 0 3 2 8 0 3 0 0
CS35 61925.00 45.52 4.12 8 7 10 5 9 12 5 8
CS36 10759.00 35.28 3.64 0 1 2 6 0 1 1 1
CS37 351161.00 129.52 2.36 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0
CS38 380872.50 180.00 2.27 1 8 20 5 14 7 9 1
CS39 4474.86 159.37 2.28 5 1 4 6 3 2 5 3
CS40 33192.00 4447.00 3.03 3 8 7 4 3 14 6 1
CS41 10412.00 20.68 4.97 3 0 3 0 0 2 1 2
Snapshot 18.00 pm
weekday
of visitors in the exhibition venue and
will help us understand the movement
between different groups of convex
spaces depending on the syntactic and
curational issues. The number of people
passing through the gates is also
examined by analyzing the space syntax
with Syntax 2D: gate counts are
performed at the 6 gates, the visitor
frequency is noted and the syntactic
scores of the gates are also used to understand
the relationship between the
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

62
Table 2. Syntactic scores and frequencies (number of visitors) according to the counts made on a weekend day at
hourly intervals for all the convex spaces specified in Figure 5.
Convex space number
Mean
integration
Mean
depth
Mean circularity
Snapshot 11.00 am
weekend
Snapshot 12.00 pm
weekend
Snapshot 13.00 pm
weekend
Snapshot 14.00 pm
weekend
Snapshot 15.00 pm
weekend
Snapshot 16.00 pm
weekend
Snapshot 17.00 pm
weekend
CS1 485785.00 161.52 2.22 7 0 7 13 45 11 10 9
CS2 461897.00 151.65 2.24 8 10 15 13 28 32 33 12
CS3 207877.67 62.14 2.77 7 9 18 33 15 35 32 24
CS4 177923.00 56.12 2.73 2 6 12 17 12 21 10 7
CS5 89785.00 29.67 2.98 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
CS6 42111.00 92.59 2.85 5 14 13 7 16 19 16 13
CS7 221267.00 82.03 2.56 0 8 5 15 20 14 20 15
CS8 25659.00 52.66 3.18 2 0 4 1 10 6 9 5
CS9 265665.00 180.15 2.48 3 2 6 8 11 14 6 8
CS10 302639.00 221.84 2.36 10 5 14 17 21 30 17 15
CS11 195888.00 82.88 2.65 8 0 4 2 4 12 8 5
CS12 307059.00 141.57 2.55 12 8 22 4 12 15 9 13
CS13 259832.00 120.83 2.57 19 16 36 33 47 53 46 27
CS14 190268.50 93.32 2.70 0 3 0 2 8 16 10 5
CS15 10535.00 19.07 4.59 3 5 6 7 15 13 7 16
CS16 194992.00 127.12 2.72 2 5 2 9 6 18 11 13
CS17 183702.33 124.98 2.75 0 5 4 20 9 17 16 8
CS18 334739.00 277.37 2.25 1 1 0 0 4 2 8 2
CS19 209709.50 178.87 2.55 4 4 9 8 16 22 4 20
CS20 2680.00 20.85 5.63 6 0 0 0 13 12 12 8
CS21 158177.00 118.42 2.65 6 1 5 7 11 9 26 11
CS22 39099.00 48.11 3.51 0 0 7 1 10 3 21 7
CS23 127174.00 150.67 2.67 3 3 4 0 6 8 8 6
CS24 22777.00 23.50 3.98 0 0 2 0 2 5 15 4
CS25 52023.00 87.65 2.77 0 1 1 9 8 8 7 3
CS26 333477.00 204.53 2.22 1 2 4 3 7 12 6 5
CS27 148304.00 203.25 2.53 1 0 1 2 4 5 0 6
CS28 136294.00 133.46 2.56 2 2 1 3 8 8 5 9
CS29 65502.00 46.70 2.99 8 3 2 2 20 6 13 13
CS30 244243.75 115.98 2.55 13 1 5 11 16 31 14 16
CS31 3377.00 27.83 3.98 1 0 0 2 3 5 6 0
CS32 160970.00 141.29 2.55 1 0 7 9 14 7 18 6
CS33 237413.00 101.73 2.53 7 3 14 9 16 30 18 28
CS34 312821.00 202.07 2.41 2 1 1 3 9 4 3 5
CS35 61925.00 45.52 4.12 9 9 7 8 21 28 41 31
CS36 10759.00 35.28 3.64 2 1 1 10 8 2 0 4
CS37 351161.00 129.52 2.36 0 4 3 2 2 7 1 0
CS38 380872.50 180.00 2.27 5 15 14 7 28 19 1 10
CS39 4474.86 159.37 2.28 0 9 0 4 3 24 1 10
CS40 33192.00 4447.00 3.03 3 3 9 3 6 15 13 23
CS41 10412.00 20.68 4.97 0 0 0 1 5 4 4 6
Snapshot 18.00 pm
weekend
frequency of visitors and the syntactic
measures such as integration, circularity
and mean depth.
To investigate the relationship between
the number of visitors and the
syntactic values of the exhibition space
depending on the convex spaces, gate
counts within the exhibition space
and snapshots showing the number of
people are used. Visitors’ patterns of
interaction within the exhibition are
correlated with syntactic parameters
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş, E. Garip

63
and the results are discussed. During
this investigation, visitors’ spatial experiences,
their contact with exhibition
content and the use of the overall
layout is also considered to gain a better
understanding of the relationship
of syntactic measures and visitor frequency
in the biennial venue.
Finally, the statistical relationships
between the number of people present
during a certain period of time in a
specific convex space and the syntactic
measures of these spaces such as mean
integration, mean depth and circularity
are scrutinized and the correlations
assessed using the Statistical Package
for the Social Sciences (SPSS) program.
5. Data analysis: Comparison of syntactic
values and visitor frequency
As noted above, in this study, it is
important to specify an analysis method
in Syntax 2D to examine the relationships
among convex spaces shown
in Figure 5 depending on the exhibition
venue, i.e., Antrepo No. 3, a schematic
of which is shown in Figure 6.
The visitor frequencies are shown for a
weekday and a weekend day in Tables
1 and 2, respectively, counted at hourly
intervals for the specified convex spaces.
In addition to the convex space analysis,
which depends on the visual field
of the visitors and the accessibility to
the spaces where artwork is exhibited,
the gate count (see Table 3) analysis
notes the visitor frequency (Table
4) and syntactic scores (Figure 7) for
6 gates to understand the relationship
between visitor frequency and syntactic
measures such as integration, circularity
and mean depth. The number of
visitors passing through a gate in the
space of 5 minutes per gate at the selected
hourly intervals in the daytime
is counted to find the frequency data
for gate counts. The gate count data are
used to investigate the relationship between
the syntactic values of the gates
and the movement and circulation of
people throughout the venue.
In the process of this investigation,
the statistical relationships between
the number of people and the syntactic
measures are examined and the addressed
correlations further investigated
using SPSS. In the first step of the
Figure 5. Convex spaces in the exhibition
space in Antrepo No. 3 during the 2013
Istanbul Biennial according to visitor
frequencies, shown in Tables 1 and 2.
regression analysis for Antrepo No. 3,
the syntactic parameters of mean integration,
mean circularity, and mean
depth of the gates and the gate count
frequency parameter (i.e., the number
of visitors passing through the selected
gate for 5 minutes; see Table 3) are
considered. The dependent variable is
always the number of people passing
through the gates at the hourly observation
points (see Table 3) and the independent
variables are the syntactic
measures such as mean integration,
circularity and depth of the gates.
When the most integrated gate in
the system, Gate 4 (see Table 3), has
the highest frequency (see Table 3) at
14:00 pm on the selected weekend day,
the regression analysis of the frequency
value and integration value shows a
positive regression result of R=0.525
(p=0.285>0.05) that is mildly close to
significance. This type of relationship
can be interpreted as meaning that
when the number of visitors passing
through a more integrated gate rises in
the Antrepo No. 3 configuration of the
Istanbul 2013 Biennial, the number of
people passing through all gates in the
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

64
Table 3. Frequencies (number of visitors passing through a gate for 5 minutes 8 hourly intervals) according to
the counts made on a weekend day (WE) and a weekday (WD) for various hours in the gates shown in Figure 6.
Gate
Number
WD
11.00am
WD
12.00pm
WD
13.00pm
Gate Counts / Weekday - Sunny
WD
14.00pm
WD
15.00pm
WD
16.00pm
WD
17.00pm
WD
18.00pm
G1 24 28 28 33 32 34 20 23
G2 17 11 16 24 28 37 9 19
G3 18 35 24 20 33 16 41 14
G4 15 34 34 21 26 37 43 28
G5 47 46 28 31 30 18 34 17
G6 53 107 66 52 36 40 47 13
Total 174 261 196 181 185 182 194 114
Gate
Number
WE
11.00am
WE
12.00pm
Gate Counts / Weekend Day - Sunny-Partly Cloudy
WE
13.00pm
WE
14.00pm
WE
15.00pm
WE
16.00pm
WE
17.00pm
WE
18.00pm
G1 12 32 22 70 89 66 55 29
G2 21 27 22 32 34 70 62 48
G3 32 29 19 33 62 73 64 32
G4 27 49 34 117 107 89 50 64
G5 25 18 32 56 82 71 63 85
G6 15 27 52 125 190 195 96 76
Total 132 182 181 433 564 564 390 334
Table 4. The syntactic values of the 6 gate count nodes shown in
Figure 6.
Gate
number
Mean
integration
Mean
circularity
system also rises in accordance with
the gates’ integration values, which has
a slight significant correlation with the
mean integration values of these gates
in the system. One of the regression
analysis results that supports this observation
comes from the 11:00 am
weekend count at Gate 4. At 11:00 am,
the regression analysis between the parameters
of the frequency value and
the integration value in Gate 4 present
no significance, with values of R=0.065
(p=0.903>0.05), because the number
of visitors passing through Gate 4 is
one of the lowest counts, which affects
all the frequency values in the venue.
These types of results, which are
taken into account by the change in
the frequency of visitors, show that
when the number of visitors passing
through a highly integrated gate in the
venue increases, the number of people
passing through all the other gates in
the system display a mildly significant
correlation with the mean integration
value scores of these gates. When the
number of visitors passing through
Gate 4, which is the most integrated
gate, decreases, the number of visitors
in the entire system may be still
increasing—exemplified by the weekend
visitor counts at 3:00 pm and 4:00
pm—but there are no significant regression
results linking the integration
values of the gates and visitor frequency
at these hours. Visitors’ tendency to
leave the venue also increases by using
the only entrance to the venue at these
hours, Gate 6. Therefore, the entrance
gate, Gate 6, shows high visitor frequency
at those times of day.
The results for weekday counts are
somewhat different. A negative regression
result of R=-0.574 (p=0.233>0.05)
that is mildly close to significance is
seen at 3:00 pm for the frequency and
Mean depth
G1 353866.50 164.45 2.43
G2 293775.00 201.71 2.42
G3 247349.33 146.21 2.41
G4 506976.50 166.48 2.14
G5 453497.00 163.09 2.27
G6 328015.60 135.41 2.47
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65
Figure 6. Antrepo No. 3 Plan of 2013 Istanbul Biennial showing the gate count nodes and
selected route for snapshot counts on the left and plain plan of the venue on the right.
Figure 7. Image of the circularity (left) and integration (right) analysis made using Syntax
2D to find the syntactic scores for gate count nodes and convex spaces.
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

66
integration value numbers of the gates.
On weekdays, the number of people
passing through a less integrated gate
increases at one of the peak venue
hours in terms of the total number of
visitors; in other words, the less integrated
gates attract more visitors, but
the most integrated gates attract fewer
visitors. This interesting result is not
seen at any other hours of the weekday
regression analysis, but examining the
results for 3:00 pm, it may be argued
that the weekday visitors tend to visit
the less integrated spaces of the venue.
This may be due to the artwork exhibited
in the venue. On weekdays, visitors
may spend more time looking at
the artwork presented in less integrated
spaces by passing through the gates
that are less integrated in the system.
As for the second part of regression
analysis, the mean integration values of
all the convex spaces and the number
of visitors counted during the daytime
hourly snapshots on both weekends
and weekdays serve as parameters. The
syntactic measure is independent and
frequency is the dependent variable.
At 12:00 pm, R=0.325 (p=0.0380.05) is mildly positively
significant; at 4:00 pm, R=0.279
(p=0.078>0.05) is also mildly positively
significant. Similarly, on the weekend,
the results for 11:00 am, R=0.327
(p=0.0370.05); 2:00 pm
on the weekend with the value R=-
0.254 (p=0.109>0.05); and 4:00 pm on
the weekend with the value R=-0.236
(p=0.138>0.05). The correlation of circularity
and frequency, which is mildly
close to significance, shows the tendency
that the number of visitors increases
when the convex spaces are more linearly
shaped.
As a result of the test between the
mean circularity parameter and the
frequency parameter of the convex
spaces as explained above, all have the
probability value (p) above 0.05, but it
is interpreted that the close numerical
findings to 0.05 shows a statistically
mild significance, a tendency, which is
close to significant results.
A decrease in the value of mean circularity
is an indicator of gradual differentiation
throughout a convex space
of the general averages of the mean dimensions.
Briefly, this value is accepted
as an indicator of dimensional tightening
with the increasing differences between
the width and the length of the
convex space or a non-differentiating,
a tendency to dimensional equilibrium
of width and length of the convex
space.
In that sense, the statistical evaluation
carried out over different hourly
intervals of some weekday hours like
12:00 pm and 4:00 pm and of some
weekend hours like 12:00 pm, 1:00 pm,
2:00 pm and 4:00 pm shows that the
number of visitors increases when the
mean circularity values of convex spaces
decreased. This shows the relation
between the geometry of the space and
the number of people visiting the space
including their visual perception and
movement. It could be inferred from
this situation that when the differences
among the lengths of the convex space
morphologies in two dimension (i.e.,
width and length) began to decrease
and that the plan center began to shift
to the center of the convex space, the
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67
people circulating in that specific convex
space has the tendency to rise.
Alternatively, with the findings of the
increasing circularity values that is related
with the geometry of the convex
spaces, the convex spaces with different
integration values throughout the plan
began to overlap in a single narrow
field with a high integration value and
were forced to use this field as a connection
field due to tightening of the
interconnecting areas among the convex
spaces. This kind of results should
be interpreted and discussed particularly
around the circularity value.
As explained, at some weekday
hours like 12:00 pm and 4:00 pm and
at some weekend hours like 12:00 pm,
1:00 pm, 2:00 pm and 4:00 pm an increase
is seen on the number of people
where a morphological structure similar
to a circle was observed due to the
decrease in the mean circularity value.
It was also observed that the general
tendency toward a decrease in the
mean circularity value was due to the
divergence of areas connected with
narrow interconnecting zones in the
plan organization or more linearly
shaped convex spaces in terms of the
geometry of spaces. The mean circularity
has a tendency to decrease in a
structure in which the interconnecting
areas among the areas are tightened,
narrowed and concentrated on a single
field with a high mean integration.
The remaining relationships among
the various syntactic value parameters
and the remaining periods not described
above are not significantly correlated
with the frequency parameter.
6. Conclusion
In summation, this paper traces the
layout of Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013
Istanbul Biennial; as urban events, Biennial
exhibitions can be discussed
in terms of the interrelation of venues
as well as that of art products and
discussions. There are typically many
exhibition venues at a biennial, and
preferences are defined by pragmatic
or thematic decisions. The goal here is
to understand the performance of the
main exhibition gallery’s layout syntactically
to understand whether these
layout decisions influenced the movement
and number of visitors to the
convex spaces of Antrepo No. 3.
Ultimately, it appears that the attractors
and movement were mutually
influential in Antrepo No. 3, but
the configuration of the venue had the
strongest impact on the number of visitors.
For example, the mild significant
correlation of circularity and frequency
at some weekday hours like 12:00
pm and 4:00 pm and at some weekend
hours like at 12:00 pm, 1:00 pm, 2:00
pm and 4:00 pm shows that the number
of visitors increases when the convex
spaces are more linearly shaped in
terms of the geometry of spaces. Such
findings show that the geometry of the
spaces has some strong impact on the
perception of the spaces, the frequency
and the movement through those spaces.
When the total number of visitors
to the venue rises dramatically at certain
peak weekend hours, the visitors
may be looking more to the artwork in
the more integrated space in the venue,
passing through the highly integrated
gates such as Gate 4. On the other
hand, when the number of total visitors
in the system decreases on weekdays,
visitors are more likely to look at
the artworks in less integrated spaces,
passing through a less integrated gate,
as shown by the results for 3:00 pm on
a weekday. This result shows that the
increasing density of people circulating
in the venue decreases the number
of visitors circulating in the system and
passing through less integrated gates.
This further shows the situation depending
on certain selected hours, but
it is important to see that the impact of
the configuration is independent from
the installation of the artwork in relation
to the number of people circulating
in the venue. This kind of finding
is also directly related with the geometry
of the space and shows the highly
strong impact of architectural design
on the circulation of people in such exhibition
spaces.
We may also argue that the configuration
influences the location of
attractors here, but that the location
of attractors cannot influence configuration.
When we examine most of
the selected hourly counts of visitor
numbers in the convex spaces, we find
a mild significant correlation between
frequency and the integration values
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

68
of each convex space. Similarly, mean
depth and circulation show mildly significant
correlations with visitor frequencies.
Finally, configuration may influence
movement, but movement cannot
influence configuration. We see the
reflections of that relationship in the
considerably significant correlations of
gate counts with the integration values
of these gates. There are some mildly
significant findings pertaining to this
exhibition space that contradict results
from previous studies by Choi (1999)
and Peponis and Wineman (2003),
where no correlation between scores or
frequencies was found, but the present
study also shows the parallel idea that
spatial variables play an important role
in structuring exploration.
Acknowledgements
First of all we would like to send our
sincere appreciation to Prof.Dr.Alper
Ünlü for preparing such a dossier
dealing with architectural design and
space syntax issues. Next, we would
like to thank some of the MSc students
at Istanbul Technical University (ITU)
from several programmes but mostly
from “Architectural Design MSc
Programme”, Fulya Menderes, Barış
Ateş, Şebnem Çakaloğulları and, Ecem
Çalışkan, who have collected the data
used in this paper during long hours in
the field voluntarily. Lastly, in addition
to our volunteers from ITU, we would
like to thank Industrial Product Designer
Bedii Engin Koş, who was also a
volunteer, for his support and work for
data collection in the field.
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Kyung Wook Seo (Eds.), in Proceedings
of Ninth International Space Syntax
Symposium, Sejong University Press,
Seoul, South Korea.
Wineman, J., & Choi, Y. (1991, December).
‘Spatial/visual properties of
zoo exhibition.’ Curator, 34(4), 304–
315.
Wineman, J. D., Peponis, J. (2010).
Constructing spatial meaning: spatial
affordances in museum design. Environment
and Behavior, 42: 1, 86-109.
Zimring, C., & Dalton, R. C. (2003).
Linking Objective Measures Of Space
To Cognition And Action. Environment
and Behavior, 35: 3.
Bir bienal yapısının izini sürmek:
2013 İstanbul Bienali Antrepo No.3
yapısının sentaktik analizleri üzerinden
sergi mekanının deneyimlenmesi
Sergi galerilerinin mimari tasarımlarını
ve küratörler tarafından belirlenen
içeriklerini anlamak, bu galerilerin
geçici veya kalıcı sergi mekanları
olmalarına bağlı olmaksızın, morfolojilerinin
mekan kullanımlarını nasıl
etkilediğini ve ziyaretçilerin mekana
ait deneyimlerini de anlamayı gerektirmektedir.
Bir sergi galerisinin morfolojisi,
bu galerinin konfigürasyonu
ve formu gözönüne alındığı zaman,
bu alanda sergilenen sanat yapıtlarının
sergilenme biçimlerini, ziyaretçilerin
aktivitelerini ve bu ziyaretçilerin mekan
içerisindeki hareketlerini etkileyebilmektedir.
Bu araştırma insan hareketleri
ve sergilenen sanat eserleriyle
ilişki bağlamında 2013 İstanbul Bienali’nin
ana sergi mekanı olarak kullanılan
Antrepo No.3’ün kurgusunun ve
mekansal konfigürasyon özelliklerinin
irdelenmesini içermektedir.
Bu araştırmanın amaçları: 1) Müze
veya sergi mekanlarının mimari tasarımının,
bu mekanlardaki sığ veya derin
alanların oluşumunu nasıl etkilediğinin
ve ziyaretçilerin mekan kullanımlarının
anlaşılması; 2) Mekana ait planlamanın,
mekanların bir araya geliş
ilişkilerinin ve düzeninin ziyaretçilerin
galeri mekanlarındaki keşfetme süreçlerini
nasıl etkilediğinin anlaşılması; 3)
Bir sergi galerisinde hangi mekanların
daha çok, hangilerinin daha az ziyaret
edildiğinin anlaşılması; 4) Belirli bir
zaman aralığı içerisinde ziyaretçi sayılarına,
frekansa bağlı olarak sergi mekanlarında
baskın olan kullanım ve dolaşım
rotalarının, mekanlar arası geçiş
alanlarının özelliklerinin irdelenmesi
olarak ifade edilebilir. Bu araştırma sorularına
ve irdeleme alanlarına verilebilecek
cevaplar, mekan morfolojisinin
müze ve sergi ziyaretçileri üzerindeki
etkilerini anlamak için de önem taşımaktadır.
Bu bağlamda, mekan dizimi
yöntemi kullanılarak yapılacak olan
sentaktik analizler ve bu analizler sonucunda
ortaya çıkacak olan sonuçlar
son derece önemlidir. Mekanın tasarımından
kaynaklanan, fiziksel durumuna
ait veriler ile ziyaretçiler tarafından
mekanın kullanımına ait frekans verileri
arasındaki istatistiksel ilişkilerin
ortaya koyacağı sonuçlar araştırılmıştır.
Sentaktik analizler, mekan morfolojisi
ile tasarımın ilişkisinin anlaşılması
ve küratörler tarafından oluşturulmuş
mekanlarda ziyaretçi deneyiminin nasıl
olduğunun irdelenmesi için anahtar
bir rol oynamaktadır.
Bu araştırmada, Antrepo No.3 sergi
alanı içerisindeki konveks mekanlar
arasında geçiş oluşturan 6 önemli noktada
ziyaretçilerin hareket frekansına
ait sayımlar (gate counts) yapılmıştır.
Buna ek olarak, 41 konveks mekan içe-
Tracing a biennial layout: Experiencing an exhibition layout through the syntactic analysis of
Antrepo No. 3 at the 2013 Istanbul Biennial

70
risinde anlık olarak ziyaretçi sayısını
belirlemeye yönelik sayımlar (snapshots)
belirli bir rota üzerinde ve farklı
günlerdeki farklı zaman aralıklarında
sistematik olarak yapılmıştır. Sayımlar
için hafta içine ve hafta sonuna ait birer
gün seçilmiştir ve bu günler içerisinde
8 farklı zaman aralığında sayımlar
yapılarak, ziyaretçi frekansları tespit
edilmiştir. Mekanlara ve mekanlar arası
geçişlere ait bu frekans değerleri ile
bütünleşme (integration) ve merkezilik
(circularity) gibi mekanın sentaktik
değerleri arasındaki ilişkiler istatistiksel
olarak, SPSS (Statistical Package for
the Social Sciences) programı ile araştırılmış,
sonuç olarak ortaya çıkan veriler
yorumlanmıştır. Regresyon analizleri
ile ilişkilerin ne derece kuvvetli
veya zayıf oldukları sorgulanmıştır.
Araştırma sonucunda Antrepo No.3
özelinde ortaya çıkan sonuçlar, daha
önceki çalışmalarla ilişkileri bağlamında
değerlendirilmiştir. Müze veya sergi
mekanlarında mekanın morfolojisine
ait veriler ile mekanın ziyaretçiler
tarafından kullanım verilerinin sanat
eserlerinin mekan içerisindeki konumları
ile ne derece ilişkili olduğu sorgulanmıştır.
İnsanların hareketine ilişkin
teorik altyapı ile Antrepo No.3 ziyaretçilerinin
mekanlardaki hareketlerinin
ilişkileri tartışılmıştır. Bu tartışmada
mekanın fiziksel tasarımı, plan kurgusu
ve düzeni ile mekan içerisindeki
eserlerin konumlanmasının ilişkileri
de irdelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu ilişkilerin
araştırılması aşamasında ziyaretçi
frekanslarındaki artış veya azalmanın
mekanın geometrisi, mekanlar içerisindeki
hareket ve kullanım ile nasıl bir
ilişkide olduğu da yorumlanmıştır.
Antrepo No.3 içerisindeki farklı konumlarda
çekici noktalar oluşturacağı
öngörülebilecek birtakım eserlerin
esasen mekanın kendi morfolojisinden
bağımsız çekim noktaları oluşturamadıkları
bulunmuştur. Araştırmanın yapıldığı
belirli zaman dilimlerinde Antrepo
No.3 içerisinde dolaşan ziyaretçi
sayısı arttıkça daha derin geçiş noktalarında
ve konveks mekanlardaki ziyaretçi
sayılarının düştüğü görülmüştür.
Buna karşılık, antrepodaki ziyaretçi sayısının
düşmesi ile mekanın tümünde
dolaşıma giren ve daha derin mekanları
kullanan ziyaretçi sayılarında artışlar
olduğu gözlenmiştir. Bu bulgular
ışığında, mekan içerisindeki kurgudan
dolayı derinleşen konveks mekanlarda
insanların frekansındaki artışla birlikte
keşfetme ve ziyaret düzeyi düşmekte,
ziyaretçiler daha sığ ve görsel algısı
daha yüksek konveks mekanlarda daha
yoğun olarak dolaşmaktadırlar. Ziyaretçiler,
toplam ziyaretçi sayısının artmasıyla
Antrepo No.3’ü oluşturan 41
konveks mekanda ve bunları bağlayan
6 ana geçiş noktasında daha sığ fiziksel
özelliklere sahip, daha dar bir dolaşım
alanında kalmaktadırlar.
Bu araştırmada ele alınan bütün
ilişkilerin yorumlanması sonucu ortaya
çıkan veriler, sadece Antrepo No.3
sergi alanı için değil, aynı zamanda
diğer müze veya sergi mekanı tasarım
araştırmaları için de sorgulayıcı ve yol
gösterici niteliktedir.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş, E. Garip

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 71-87
Thinking and designing with the
idea of network in architecture
Nilüfer KOZİKOĞLU 1 , Pelin DURSUN ÇEBİ 2
1 nilufer.kozikoglu@izmirekonomi.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty
of of Fine Arts and Design, Izmir University of Economics, Izmir, Turkey
2
dursunpe@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
A spatial setup is designed considering the network of interrelations between
its constituent units. This is a network significant for architectural discourse as it
maps the interactions and social relations between users, defines the functional
and latent routes, and indicates spatial proximities. Although design is subjective,
design tools and methods provide objective criteria to interpret and iterate. Common
tools of network thinking allow us to invoke scenarios that will lead us to
visualize and exchange ideas about architecture, extrapolate up to date functional
ratios, define ranges of proximities to bring forth spatial and potentialities of architectural
program and test them within criteria.
This study focuses on the idea of networks in architectural design and discusses
the use of graph theory based tools in the design process. It presents the possibilities
of systematic mapping of relations among spatial elements through their
neighboring and attracting qualities in the initial phase whereby the relational
network is still dynamic and non-hierarchical. The topic will be expressed by
presenting two examples, one from an academic setting, the other elicited from
practice. The first describes a workshop on systems thinking demonstrated with a
game called “İkidebir”. The second is an iterative hospital campus design scheme
in which functional and site specific relationships are modeled and animated with
network modeling and assessment tools. Network-based thinking, graphs measurements,
and the diagrammatic assessment of relationships between spatial organizations
as a design exercise are valuable both for those who are in practice and
in the education of architectural design.
Keywords
Networks, Architectural design, Relational thinking, Space syntax.

72
1. Introduction: Space as a networked
artifact
Today, networks, which can be described
as structural and organizational
models, are pervasive in every
aspect of our lives and range from
genes to power systems and from social
communities to transport routes.
These networks are concerned with the
structure of relations between things
and are informative as they allow us to
uncover those inherent principles and
behaviors that regulate a variety of natural
and artificial systems (Lima, 2011;
Wigley, 2007).
In the field of architecture, the study
of networks has emerged as an inspiring
concept in the description of built
environments. After all, the design of
a spatial setting inherently implies the
network of interrelated spatial units,
and so we can view the practice of architecture
as mainly involved in the
creation of the specific configuration of
this network. In other words, the outcome
of an architectural design process
is essentially a configuration (Nourian
et al., 2013). Network relationships are
thus tools that the architect utilizes to
propose his/her perceptions. These
relationships once regarded as a mutable
also constitute the potentials of
encounters for the users through connections
and borders, including even
new ranges and thresholds. Thus they
make up the base for the interactions
and social relations between users,
defining both functional and latent
routes, and indicating spatial proximities
and neighbors. According to
Dovey and Dickson (2002), the spatial
dispositions of buildings constitute social
organizations. They are not formal
types or archetypes, but, rather, clusters
of spatial segments structured in
certain formations with syntactic rules
of sequence and adjacency. Lawson
develops this view by defining architectural
and urban spaces as containers
that accommodate, separate, structure
and organize, facilitate, heighten, and
even celebrate spatial behavior. He says
that space creates settings that organize
our lives, activities and relationships
(Lawson, 2005). Hillier suggests
that buildings carry social ideas within
their spatial forms (Hillier, 1996) and
spatial formations can be seen as visual
symbols of societies. We read the space
and anticipate a life-style (Hillier and
Hanson, 1984).
To date, most of the research studies
that set out to reveal the potentials of
network systems have utilized graph
theory, a theory that relies on the conversion
of information into a network
diagram that can be mathematically
analyzed to determine the relative
depth or significance of the nodes or
e dge s t hat ma ke up t he ne t work
(Ostwald and Dawes, 2013). Architectural
applications of this method
have also been developed by several
researchers (Alexander, 1964; March
and Steadman, 1971; March, 1976;
Steadman, 1983; Hillier and Hanson,
1984; Hillier, 1996). Generally speaking,
these works discuss some of the
concepts of mathematics and diagramming
or graph theory based tools that
have potential value in understanding
architectural forms and spatial organizations.
They primarily present
the architectural designer with some
mathematical methods of conceiving
and manipulating the spatial configurations.
An analysis of utilizations of graph
theory based tools in architecture suggest
there are in three different modes:
(1) to analyze existing spatial formation
(Hillier et al., 1987; March and
Steadman, 1971), (2) to generate spatial
form, (Mitchell et al., 1976; Steadman,
1983), and (3) to evaluate architectural
design (March, 1976; Hillier,
1998; Space Syntax, 2002). The first
of these types of utilizations begins by
exploring the intrinsic nature of the
existing built environment and then
decoding the underlying principles
and meanings. The second group uses
a series of predefined rules in a computerized,
automated process to search
for a desired spatial product. The last
group provides tools that architects
may use to evaluate their design proposals
and also gives them opportunities
to argue for the best performing
proposals. The criticism leveled against
these approaches mostly stems from
the following questions: To what degree
does an architect become involved
in this cognitive process and how does
he/she evaluate their designs considering
desirable social implications
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. Kozikoğlu, P. Dursun Çebi

73
rather than focusing on an automated
evolutionary process? (Nourian et al.,
2013). In the last decade an analytical
approach, space syntax theory and its
applications, has made great strides in
showing architects the possible effects
of their design solutions and have enabled
them to learn from their design
solutions (Dursun, 2007, 2012). In this
way such utilizations constitute evidence-based
design processes (Hanson,
2001).
Space Syntax theory is constituted
on two hypotheses (Dursun, 2012):
1. The built environment functions as
a spatial / social network. In this network
the main interest is about relational
characteristics of spaces rather
than individual ones. Space is experienced
through this spatial networks
or relations. 2. Spatial networks create
potentials of movement and describe
a living pattern. Movement is the key
element to decode man-space / manman
relationship. Based on this network
structure spatial configurations
embody social or cultural meanings
and generate or inhibit social interactions,
movement patterns in built environments.
Such analysis tools guide in the
comprehension and depiction of the
relational structures however there has
been complicacies in the transfer of
this research-based knowledge directly
to design process. The design process
is conventionally perceptive, experiential
and subjective. The method to
reference research based knowledge to
the design process is a typically a matter
of concern for most. Dovey tries to
explain this contradiction by focusing
on relation between phenomenological
philosophy and Cartesian world. He
describes these poles “lived space” (the
realm of personal feelings, emotions
and particulars) and “geometric space”
(the space of plans, forms and universals)
(Dovey, 1993). According to Dovey,
geometric space is a representation
of lived space with the meanings and
values extracted. For him, geometric
space is a universal language of spatial
representation that has predictive value.
How can one creatively externalize
the spatial knowledge in a measurable,
visible manner for evaluation for assessment
and improvement even from
the initial stages of the design process?
Design is a complex cognitive process
that continuously engenders both
problems and solutions (Lawson,
2003). It is a kind of experimental process
that is largely learned and practiced
through “making” (Schön, 1987;
Al-Sayed, 2012). Rather than searching
for optimal solutions (Simon, 1996),
design is about experimenting and
probing. Experiments lead architects
to discover something, and then these
help them to redefine their underlying
concepts (Dursun, 2007). In network
thinking the investigation focuses
on systematically mapping relations
among spatial elements through their
shared and relative characteristics, in
other words, neighboring and attracting
qualities in rule-based dynamic
network models. The “relations of the
relations” and “the protocol between
the rules,” which refer to the order and
the scale that the rules will be enacted
during the design process, are of prime
importance in these models. By observing
the effects, the creative process
can be interpreted as a kind of choreography,
one in which “pace” is also
interrogated for the elements of the
parametric model.
It is possible to deduct that relational
qualities that suggests life inside a
spatial construct i.e. social interactions
and the movement (form prone to flow
patterns) and proximities are built up
by formal qualities defined by rule sets
i.e. distance close or far, vertical positions,
below or over, and whether clustering
or disparate. Dynamic network
models suppose that spatial entities are
in constant motion during the design
process. Their exact positions are yet
ambiguous, they hang in air, and sway,
or jump from one location to another;
they start to presume specific locations
and concretize as their relationships
among each other become more and
more defined.
This study aims to explore following
question: How we can use the idea of
network in architectural design? By
focusing on the experimental and intellectual
characteristics of the design
activity the study tries to examine how
this kind of thinking can be used as a
creative and informative tool in design
process. In the scope of the study first,
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

74
the main question is opened for discussion
conceptually with architectural
students by the help of a game, İkidebir.
Secondly, the authors try to explore
how this kind of thinking can be utilized
in the design process by focusing
on an iterative hospital campus design
scheme from practice. Cross indicates
that design has its own distinct intellectual
culture and has its own ways
of knowing, thinking, acting (Cross,
2007). Based on this idea this experimental
study aims to open a discussion
about how, a scientific and graphic tool,
network thinking and modeling, could
feed the design thinking and making.
2. Playing the systems game –
“İkidebir”
Played by architecture students as a
component of the Architectural Morphology
class at the ITU Faculty of
Architecture in 2014, “Ikidebir,” is a
game in which simple rules make up
a network where the nodes are in motion
until they asymptotically settle
into a configuration that satisfies the
rule for each individual. This game
engenders a dynamic system in a given
space, and has the following rules:
(1) Players initially announce an avatar,
a spatial entity in this case, they
selected for themselves and represent it
as a node; (2) each player then selects
two other announced nodes in order
to follow in discrete this time. (3) All
players randomly position themselves
in the confined space (game area). (4)
Hearing the start signal the players try
to stand at equal distance to the two
nodes whom they have picked to follow
(Figure 1). The students first write their
selected spatial entities and later draw
the relations that form on the board,
(Figure 2). Then the system is opened
for discussion with the students. After
introducing some analytical tools,
space syntax and other dynamic network
models such as cytoscape to decode
this relational structure, the authors
re-evaluated the process by the
feedbacks of the students.
Network can be described as a structure
that is constituted by the links between
nodes. These nodes can represent
different entities such as individual
person, object, space or concept. Both
countable and non-countable entities
can be interrelated. For example in the
first series of the workshops for this
game in the Architectural Morphology
class between 2008 and 2014, the
students selected fictitious avatars and
that had caused a more concentrated
discussion on the nature of networks.
However in the last workshop students
selected to represent spatial units. Thus
the composed networks lead the players
to question the adopted relations
that provide typical configurations.
Recorded sessions are revealed at the
blog: http://ikide1.wordpress.com.
As soon as the game starts, players
move in order to position themselves
between their selected players.
However as those players are also in
movement, they continuously have to
recalculate their target positions. This
can be seen as a systemic flow, which
sometimes accelerates and sometimes
slows down. The simple rules create a
dynamic set of nodes until the game
settles into an arrangement that satisfies
the rule for each player.
Discussions with the students yielded
the following key aspects:
Figure 1. Ikidebir Game – A Demonstration of Game Evolution.
Figure 2. Choice of Spaces and Relational Characteristics
Visualized by Cytoscape Program.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. Kozikoğlu, P. Dursun Çebi

75
• The networked structure is informed
by the choices made by the
players.
• The rule that the relation between
spaces must be equidistant to the
selected two spaces both triggers
and organizes the motion.
• The nodes, spatial entities in this
case are fixed in terms of the links
created whereas their geometric
compositions are constantly changing.
• By default each player selects two
other spatial entities; therefore everyone
is plotted into the network.
• Only two spaces may be selected.
This type of selection brings an important
limitation for the interrelations
among the nodes. Such that
each space is connected by at least
two spaces and remains linked with
the whole. On the other hand some
spaces are selected more than the
others and this causes the system to
lose homogeneity and leads it to a
varied distribution.
• The nodes selected by more nodes
tend to be key elements in the system,
in the given case “kitchen, entryway,
and courtyard”. Their positions
/ or fluctuations affect the
whole group causing both accelerations
and decelerations. Therefore
these nodes are latent to change the
form of the system.
• Some nodes – such as porch and
sofa – are less significant to the system
and thus they either may be selected
by only a few players or even
by none at all. Their actions do not
create major changes.
• However, even though they may be
less-selected, some nodes – such as
the winter garden – may prove to
be effective, especially so when they
are selected by a single player who is
selected by many.
By the introduction of graph theory
based tools such as space syntax
and cytoscape to analyze the network
structure the students tried to make
this network legible and accessible
to reading and assessing (Figure 2).
Based on mathematical and graphical
data, following questions are put into
considerations: How do the selected
nodes (avatars) behave in that particular
system? How do they interact? How
many connections do they have? What
do they share? Are they interactive or
are they inactive? Is there any key connection
among them? Are there any
groups or divisions (clusters) between
them?
The relational whole in the graphic
and the calculated syntactic values,
such as integration, connectivity,
depth, choice, etc., rationally support
the experience of the students’ perception
of the choices (Figure 3). These
explorations induce some valuable
insights associated with the network
structure:
• In order to play students made random
selections from spatial entities
as avatars. The choices are mostly
relevant in a residential setting, defining
a quality or a program inherent
to that space, like living room,
kitchen, bathroom, WC, entryway,
terrace, or nursery, or a few less
common spaces like a cellar. The
game also includes spaces more typical
of traditional Turkish architecture,
like the inner courtyard, iwan
(vaulted hall) and sofa (connecting
hall or egress space).
• Hearing all the choices, students
then selected two other two spatial
avatars to be linked to from the
available set in the group. These
choices result in conventional relations
such as sofa-courtyard, living
room-kitchen, terrace-entryway,
cellar-kitchen, kitchen-WC and
some unusual relations such as liv-
Figure 3. The Relational Whole and Calculated Values Visualized by Space Syntax for Grasshopper - İkidebir.
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

76
ing room-iwan, living room-bathroom,
bathroom-kitchen, nursery
room-WC. This allows the players
to experiment on uncommon or
secondary relationships.
• These selections provide enough information
to analyze and figure out
the key entities in the network are
“kitchen, entry way and courtyard”.
These represent powerful nodes
that have strong relations with the
other nodes. The game also presented
that these nodes initiated the
motion and acted on the pace of the
system. “Sofa and porch” tended to
be inactive nodes. As they do not
have strong relations with the other
nodes, their effects on the spatial
system are limited. Syntactic analyses
clarify these characteristics.
Integration values for the spaces
reveal the following order: kitchen
(2.636) > entryway = courtyard
(2.197) > storehouse = winter garden
= terrace = living room = WC
(1.883) > bath (1.757) > iwan =
stairs (1.647) > cellar (1.551) > foyer
(1.318) > nursery = porch (1.255) >
sofa (1.198).
• Networks do not need to link nodes
specifically of the same genre. Students’
selections included vague
spatial entities like “entryway” as
well as very defined ones like a “cellar”.
• Networks by default defy physical
dimension; however, discrete
groupings suggest varying snapshots
of spatial possibilities. Iterative
playing out of the rule hints
form possibilities including proportions,
zones, interior and exterior
build-up, etc. Specific network
visualization layouts simulate part–
to-part and part-to-whole relationships
and spatialize the network in
2D (Figure 4). Visualizing the game
with cytoscape, it is possible to visualize
adjacencies and clustering
possibilities, although the model is
exempt of physical dimensions.
In this workshop network thinking
in architecture have been opened to
discussion a. through students personal
experience b. through graph theory
related tools that analyze the demonstrated
network. In other words abstract
spatial network that emulates a
spatial construct is experienced by the
students participation and then examined
in a cognitive scientific platform.
The study imparts the following potentials
network thinking in architectural
design process:
1. The spatial whole can be described
as the relations among its constituent
parts rather than as a sum
of disparate units. The manner in
which these relations are constituted
may infer diverse connotations
and there may be quantifiable aspects
of these relational patterns.
2. The rules that construct the network
(one space must be selected
by at least two other spaces) and the
rules that enact on the form or the
Figure 4. Network from the Game Modeled in Network Visualization Program Cytoscape.
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77
configuration (the relation between
spaces must be equidistant to the
selected two spaces) conform the
flow and the proximities between
nodes, is therefore constrained. Actual
design processes include more
complex and varied relationships
and rules. However in both cases
specified rules for distancing and
clustering are indicative for the
propositions of form. To understand
the implications of these rule
sets and their implementation is
significant for the designer.
3. Certain relationships tend to be
prevalent and affect change to the
whole, whereas other clusters of relationships
are not at all effective to
the whole, yet are dynamic in their
groupings. It will be argued that this
phenomenon relies on the designer
and the brief. The game is a demonstration
of the relational make-up
and the dynamic quality of these
relations when they need to attain
spatiality. This conceptual visualization
or modeling enables the architect
to consciously model, through
play, the bonds and proximities of
spatial units and the site.
4. Concentrating on the idea of network
in architectural design, space
syntax helps designer to develop
spatial awareness by transforming
relational spatial structures
into graphical, mathematical and
scientific forms. It explains what
does these relations mean and how
does the system works. By making
non-discursive characteristics
of space discursive, it presents a
language for thinking and talking
about space (Dursun, 2007).
5. While space syntax provides a useful
tool for architects in deciphering
and assessing the relationship
among spatial entities in terms of
spatial accessibility and human flow,
other dynamic network models
such as cytoscape and customized
parametric modeling reveals possibilities
regarding on geometric-formal
characteristics of this relational
whole. In other words, these models
visualize the possible formal end
products of applied rules.
6. Relevant graph theory concepts and
criteria, diagrams, and produced
data sets based on effective representation
of spatial systems lead to
powerful instigation, management,
and assessment of design phases. It
is thus that, in contrast to convention,
these tools have potentials to
be tools with which we can think
(Hillier and Hanson, 1997) during
the morphological stages. These
tools are creative and constitute
an educational component within
the research-based design. They
also lead the designer to better understand
the relationship between
form and its use (function), while
opening up new possibilities for design
based on research results and
generative principles (Schneider et
al., 2013).
7. The experiment does not refer to
the use of graph theory based tools
including space syntax to extract
potentials after the architectural
form is solid rather during the initial
stages of design. In this context
it advances design thinking, enables
interactive exploration of the effects
of programmatic relations on form
and suggests a method to structure
correspondence of form and function.
3. Design Research: Method to design
a campus
The second example is taken from
practice and deals with a conceptual
design scheme for a campus on psychiatry
and neurology. Hospitals have
been the subject of a great deal of research
in the architectural literature,
especially in regard to their functional
and organizational structures. Human
flow and way finding issues appear
key concepts of these researches (Ünlü
et al., 2005, Setola, 2009, Khan, 2012,
Peponis et al., 1990). The aim of our
study is to impart potentials of network
thinking explored in developing
this master design scheme. In parallel
to existing research, this scheme also
focuses on the human flow in terms of
vehicular and pedestrian pace between
specific subunits. The programmatic
and site relationships and relations
to the varied qualities of the site are
modeled and animated by the use of
custom-made modeling tools based
on network thinking. Peculiar qualities
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

78
of the site – such as emergency-prone
segments along a major artery, or the
more tranquil neighboring residential
areas, and/or the security latent zones
are represented as polar attractors.
This design exercise incorporates interrelated
positioning; programs are
attracted (tied up) to specific zones or
segments, and also to one another, as
are the nodes connected to each other
by the students’ choices in the case of
the game.
In the initial phase the separable
programmatic units, regardless of their
sizes, are scripted to move around an
abstract container, pulling and pushing
one another and the poles of the
container in terms of their space/use
related attributes. These disparate units
are determined according to the administrative
organization chart and the
patient flow described by the clinical
team. Attributed criteria to these units
are urgency, security and privacy. Each
program unit is specified with varying
degrees of these attributes (Figure
5). “Urgency” pole attracts programs
with emergency zones such as the
emergency of the neurology hospital,
privacy node attracted the acute psychiatric
clinical program nodes, public
pole pulled the outpatient nodes, and,
finally, security node pulled forensic
clinical nodes. By regarding these contained
program units as a network, the
script allows similar attribute grades
to accumulate and the defined polarities
to pull each other, and to move the
groupings toward specified poles of the
abstract container. The script also allows
for negotiations among the varying
degrees of these attributes.
In the second iteration, shown in
Figure 6, the group formations are
clustered in the layout to allow propagation
to the actual site. In this case
the rules for propagation are parameterized
by diffusion, overlap possibility,
and size. The rule implementation
follows a hierarchical order. Certain
program units link to others like their
satellite, and certain units have priori-
Figure 5. Conceptual Polarities Mapped in Relational Modeling among Program Units and
Specific Attributes.
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79
ty in maintaining proximity to the defined
abstract polar zones. For example,
the rehabilitation unit is a sub-unit
orbiting the psychiatric clinics, bound
by the everyday personnel and patient
flow, which has been quantified as
300m walking distance. The emergency
department has first priority to be in
proximity to the main artery which is
the main urgency pole (node).
These interrelations and hierarchy
are plotted and evaluated on a table
matrix. Size is derived from the “List of
Requirements” as well as the height and
floor space limitations as a work area
serving both a group of patients and
a health team: 20-30 patients to one
floor, as in the case of the neurology
inpatient building – up 100 patients in
total. The floors of the building floors
are limited to eight in total, suggesting
a footprint area of 1500sqm depicted
with a circle with equal area (Figure 6).
In the site implementation, the value
sets and interrelated network are then
mapped to the site directly referencing
the preferred poles and axis to certain
nodes. This ‘machinic’ diagrammatic
exercise is modeled and run iteratively.
The distances between units
are defined in ranges proportional to
time and the pace of pedestrian and
vehicle reach (Figure 7). For example,
the emergency pavilion for the three
departments (psychiatry, neurology
and neurosurgery) are located in the
same spot; however, once a patient is
to be transferred to an inpatient unit,
the neurological unit is accessed via a
flight of ramps and elevators, taking a
total of ten minutes, whereas psychiatric
patients are transferred by vehicle
to the psychiatric inpatient clinic. One
is vertical in positioning whereas the
other is horizontal.
Each unit “behaves” and situates
according to the specified rules, with
emergency related units tending to
prefer the artery neighboring zones,
the inpatient units moving towards the
residential borders, etc. The process is
further rationalized with the use of a
major axis for pedestrian and vehicular
flow and its possible orientation on
one hand and the variations provided
by possible positions of a hypothetical
center of the system on the other, certain
units only following other units as
satellites (Figure 8).
This exercise is repeated in iterations
for assessment of the resulting configurations.
Units that are directly linked to
site poles and units that have more links
to other units have greater potentials in
defining the working configuration.
The position of an emergency plateau
close to the major road is a straightforward
design decision; however the role
of the diagnosis department and its location
to the other departments is one
example where probing is necessary.
The process enables fine-tuning and
easy reassessments of multiple possibilities.
The space syntax analysis also
demonstrated that the diagnosis department
is the key spatial unit in the
network as it represents a powerful
node that has strong relations with the
other nodes. The rehabilitation block
and inmate unit tend to be inactive
spaces. Based on the syntactic analyses
integration values for the spaces reveal
the following order: diagnosis (4.435)
Figure 6. Matrix of Relations of Program and Site.
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

80
Figure 7. Setup Order for the Abstract Programmatic Polarities Diagram.
Figure 8. Relational Site Model in Iterations.
> psychiatric inpatient = umatem =
forensic (1.267) > neurology inpatient
= amatem (1.109) > psychiatric outpatient
(0.986) > rehabilitation block =
inmate units (0.634) (Figure 9).
The focus of these design research
sessions is to be able to abstract and
re-evaluate relationships regarding
the program, and the site, and reconstruct
corresponding layout options
with their interrelation degrees in reference
to specific attraction criteria.
These attractions and repulsions, in
other words the polarized units, hint at
building/structure-prone units by their
capacity to conjoin and to cluster as
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81
buildings around a courtyard, for example.
Through a series of assessment,
multiple layout potentials are derived
and compared. The process gradually
narrows into a discursive scheme and
potentials for the master plan are extrapolated.
With the parametric configuration it
was possible to convey the fact that the
project model is only a snapshot of the
possible set, and yet major decisions
are more defined than others, and that
there is room for development. It is
thus a map for action (Figure 10).
While the project was actualized
in 2009, it is still under discussion as
the stakeholders continue to bear a
great burden of existing patients and
economical strain; however, it is important
to note that the project has
remained viable, despite the passage
of time and change of certain personnel.
This is mainly due to the fact that
the project is in itself a tool that allows
evaluation of site and program conditions,
and has the potential to change
in accordance with modification of the
site and evolving needs.
The idea of network has been influential
in the process o conceptual design
scheme for this campus project.
The clinical team asked for the project
to correspond with the new understandings
as well as the client required
to evaluate all possible scenarios at the
site. Both interests were met the project.
The process imparts the following
potentials of relational thinking in architectural
design process:
1. Same as case one, here it is demonstrated
that the spatial whole can be
described as the relations among its
constituent parts rather than as a
sum of disparate units. The manner
in which these relations are constituted
may result is diverse consequences
as to form and these relational
patterns can be mapped in a
quantifiable manner although they
are based on concepts.
2. The rules that construct the network
(common conceptual/spatial
qualities that can refer to both the
site and the functional units) and
the rules that enact on the form
or the configuration (the distances
attributed between units as a function
of pedestrian and vehicular
motion) conform the flow and the
proximities between nodes. Spec-
Figure 9. The Relational Whole and Calculated Values by Space Syntax for Grasshopper – Hospital Campus.
Figure 10. Propagated Site Model.
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

82
ified distances as well as clustering
operations (orbiting, attraction to
axis and positioning with hierarchy)
are indicative for the propositions
of form. To understand the
implications of these rule sets and
the order and the pace in which
they are implemented are of value
for the designer.
3. Certain nodes and links (relationships)
are more effective to change
the whole, whereas other clusters in
the network are not at all effective to
the whole, yet can be active in their
local groupings. It is important
to note that the designer takes his
position rather than an automated
generation of form in orchestrating
the relational model. Also in
relational models enable to demonstrate
peculiar qualities of networks
such as an overlooked unit linked to
a major node has equal effect on the
system, and therefore may act on
the design discourse equally.
4. The project made use of custom-made
parametric models
that animated the network of both
subjective (based on functional
qualities) and objective (based on
functional size, distance and orientation)
relations. This enables to
link attractive qualities with their
corresponding spatial abstractions.
This is made possible by the advance
in the now ubiquitous digital
tools that enable live change and
tracking of parametric relational
models. Thus it is possible to have
variations as well as breeds of solutions
to a brief.
5. This process requires a sustained assessment
strategy for the variations
arrived by the modeling. Space syntax
or network visualization and
assessment with software like cytoscape
enable the assessment of the
relationships among spatial entities
in terms of spatial accessibility and
human flow, as well as other network
measurements like closest
path, clustering, etc.
6. The process involves iteration: restructuring
the initial relational
setup, remodeling, and reformulating
the physical ties (distances and
ratios), reassessment of the order of
rule enactment. It is crucial to the
process that the model is remade
up after the initial run which serves
more as a prototype to the machine-like
dynamic model.
7. In this project case, the units were
thought of as clustering similar
attributes of spatial concepts like
public/private together. However
the pattern to distribute and propagate
the units at the site could have
been different then clustering the
likes. The model only allows the designer
to apply his design decisions
in a prototypical manner that he
can observe exceptions, derivatives,
and possible modifications live on
the model.
4. Conclusion
Architectural design is ultimately
about the configurations, connections,
shape, and orientations of physical
forms (Do and Gross, 2001). It deals
with designing connections, borders,
new ranges and thresholds in the
space. Two case studies (one derived
from architectural education and the
other from architectural practice) are
valuable both in terms of their effort
to conceptualize the idea of network
in design and to use this idea to trigger
production of space in design process.
Networks are dynamic forms in
which relations are alive, in that they
are in states of constant change. By
exploiting this way of thinking in early
stages of architectural design, it becomes
possible to keep the negotiation
alive, which is important for a creative
process. This approach also provides
informative tools for architects as it
permits designers to see different potentials
and possibilities in design and
constitutes mediums for experimenting
and probing.
This study mainly concentrates on
the idea that a critical understanding
of the network in spatial constructs can
inform, shape, and enhance the design.
To exemplify the discussion, the authors
first engage architecture students
in a game designed to explore how a
space paradigm can be conceptualized
through a process of dynamic network
rules. Secondly, the authors also try to
explore how this kind of thinking can
be utilized in the design process by
focusing on hospital campus design
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83
scheme from practice.
The first example aims to trigger the
architecture students to develop the
idea of spatial network in design by the
help of a system thinking game in which
all the students are actively involved.
Network thinking in architecture is
opened for discussion conceptually in
order to decipher the potentials of the
space and make its un-discursive, intangible
characteristics discursive and
tangible. This experiment constitutes
a conceptual ground that permits the
designer to understand the dynamic
interaction among the design parameters,
and also permits evaluation of the
relationships and their meanings in the
design. Here network thinking appears
as a powerful tool in order to underline
the notion that design activity is
neither a closed box nor an automated
process, but is rather an intellectual
process in which the architect plays an
active role as a spatial choreographer.
The second sample concentrates on
a design practice, one in which programmatic
and site relationships are
modeled and animated by customized
modeling and assessed by graph theory
based tools such as space syntax.
The main aim here is to explore how
relational thinking can be integrated
into the architectural and urban design
process. This example is important as it
regards a need for a dynamic design instrument
that can satisfy the changing
needs in a long-term process. The architect
can use the resulting parametric
work and relational thinking to reveal
and/or meet the requirements.
In networks, nodes are not constituted
from the same genre. They can
be structured with different components
including not only spaces, but
also design criteria or concepts. This
is an opportunity to link tangible with
non-tangible qualities in a cognitive
process.
In terms of network thinking, the
two experiments in this study are structured
through three main stages: (1)
Description of the relational structure,
(2) Analysis of this structure and (3)
Application of a rule-based design. The
first process concentrates on achieving
an understanding of how the networks
are constituted and reveals the linking
filter that organize these complex sets
of relationships. The second process
deals with the analyzing or decoding
potentials of the constituted networks.
The third introduces a phase in which
definite metric design rules are applied
to the network of nodes. In this way,
relational structures are transformed
into spatial form from which the design
proposals emerge (Figure 11).
In the fırst stage of the game main
determinant is the choices of the students.
The constituted network can
be referred to as a conceptual and
nonhierarchical one in principal. In
the example from practice however
the spatial relations are structured by
the clients preferences and through
data arrived from user questionnaires.
Therefore in this case the network is
not only a mental construct but also
has physical impositions, yet they are
also nonhierarchical in terms of their
networking. In the following stages in
both cases, the spatial potentials of the
structured networks are expedited by
network assessment and graph theory
based tools that include space syntax.
In the process space syntax imparts
flow, transition, integration among
spatial units whereas other dynamic
network modeling whether analogue
or digital set forth clustering, neighboring
conditions and their meanings.
Such graph theory based tools including
space syntax appear as informative
and creative tools to think, talk about
and engage in space and spatial constitutions.
In the third stage we can
denote that form is designated by the
enactment of the geometric rules. The
operative rule is “to remain in the median
axis of the other chosen two” in
the game described in the initial sample,
and in the next sample it is the
distances designated for the units to
satisfy in reference to one another. It
is possible to say that design process is
the iteration between these stages, i.e.
the assessment of the “fixed” form and
its consequences in the third stage are
examined and tested with tools mentioned
in the second stage. Therefore
the process continues with the feedbacks
of the second stage reconfiguring
rule sets of the third stage and rerunning
these relational metric rules.
Network thinking equips architects
with data regarding space and enhanc-
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

84
Figure 11. Talking about Two Experiments.
es their spatial awareness. Mathematical
and graphical tools render previously
invisible characteristics of space
visible, measurable, and discursive. In
respect to other generative tools for design
network modeling in architecture
can thus be transformed into a design
tool with which the designer can freely
think, play and model.
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Mimarlıkta ağ düşüncesi ile düşünmek
ve tasarlamak
Bir mekan kurgusunun tasarımı
onun parçaları arasındaki ilişkiler ağının
düzenlenmesi ile ilgilidir. Bu ağ yapısı
mimarlık söyleminde kullanıcılar
arasındaki sosyal ilişkileri, etkileşimleri
resmettiği, mekanda fonksiyonel ve
potansiyel rotaları deşifre ettiği, mekansal
yakınlıkları gözler önüne serdiği
için önemlidir. Mimari tasarım öznel
bir süreç ise de kimi tasarım araçları ve
metotları tasarımcıya tasarlananı değerlendirmek,
öğrendikleriyle yeniden
üretmek için nesnel kriterler sunar.
Ağ düşüncesi içeren mekan kurma ve
ölçme araçları mimarlığa ilişkin düşünceleri
görselleştirme ve tartışmaya
açmaya, verilerden mekansal ilişkilere
dair yeni oranlara ulaşmaya, mimari
programa yönelik potansiyelleri ortaya
çıkaracak çeşitlilikleri tanımlamaya ve
kriterlerle test edebilmek için senaryolar
geliştirmeye olanak verir.
Bu çalışma mimari tasarımda ağ
düşüncesinin kullanılmasına odaklanır
ve tasarım aktivitesinin deneysel
ve zihinsel özelliklerine vurgu yaparak
bu tür bir düşünme biçiminin tasarım
sürecinde yaratıcı ve bilgilendirici bir
araç olarak nasıl işlevselleşebileceğini
araştırır. Çalışma, kural temelli dinamik
ağ modelleri içindeki komşuluk
ve çekim özellikleri yardımıyla mekanı
oluşturan elemanların ilişkilerinin sistematik
haritalanmasına yönelik araştırmalar
sunar.
Mimarlıkta ağ düşüncesine odaklanan
çalışmalar incelendiğinde temelde
üç amaçla kullanıldığı söylenebilir.
(1) Var olan mimari biçimi anlama
(Hillier ve diğerleri, 1987; March ve
Steadman, 1971), (2) Mimari biçimi
üretme (Mitchell ve diğerleri, 1976;
Steadman, 1983), (3) Mimari biçimi
değerlendirme (March, 1976; Hillier,
1998; Space Syntax, 2002). İlkinde varolan
mekansal biçimlenmelerin kendilerini
oluşturan dinamiklerin keşfi
için analiz edilmesi hedeflenir. Tanımlayıcı
ve açıklayıcı yönleri ön planda
olan bu çalışmalar mimarın mekana
ilişkin bilinç düzeyini arttırarak tasarım
sürecini besleyecek bilgi birikimini
çoğaltır. İkinci grup çoğunlukla
bilgisayar odaklı, mekanik bir süreç
içinde ve önceden belirlenmiş kurallar
bütününde istenen mekansal biçimi
aramaya niyetlidir. Burada çoğunlukla
üretilen biçimin nasıl bir yaşam biçimi
kurguladığı sorgulanmadan tüm olasılıklar
tasarımcının gözü önüne serilir.
Son grup çalışmada ise tasarımcı
üretilmiş mekansal kurgular arasında
istenen kurallar, sınır şartlarına uygun
en iyiyi seçme görevini üstlenir.
Burada kritik olan ve çokça eleştirilen
konu tasarımcının bu bilişsel sürece ne
denli dahil olabildiği, mekanın belirli
bir kural setini aramak ötesinde ürettiği
olası yaşam senaryoları ile ne denli
değerlendirilebildiğidir (Nourian ve
diğerleri, 2013). Nitekim son donemde
mekan dizimi çalışmaları tasarımcıya
tasarladıkları mekansal kurguların nasıl
yaşandığını göstererek, kendi tasarımından
öğrenmesine, önerisini yeni
düşüncelerle geliştirmesine olanak sağlamaya,
bilgi temelli tasarım sürecinin
de özünü biçimlemeye niyet etmiştir
(Hanson, 2001; Dursun, 2007, 2012).
Bu noktadan hareketle bu çalışma mimarlıkta
ağ düşüncesinin tasarımcının
birebir dahil olduğu bir interaktif araştırma
süreci içinde tasarımın ilk evrelerinde,
yaratıcı bir araç olarak nasıl
kullanılabileceğine odaklanmaktadır.
Yazıda bu olgu biri mimarlık eğitimi
diğeri mimarlık pratiğinden seçilmiş
iki deneyim üzerinden tartışılmıştır.
Bunlardan ilki mimarlıkta ağ düşüncesinin
kavramsal olarak sorgulandığı
“ikidebir oyunu”dur. Bu atölye çalışmasında
amaç, öğrencilerde ağ düşüncesine
yönelik bir kavrayış ve farkındalık
geliştirmektir. Mekana ilişkin oluşturulan
karmaşık ağ yapısının ne tür potansiyeller
ürettiğinin, ağın karakteristik
özelliklerinin, bu ağ yapısının nasıl
görünür, tartışılabilir ve de değerlendirilebilir
kılındığının öğrencilerle birlikte
irdelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Sentaktik
ve grafik-teorik araçlar oyunda
kurgulanan ilişkiler ağını analiz etmek
için kullanılır. Bu deneysel çalışmanın
amacı mekan tasarımının belirli kurallar
çerçevesinde parçalarının, parametrelerinin
karşılıklı ilişkide olduğu
bir sistem kurmak olduğunun soyut bir
model üzerinden altını çizmektir.
Yazıda tartışılan ikinci örnek ise
yerleşim ve programa ilişkin kararlarının
dinamik ağ modelleme araçları ile
değerlendirildiği bir hastane kampüsü
tasarımıdır. Bu deneyim söz konusu
kavrayışın yani mimarlıkta ağ düşün-
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. Kozikoğlu, P. Dursun Çebi

87
cesinin, mekanı kurarken, tasarlarken
nasıl kullanılabileceği ile ilgilidir. Burada
temsil edilen yerine deşifre edilerek
aranan, potansiyelleri sınanarak
geliştirilen bir mekansal kurgudan söz
edilebilir. Benzer şekilde sentaktik ve
grafik-teorik araçlar da mekanın potansiyellerini
çözümlemek için kullanılır.
Bu deneysel çalışma doğrudan,
üretilen bilgi ile sürecin beslendiği bir
mekan yapma pratiği ile ilgilidir.
Mimarlıkta ağ odaklı düşüncenin
mekansal organizasyonların ölçülmesine
ve bir tasarım araştırması olarak
kullanılmasına yönelik olarak ortaya
konan deneysel çalışmalar mimarlığı
öğrenen ve gerçekleştirenler için değerli
olacaktır.
Thinking and designing with the idea of network in architecture

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 89-103
Behavioral responses of the elderly
regarding spatial configuration: An
elderly care institution case study
Esra ÖZSÜT AKAN 1 , Alper ÜNLÜ 2
1
esakan65@hotmail.com • Graduate School of Science, Engineering and
Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
aunlu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul
Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
This article details a study presenting behavioral responses of elderly users regarding
spatial configurations within an elderly care institution, using the “Space
Syntax Method” within the framework of ”Environment Behavior Studies”.
The case study reveals a variance of both adaptive and maladaptive behavioral
responses towards spatial configurations regarding the elderly and their residential
environment. A linear configuration is seen at the Maltepe Elderly Care &
Rehabilitation Institution where behavioral responses are emphasized by analyses
of how the design of elderly care institution corresponds directly with the spatial
behaviors of elderly users’ overtime, utilizing the Observation Method. The linear
configured elderly care institution shows an increase in behavioral responses in
low level interaction (socio-fugal) areas whereas a decrease is seen in highly social
interaction (socio-pedal) areas. Two different syntactic analyses are made with the
inclusion of the garden area and without demonstrating the visual relationship
with outer space. In doing such, it can be seen that both affective and behavioral
needs of this particular age group into the design of elderly care institutions are a
relevant parameter to be included as a conceptual framework within the architectural
design process.
Keywords
Behavioral responses, Elderly, Elderly care institution, Spatial configuration,
Space syntax.

90
1. Introduction
The aging of the population is an increasingly
important issue in this century,
especially considering how this
issue affects all aspects of society including
but not limited to health, social
security, environment, architecture,
socio-cultural activities and family.
From the beginning of the 20 th
century, influenced by the age of industrialization,
rapidly improving
technologies, urbanization and an individualized
life cycle there have been
many changes in both family and social
structures. The transition from extended
family structures to immediate family
which has been influenced by status
and the decreased ability of function
in the elderly has caused many of the
elderly to become isolated. Factors
such as the change in traditional family
structure, death of spouse, decrease
in income levels, not having social
security, nor security in living alone
have made the lives of the elderly living
alone quite difficult. Therefore for
these and other reasons, elderly care
institutions have become the preferred
living space for the elderly in recent
times. However whereas trends may
have changed in recent times, until
now little importance has been given to
studies on the spatial features of such
elderly care institutions being sufficient
in meeting the physical, social, psychological
needs and expectations of the
elderly.
2. Conceptual framework
As part of “Environment Behavior
Studies”, the conceptual framework
includes the scope of “psycho-spatial”
and “psycho-social” concepts as well as
“architectural design” and “elderly user
spatial behavior and responses” which
due to their importance are being set
forth and examined syntactically with
the Space Syntax Method. Due to having
a framework which holds multiple
disciplines together, the importance
of parameters regarding the study are
being discussed with a transactional
approach.
2.1. Environment behavior studies
According to Altman (1975), the features
of human-environment relations
are classified in biological, physical,
psychological and socio-cultural levels.
In research, the psycho-spatial processes
concerning the elderly have multiple
conceptual infrastructures. For this
reason, separate identification of these
concepts is important in terms of the
behavioral spatial processes of the elderly
users in order to understand and
measure information concerning elderly
care institutions. These concepts
are the factors that form behavioral
patterns concerning spaces and are
discussed within the context of ecological
harmony regarding the elderly and
environmental stress, personal space,
belonging, and social interaction, in
order to form a space syntax relation.
Osmond (1959) classified two kinds of
conversational space; non-supportive
socio-fugal and supportive socio-pedal.
Being large, open, and expansive,
with high ceilings and bright lighting,
socio-fugal spaces tend to drive people
apart and discourage social interaction.
In opposition, he believed that smaller
spaces with lower overhangs and
close lighting, socio-pedal spaces tend
to bring people together, encouraging
conversation. Both these concepts are
important regarding the elderly care
institutions meeting their social needs.
The literature suggests that older adults
want to see rather than be seen, they sit
in the areas surrounding open spaces,
almost preferring the exterior edges of
socio-pedal spaces (Sommer 1969).
The primary target of analysis conducted
is to understand the potential
of physical spaces bringing the elderly
users together dependent on their spatial
behaviors. Within the scope of this
article, the harmony of elder users’ spatial
behaviors within spatial configurations
form interactions at specific locations
anticipated by the architect or
reactions towards spatial configuration
in which conversion or localizations of
space in the different areas were seen.
Within the context of Environment
Behavioral Studies, Lawton and Nahemow
(1973), as part of “Ecological
Theory of Adaptation and Aging”
evaluated the affective and behavioral
conditions with personal efficiency,
competence and the warnings received
from the interaction between the physical
and social environment or as a results
of its relation with environmental
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Özsüt Akan, A. Ünlü

press. When a user reaching a certain
level of competence shows behavior
in an environment where there is also
a certain level of press, the behavioral
output is seen in the zone continuing
between positive and negative zones.
These zones are rated according to
their level of behavior and influenced
between competence and press is defined
as the adaptation level.
If environmental press reaches a
high level, it means the competence
level is also increased. Alternatively
when there is a drop in environmental
press, although behavioral output
is generally positive if in fact it is of
any significant measure the situation
may lead to distress, sensory illness
and behavioral anxiety, which is not
organized (Ünlü, 1998). In that sense,
elderly people in their institutional
care environments show behavioral reactions
against spatial configuration or
harmony with their spatial behaviors
such as when modifying the function
of the space.
Site Planning and Design for the Elderly,
by Carstens (1993), did discuss
issues relating to aging and presented
recommendations for meeting elderly
requirements and preferences (orientation
and wayfinding, predictability
and control, socializing, sensory stimulation,
and environmental comprehension)
and the practical requirements
(safety and security, comfort,
and physical, psychological and visual
access).
Figure 1. Lawton & Nahemow’ s ecological model of aging (1973).
According to psychology, institutionalized
elderly residing in a corporate
environment are at a greater risk
for depression. Long term care institutions
recommend the elderly and their
relatives to bring familiar and personal
belongings in order to personalize the
environment and alter the perception
of the environment. Yet although significant,
a negative impact is still seen
(Eshelman et al., 2002). However, regarding
interior decoration objects,
wallpaper upholstery materials combined
with a friendly environment
similar to a home image accentuated
with the use of lighting elements aids it
giving a feeling of familiarity and safety
(Kopec, 2012).
According to Zeisel’s (2005) case
study in the Alzheimer’s Assisted Living
Treatment Residence, both the
design and layout were modified for
people living with Alzheimer’s disease
and the architecture, landscape
and interior were planned to augment
memories and the ability of self or auto-functioning.
By taxing the areas of
residents’ brains which functioned well
and relieving damaged areas, the entire
individual was supported. Residents
felt at home, competent and in control
as much as their age allowed.
2.2. Social structure of space and
space syntax based theories
Space syntax is a theory and methodology
used to define structural environments.
The theoretical base was
first set forth by Hiller and Hanson
(1984) in a book entitled “Social Logic
of Space” in which the thesis states
there is a relation between outside
factors that generate forms and social
powers. According to Hiller and Hanson
(1984) the biggest obstacle in creating
better designs lies in the fact that
the relation between social structure
and spatial organization was not being
fully understood. In order to achieve
this more emphasis must be placed on
the interdisciplinary literature of space
and society. The Space Syntax theory is
used as a parameter of spatial scheme
defining behavioral changes, cultural
differences and social functions. This
theory is used within the context of
elderly care institutions by measuring
the design forms of buildings as well as
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study
91

92
the interaction between elderly users,
which aims to provide readability from
an architect’s perspective.
According to Seamon’s (1994) phenomenological
approach, humans are
in close relationship with the world and
it is believed that the two create and
reflect upon each other. For example,
long, narrow roads are cold, give little
feeling of space and are perceived with
their one-dimensional axial shapes,
movement flow and circulation area.
On the other hand, large convex spaces
are the places where elderly people
rest, children play and district bazaars
are set up. If axial spaces are mostly
connected with gradual change and interaction
amongst residential districts
and neighborhoods, convex places are
connected with the meaning of these
spaces which provides an opportunity
to read architectural plans with Space
Syntax analysis (Edgü, 2003).
In a study regarding the elderly conducted
on the remodeling of a care institution,
progressive privacy is turned
towards access to public and common
areas as much as possible such as outside
sheltered areas and can be controlled
entirely by the user dividing the
space into subsections (Trotter et al.,
1998). The Progressive Privacy Model
with public, semi-public and private
areas separated into different zones allows
balance to be kept in the levels of
access and control.
Concerning Wojgani and Hanson
(2007) their configuration in which
they redesigned an elderly care and
rehabilitation center, located general
spaces around the main entrance
where social interaction was strong,
removing personal spaces that enabled
privacy from the entrance. With that
configuration, they identified the physical
features of spatial configuration as
well as determined the social interaction
of the space.
In this context, we see a move away
from a home environment towards one
that involves more experiences forcing
users into a new environment for
the elderly which carries the perimeter
which includes psycho-spatial behaviors.
In the thesis study that formed the
basis for this article, the hypothesis was
that spatial configuration in elderly
care institutions is a determining factor
on spatial behaviors and perception
of elderly users. Therefore, with that in
mind elderly care institutions should
be analyzed in terms of environmental
perception combined with the influence
of spatial configuration which is
demonstrated in this case study. It has
been shown that spatial configuration
does in fact cause behavioral responses
on elderly users and the relation of spatial
configuration in elderly care institutions
concerning behaviors of these
users are set forth and examined at a
syntactic level.
3. Case study
In this case study, to what extend
spatial configurations conflicted with
spatial behaviors of the elderly and
the level of relation between them
have been emphasized as well as the
adaptive or maladaptive behavioral responses
imposed from the elderly.
In the elderly care institution that
was chosen for this case study, behavioral
responses of elderly users were
emphasized by analysis of the influence
of spatial configuration on spatial
behaviors and responses as well as the
interactions between them. Behavioral
patterns within the scope of the architectural
program were determined by
observational method and perceptional
features were digitized within Space
Syntax parameters including the interaction
between space configuration
and users responses. By interpreting
usage frequency of the space with a
syntactic value and socio-pedal or socio-fugal
space characters, the developed
adaptive or maladaptive behavioral
responses of users towards spatial
configurations were shown.
The Maltepe Elderly Care & Rehabilitation
Institution (MECRI) was
designed by Yalçın Emiroğlu in 1975
and included in the complex was a residence
for mobile and semi-mobile elderly
with two units for eighty to one
hundred people, a rehabilitation center,
social services unit, central kitchen,
laundry, infirmary and recreational
facility. Each unit has three floors
with gardens and sitting areas between
them. The structural complex has a linear
plan scheme on a horizontal settlement
plan (Figure 2).
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93
Figure 2. MERCI, layout and ground floor plan.
Figure 3. Views from the observation points on the ground floor.
Figure 4. Views from the observation points on the first floor.
With regards to the scope of this
case study, Block A and C apartment
units are discussed and have living
units that generate a linear layout by
lining up across along a corridor. All
living units have a balcony and face
south overlooking the landscape. The
social block unit was planned separately
from the living units, connected to
the administration and in the entrance
lies waiting, secretary, manager and
meeting rooms. Further on the social
area unit is accessible where in lies a
multi-purpose hall, service area and
cafeteria (Figures 3-4).
3.1. The identification of the method
of case study
The relation between numerical values
obtained and social structure are
objectively identified. During identification
of this relation, outcomes were
obtained from two stages of analyses
providing definition of the different
point characteristics of space. Firstly,
by Observation Method, data acquisition
at the MECRI was conducted on
a day from 10:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. Secondly,
by using the Space Syntax Method
to acquire numerical and graphical
data: Integration, Mean Depth, Isovist
Area, Isovist Perimeter Analyses were
made. These analyses and obtained values
were then input into a two-dimensional
plan of the space in the University
of Michigan licenses “Syntax 2D”
program and floor plans with the Space
Syntax Method.
Data and Space Syntax data were
overlapped with the “SPSS (Statistical
Package for the Social Sciences)” statistical
analysis program. During the first
stage, correlation values were formed
by overlapping elderly usage frequency
data acquired with Observation Method
and syntactic values acquired with
the Space Syntax Method were then
interpreted within the context of the
hypothesis.
In order for these studies to me conducted
initially effective parameters
on spatial behavior and perception of
the elderly users in an elderly care institution
were set forth and associated
(Figure 5).
Next, the necessary data within the
context of the parameters and methods
used to acquire data were determined.
While specifying the method of study,
concepts such as the elderly users, spatial
configuration, spatial behaviors
and perceptions were approached conceptually
within the scope of the Space
Figure 5. Parameters of elderly user’s spatial
behavior and perception in the elderly care
institution.
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study

94
Syntax. By observing how elderly user
perceived the environment and how
they were affected by it, their spatial
behavior was evaluated together with
their adaptive or maladaptive behavioral
responses.
The study conducted within this
context is as follows:
• The method of periodic observation
was used to present the frequency
and duration of interaction
between elderly users and spatial
configuration.
• Analysis was performed regarding:
integration, mean depth, isovist
area and isovist perimeter utilizing
the Space Syntax Method.
• Data were overlapped and read using
the SPSS to determine if the designs
of elderly care institutions act
in coincidence with elderly users
as well as the behavioral responses
which the designs created on the
user.
3.2. The data from observation
In the MECRI, interaction with spatial
configuration and elderly users was
conducted with the Observation Method.
For elderly users to be observed in
the institution, identification of the
spaces where social interaction was
most intense was necessary and such
observations were conducted on the
ground and first floors of the preferred
spaces.
It was observed that elderly users
preferred areas such as corridors and
block entry areas which involved activity
rather than places which were
originally planned to be the social interaction
areas. All observed points are
described as follows:
• MA1 (A Block Entry Area),
• MA2 (A Block Ground Floor Corridor
Area),
• MA3 (A Block First Floor Corridor
Area),
• MA4 (A Block Daily Resting
Room),
• M1 (Cafeteria),
• M2 (Multi-Purpose Hall),
• MC1 (C Block Entry Area),
• MC2 (C Block Ground Floor Corridor
Area),
• MC3 (C Block First Floor Corridor
Area),
• MC4 (C -Social Block Connection
Area).
The areas allocated in the architectural
planning as social interaction
areas and also the spaces preferred by
elderly users which were transformed
to social interaction areas over time as
well as the paths they followed while
reaching these spaces are marked below
(Figure 6-7).
In addition the behavioral patterns
and the number of elderly users that
were affected by the use of these spaces
as well as their frequency have been
shown below (Table1).
Utilizing the Observation Method,
spaces and how often elderly users in
the institutions used them along with
behavioral moods and patterns which
were periodlically performed in this
institution as well as social areas with
high/low interaction levels are indicated
in the below figures (Figures 8-9).
The light colored areas are inter-grated,
highly social interaction and socio-pedal
areas, while the dark areas
indicate depth and low social interac-
Figure 6. Ground floor observation points in MECRI.
Figure 7. First floor observation points in the MECRI.
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95
Table 1. The usage and the frequency of the spaces in the MECRI.
BEHAVIORAL MODES
SPACES
OBSERVATION
PERIOD
PERIOD
(10:00-
13:00)
PERIOD
(14:00-17:00)
Waiting,
Looking
Around;
Drinking
Tea or
Coffee
etc.
INDIVIDUAL MODES
Watching
TV
Reading
Newspaper
or Book etc.
PUBLIC INTERACTIVE
MODES
Standing
Chat
Sitting
Chat
Playing
Card
Game
NUMBER
OF
PEOPLE
PASSING
(30min
Periyod)
USAGE
FREQUENCY
(Number of
Total Users)
M A1 (A
Block Entry
Field)
M A2
(A Block
Corridor
Area On
The Ground
Floor)
M A3
(A Block
Corridor
Area On The
First Floor)
10:00-17:00 44 0 0 8 3 0 99 154
41 0 0 6 1 0 51 99
10:00-17:00
10:00-17:00 0 0 0 11 0 0 32 43
MA 4 (A Blok
Day Resting
Room)
10:00-17:00 25 19 20 6 24 0 0 94
M C1 (C
Block Entry
Field)
10:00-17:00 5 1 0 1 1 0 20 28
M C2
(C Block
Corridor
Area On The
Ground)
M C3
(C Block
Corridor
Area On The
First Floor)
10:00-17:00
10:00-17:00
13 18 0. 0 0 0 13 31
9 0 4 0 0 0 21 34
M C4 (C -
Social Block
Connection
Area)
10:00-17:00 23 1 8 4 16 0 3 55
M 1
(Cafeteria)
10:00-17:00 5 0 5 0 0 39 0 49
M 2 (Multi-
Purpose Hall)
10:00-17:00 4 6 0 0 0 0 0 10
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study

96
Figure 8. Ground floor social interaction
character analysis in MECRI.
Figure 9. First floor social interaction
character analysis in the MECRI.
tion and socio-fugal areas.
To what extent spatial configuration
of the instiution was, to what effect
on the intergration level of the elderly
was made and to what extent as well as
the behavioral responses of the elderly
were determined.
In the model below, set within the context
of Person-Environment-Behavior,
A- Environment Figures is quantitative
figure for the MECRI, set forth by the
Space Syntax Method. However, B- the
Behavior in the Environment is qualitative
and was acquired in the case
study (Figure 10).
3.3. Space syntax data
The functional structure of the observed
elderly institution was defined
mathematically by identification of
space and relations among them as a
network.
The relation between the acquired
numeric data and social structure was
defined objectively and determined
using the Space Syntax Method. For
acquiring numerical and the graphical
data four analyses were made; Integration,
Mean Depth, Isovist Area, and
Isovist Perimeter Analysis. Values were
obtained by accessing the University
of Michigan licensed ‘’Syntax 2D’’program
in which separate analyses for
the institution, the interaction between
the spatial configuration and the elderly
user behavior were questioned.
Figure 10. The model of space syntax association with the
elderly user’s spatial behavior and perception in the elderly care
institutions.
Proceeding from this, how much the
spatial configurations of the institution
conformed to elderly behaviors and
their behavioral responses were discussed.
The spatial configuration of the
floor plan was questioned with regards
to the design of the elderly institution.
These values were converted to numerical
data by the Space Syntax Method
combined with the Observation Method,
then overlapped by the SSPS statistical
program.
Therefore analysis regarding the design
and the elderly user’s spatial behaviors
in the elderly institution, as well as
adaptive or maladaptive responses that
elderly users formed against the spatial
configuration was set forth. There is a
possibility to compare different forms
on the same quantitative basis with
the Space Syntax analyses (Kim, 1999;
Penn, 2003). The concepts being set
forth by this method help the space, together
with the physical and lexical parameters
in the elderly care institutions
to be understood. Space Syntax data
analysis was calculated separately by
inserting Ground Floor and First Floor
plans into the Syntax 2D program with
Isovist Area, Isovist Perimeter, Integration,
and Mean Depth.
Based on the Syntax 2D and isovist
area, by defining the border of the plans
to be analyzed and the walls inside it,
the area to be analyzed was determined
and the relations within the scope of
this area were searched (Figure 11).
The program working with a grid
system, after determining a grid towards
this influence area, was connected
with identical field of view and the
grid separations, calculating the physical
space relations within the borders
selected for analysis (Şalgamcıoğlu,
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97
2013). The Isovist Area is; the value
that gives the surface area of the isovist
area.
The perimeter values of the isovist
area, differ from the Isovist Area, and
do not provide the surface value of 360
degrees of the Isovist area on separate
points but instead the calculation of
the perimeter value of a two-dimensional
polygon. This situation demonstrates
about whether the sizes of the
space perceived from each point are
thin, long or not. When being discussed
on the basis of the institution,
it also reveals the differences between
convex spaces having close sizes and
convex space geometrics have different
size values. The Perimeter of the Isovist
Area and the size of the perceived
space from the chosen point is show
to be long or short. The Integration
value comes first among the syntactic
values, having the property of giving
information. It enables interpretation
of the information on which spaces are
deep or shallow in overall general relation
with the integration analysis. It is
interpreted, that the mean depth value
is contradictive of the integration value.
In those spaces, this value is related
with an accumulation amount in stage
wise engagement within each other as
shown in the Space Syntax Analysis
Figure 11. Visual field area from observation
points with the garden.
in Figure 12. Where the garden was
included, the Isovist Area of the front
garden, Isovist Perimeter and Integration
value came out to be highest. In
this connection, the A block entrance
faces the front garden, and although
MA1 is a narrow space, it had the highest
integration value (Figure 12).
The aim of this study was to attempt
to find the spatial behavioral responses
towards spatial configuration in an elderly
institution.
For this reason, the syntactic data
values were calculated separately for
two plans, including the values of sectors
differentiated as “with the garden”,
“without the garden” to read adaptive
and maladaptive behavioral responses
on the spatial configuration.
The mean syntactic values were obtained
for the four concepts listed by
dividing the total data value of institution
plans on its own grid count (Table2;
Table 3).
The names applied for each data
group for which a value was obtained
are listed below;
• Integration
• Mean Depth
• Isovist Area
• Isovist Perimeter
In the Space Syntax Analysis made;
with the isovist fields, the space that
users could see a complete 360 degrees,
was scanned. A user sitting by the window
could easily perceive both the outside
and inside and hold the isovist area
at the highest level. As a result when
observed, these spaces had the characteristic
of being the most preferred.
When the plan without the garden
was taken into account, the isovist area
graphs from the observed points are as
follows (Figure 13).
When we look at configuration of
the elderly institution without a garden,
as the colors of living units are indicated
by deep and dark blue colors,
corridors, multipurpose hall and cafeteria
are green and yellows color in a
complimentary manner (Figure 14).
Figure 12. Syntactic analyses of isovist area,
isovist perimeter integration and mean
depth with the garden.
3.4. Correlations
Finally, the statistical relationship of
the different phases was also be evaluated,
and the addressed comparisons
examined using the “SPSS”. This was
the comparison of Usage Frequency
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study

98
Table 2. Space syntax values with the garden.
SPACE SYNTAX VALUES
SPACES
ISOVIST
AREA
ISOVIST
PERIMETER
INTEGRATION MEAN DEPTH
M A1 (A Block Entry Field) 32226642 51210 4977347 1,74
M A2 (A Block Corridor Area On The
Ground Floor
M A3 (A Block Corridor Area On The First
Floor
2479086 32139 278231 2,2
2608088 27342 181608 2,33
MA 4 (A Blok Day Resting Room) 21609831 60606 1975202 1,85
M C1 (C Block Entry Field) 9659796 24699 1126038 2,28
M C2 (C Block Corridor Area On The
Ground
M C3 (C Block Corridor Area On The First
Foor
M C4 (C Block- Social Block Connection
Area)
1832321 19931 173346 2,4
1254736 12378 51665 2,68
18664697 41169 1738030 1,86
M 1 (Cafeteria) 4864848 20902 514467 2,3
M 2 (Multi-Purpose Hall) 5878802 30147 414171 2,24
Figure 13. Visual field area from observation
points without the garden.
Figure 14. Syntactic analyses of isovist area,
isovist perimeter, integration and mean
depth without the garden.
and Syntactic Values.
The case study attempts to ascertain
the effect of space configuration on elderly
users’ responses. Four relationships
were examined in the network in
the use of the parameters of the spatial
frequency range.
• Frequency- Integration
• Frequency- Mean Depth
• Frequency- Isovist Area
• Frequency- Isovist Perimeter
When we consider Syntactic Values
with a garden and the Usage Frequency
correlation; Usage Frequency- Integration
(r = 0,730; p= 0,017), Usage
Frequency-Isovist Area (r = 0,707;
p= 0,022) and Usage Frequency- Isovist
Area Perimeter (r = 0,795; p=
0,006) correlations are positively related,
Usage Frequency- Mean Depth (r
= -0,704; p= 0,023) correlation turned
out to be negative (Figure 15).
Elderly users preferred to settle in
those spaces with a higher integration
value, isovist area and perimeter.
When we take into account the Syntactic
Values and Usage Frequency
correlation, without considering the
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99
Table 3. Space syntax values without the garden.
SPACE SYNTAX VALUES
SPACES
ISOVIST
AREA
ISOVIST
PERIMETER
INTEGRATION MEAN DEPTH
M A1 (A Block Entry Field) 708210 6638 12911 3,24
M A2 (A Block Corridor Area On The
Ground Floor)W
M A3 (A Block Corridor Area On The
First Floor)
1129119 9413 16112 3,83
1129108 9412 21950 1,55
MA 4 (A Blok Day Resting Room) 572034 6528 7317 1,95
M C1 (C Block Entry Field) 1174176 10237 13811 4,31
M C2 (C Block Corridor Area On The
Ground)
M C3 (C Block Corridor Area On The
First Floor)
M C4 (C Block- Social Block Connection
Area)
827673 8168 8576 5,21
1156290 10071 17088 2,88
741519 7416 17711 2,3
M 1 (Cafeteria) 2201933 12834 68053 1,81
M 2 (Multi-Purpose Hall) 1664376 8106 38425 2,78
Figure 15. Correlation analyses of usage frequency and syntactic
values with the garden plan.
garden; Usage Frequency is not related
with an integration value (r = -0,463;
p= 0,178). The Usage Frequency and
the Isovist Area correlation is (r= -620;
p= 0,056) nearly negatively related. Usage
Frequency and the Isovist Perimeter
correlation is also negatively related
(r = -0,740; p= 0,014). However, the
Usage Frequency and Mean Depth correlation
is not related one another (r =
0,049; p= 0,893) (Figure 16).
The garden as seen in the analysis
of correlation between the external environment
with the use of spatial frequencies
ranges close to negative values
without any visual interaction however
a significant relationship was found in
that elderly users did not move along
with the spatial construction.
Figure 16. Correlation analyses of usage frequency and syntactic
values without the garden plan.
3.5. Results and discussion
The methodology of this study was
set forth and examined within the concept
relation between the spatial configuration
in the elderly care institutions
with the elderly users’ behavioral
moods and patterns at perceptional
and behavioral levels syntactically.
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study

100
With reference to this context, the case
study conducted in MECRI focused on
how much spatial configurations affected
the spatial behaviors of elderly
users, and how elderly people responded
towards the configuration, as well as
the mutual interaction and conversion
between the spatial configuration in
the elderly care institution and elderly
users spatial behaviors.
Within the scope of the case study
conducted with the Observation Method,
it was determined that elderly users
are against spatial configuration instead
localizing and interacting within
spaces which were not the intended
function. It was determined that the
mostly used spaces in the institutions
were the A Block entrance, connection
corridors and the heads of corridors
instead of the configured social
interaction area. Although there was a
weak interaction inside the linear order,
elderly users moved social spaces
to shallow regions. As Ünlü et.al (2001)
stated, the average depth value of the
spaces show that the social interaction
is weak. The fact that the spaces such
as the multi-purpose hall and cafeteria
in the general spatial configuration,
overlooking the backyard where the
social interaction can be formed, by
not being able to meet the sensory and
affective needs of the elderly people,
lowered their usage frequency.
When the focusing on the correlation
which was obtained with the
“SPSS”; the Syntactic values such as
Isovist Area, Isovist Perimeter, Integration
and Mean Depth values, which
have been obtained from the architectural
plan and Usage Frequency from
Observation in the MECRI were overlapped;
the values found with the garden
correlation analyses are as follows:
r= 0,730; p= 0,017, r= 0,707; p=
0,022, r= 0, 795; p= 0,006, r= - 0,704;
p= 0,023.Through these values, it is
seen that the Usage Frequency forms
a positive correlation with the Isovist
Area, Isovist Perimeter and Integration
values coming from Space Syntax.
Also, there is a negative correlation
between Usage Frequency and Mean
Depth. These correlations demonstrate
that the elderly users preferred shallow
and integrated spaces that, included
movement, high isovist field and sunshine.
Isovist Area, Isovist Perimeter, Integration
and Mean Depth Syntactic
values found without the garden along
with the Usage Frequency correlation
analyses were as follows: r=-0,620;
p=0,056, r=-0,740; p=0,014, r=-0463;
p=0,178, r=-0,049; p=0,893. These correlation
results demonstrate that the
Usage Frequency and Space Syntax values
did not have any correlation. Elderly
users used social interaction spaces
available that were not included in the
planned layout of the garden. Rather
they localized in the places having high
integration and connectivity values as
the social integration area in the general
configuration.
Configurations have adaptive and
maladaptive varied effects within the
scope of the elderly users’ sensory and
affective capabilities on their spatial
behavior responses. While the users
also show maladaptive behaviors towards
the configured space in the ME-
CRI, they behaving improperly against
the spatial configuration, perform the
expected spatial behavior.
The social areas are fictionalized
in the architectural design of the socio-pedal
areas and it is seen that they
became socio-fugal areas as a result of
behavioral responses. Simultaneously,
areas design as socio-fugal areas were
turned into socio-pedal areas using
external functions of the elderly users’
response.
4. Conclusion
Within the scope of the case study;
spatial syntax properties and the effects
of these properties on the elderly user’s
spatial behaviors and the responses
were examined. In the institution being
discussed, the presence of the relation
between the elderly user’s own behavior
and the syntax values of the space
and its quality, were set forth by means
of the observation method, case study,
and acquiring the space syntax values
providing the combined analyses.
When the correlation between Syntactic
Values and Usage Frequency is
considered the elderly people begin to
behave rather adaptively to space configuration
with the garden, whereas
they begin to behave rather adversely
developing maladaptive behavior to
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101
space configuration without the garden.
The elderly users reacted quiet uninterestedly
in the space configuration
without the garden. Additionally, they
did not use the presently configured
multi- purpose hall and cafeteria. Elderly
users in the MECRI did not use
those spaces or rarely used and responded
behaviorally in an adversely
effecting manner, which were built as
social inaction area and configured
into inactive spaces, or corridors needed
to be walked or even those blocks
reached though entrance from administration
buildings.
In conclusion of evaluation regarding
this case study, it is put forth that
the elderly care institutions in a country
where new investments are made,
should consider the physical and psycho-social
and psycho-spatial features
of this specific age group and contribute
those features into future architectural
designs of elderly care institutions,
while simultaneously building a
detailed database so as to develop a parameter
within the architectural design
process as a conceptual framework.
Acknowledgments
I am very much thankful to my
advisor Prof. Dr. Alper Ünlü for his
valuable guidance, encouragement at
various stages through my dissertation
period.
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spatial cognition or why the axial line?
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Yaşlıların davranışsal tepkilerinin
mekansal kurgu üzerinden okunması;
yaşlılık kurumu örneği
Yaşlı birey ile çevresi arasında ki
etkileşimde; kullanıcıda yaşlılık kurumunun
mimari tasarımına bağlı olarak
mekansal kurguya karşı uyumlu ya da
uyumsuz davranışsal tepkiler oluşmaktadır.
Makale; yaşlı kullanıcıların
mekansal davranışları yoluyla yaşlılık
kurumunun mekansal kurgusuna karşı
geliştirdikleri tepkilerin varlığını ve
niceliğini ortaya koymaya yönelik çalışmaları
ve sonuçlarını içermektedir.
Bu makalede sunulan çalışmalar ile
yaşlılık kurumu tasarımı ve yaşlı kullanıcı
davranışsal tepkileri arasındaki
ilişki “Çevre Davranış Çalışmaları” ana
çerçevesi içinde “Mekansal Dizim Yöntemi”
ile ele alınmaktadır.
Alan çalışması ile mekansal kurgunun,
yaşlı kullanıcı davranışları üzerindeki
etkileri incelenerek farklılaşan
mekansal davranış tepkileri saptanmış
ve mekanların dizimsel değerleri çıkartılmıştır.
Lineer mekan kurgusuna
sahip Maltepe Yaşlı Bakım ve Rehabilitasyon
Kurumunda yapılan alan çalışması
sırasında Gözlem Tekniği ile
kullanıcıların hangi mekanları hangi
sıklıkta kullandıkları periyodlar halinde
gözlemlenerek yoğun ve düşük
etkileşimli sosyal alanlar belirlenmiştir.
Space Syntax Yöntemi kullanılarak
ta mekanların Eşgörüş Alanı, Eşgörüş
Alanı Çevresi, Bütünleşme ve Derinlik
değerleri elde edilmiştir. Bu bağlamdan
hareketle; yaşlılık kurumunun tasarım
performansı, mekansal dizim değerleri
ile yaşlı kullanıcıların davranışsal tepkileri
çakıştırılarak tartışılmaktadır.
Sonuçta; yaşlı kullanıcıların mimari
tasarımdan gelen mekansal kurguya
karşı davranışsal tepkiler geliştirdikleri
ortaya konulmaktadır. Yaşlılık
kurumu tasarımı yaşlı kullanıcıların
duyuşsal ve davranışsal ihtiyaçlarına
cevap verip vermemesine göre uyumlu
ya da uyumsuz davranışsal tepkilere
sebep olmaktadır. Lineer kurguya
sahip yaşlılık kurumunda davranışsal
tepki artarak uyum azalmakta, yüksek
etkileşim (socio-pedal) düzeyi düşmekte,
bireysel düşük etkileşimli (socio-fugal)
ilişki düzeyi artmaktadır.
Maltepe Yaşlı Bakım ve Rehabilitasyon
Kurumunda yaşlıların mekansal kurgu
üzerinde sosyal etkileşim alanları
olarak tasarlanmış Çok Amaçlı Salon
ve Kafeterya gibi alanları kullanmadığı
gözlemlenmiştir. Tasarımın sosyal
mekan çözümünde bu yaş kuşağına
yönelik olarak yeterli olmadığı sosyal
alanların az ya da hiç kullanılmadığı
görülmektedir. Bu durumun başlıca
nedenleri; bu mekanların hareketi görmeyen,
arka bahçeye bakan, uzun bir
yol yürüyerek ulaşabilecekleri ya da
idari bloktan geçilerek gidilebilen alanlarda
kurgulanmış olmalarıdır. Yaşlılar
hareketi gören, kolay ulaşabildikleri,
idari bölümle ilişkisiz olan A Blok girişi,
bağlantı holleri, koridor başları gibi
sirkülasyon alanlarını fonksiyonları
dışı değiştirip dönüştürerek sosyal etkileşim
alanları gibi kullanmaktadırlar.
Bu yolla yaşlı kullanıcılar duyuşsal ve
davranışsal ihtiyaçlarına cevap verip
vermemesine göre mekanın fonksiyonunu
değiştirmekte, kullanarak ya da
kullanmayarak tepki oluşturmaktadırlar.
Mimari tasarımda sosyal etkileşim
alanları olarak kurgulanan mekanlara,
davranışsal tepkileri sonucu gitmeyerek
düşük sosyal etkileşimli mekanlar
haline dönüştürebildikleri gibi bunun
tersini de yapabilmektedirler.
Bu noktada yaşlı kullanıcı davranışsal
tepkisi ile mekan kurgusu arasında
nasıl bir ilişki kurulabileceği sorusu
önem kazanmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında
mekansal kurgunun kullanıcı
davranışına uyumu ya da uyumsuzluğu
Gözlem Tekniği ve Mekansal Dizim
Yöntemi arasındaki korelasyonlar ile
ortaya konulmaktadır. Mekansal Dizim
Yöntemi ile Bütünleşme, Derinlik, Eş
Görüş Alanı ve Eş Görüş Alanı Çevresi
Analizleri yoluyla mekansal kurgu üzerinde
belirlenen noktaların dizimsel
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Özsüt Akan, A. Ünlü

103
değerleri ayrı ayrı çıkartılmıştır. Bahçe
dahil edilerek ve edilmeyerek yapılan
iki farklı dizimsel analiz sonuçlarına
göre yaşlı kullanıcının mekan kullanımında
dış mekanla kurduğu görsel
ilişki önemli bir parametre olarak öne
çıkmaktadır. Kullanıcı görsel etkenlere
bağlı olarak mevcut sosyal alanları kullanmak
yerine kendi sosyal alanlarını
kurgudan bağımsız, dış ortamı gören
blok girişlerine, koridor başlarına ve
bağlantı koridorlarına taşımaktadır.
Mekansal Dizim Yöntemi ile elde
edilen dizimsel değerler ve gözlemlerden
çıkartılan kullanım frekansı arasındaki
korelasyonlar ile davranışsal
tepkinin varlığı ve niteliği yorumlanmaktadır.
Bahçeli ve bahçesiz korelasyon
değerleri göstermektedir ki yaşlı
kullanıcı lineer kurguya göre hareket
etmeyerek davranışsal tepki vermektedir.
Kurumun mevcut kurgu düzeni;
uzun yol yürümeyi gerektirerek sosyal
alanlara ulaşımı zorlaştırdığından ve
hareketi görme ihtiyacına yönelik dış
ortamla görsel ilişkiyi azalttığından
dolayı yaşlı kullanıcının duyuşsal ve
davranışsal ihtiyaçlarına cevap verememektedir.
Kullanıcı dış ortamla görsel ilişki
kurduğu bahçeli plan kurgusunda; Eş
Görüş Alanı, Eş Görüş Alanı Çevresi
ve Bütünleşme değerleri yüksek olan
yerleri fonksiyonu dışı değiştirip dönüştürerek
sosyal etkileşim alanları
olarak kullanmayı tercih etmektedir.
Çalışmayla birlikte örnek yaşlılık
kurumunun tasarımının yaşlı kullanıcıların
mekansal davranışlarıyla ne
kadar uyumlu oldukları irdelenerek
davranışsal tepkileri ortaya konulmaya
çalışılmaktadır. Bu suretle gelecekteki
yaşlılık kurumları tasarımlarında bu
yaş grubunun duyuşsal ve davranışsal
ihtiyaçlarının da dikkate alınarak mimari
program kapsamına bir parametre
olarak sokulmasının gerekliliği ileri
sürülerek kavramsal bir çerçeve oluşturulmaktadır.
Behavioral responses of the elderly regarding spatial configuration: An elderly care institution case
study

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 105-113
The influence of architectural
configuration on the pedestrian
network in Büyük Beşiktaş market
Ervin GARİP 1 , Mehmet Emin ŞALGAMCIOĞLU 2 , Fitnat CİMŞİT KOŞ 3
1
ervingarip@gmail.com • Department of Interior Design and Environmental
Design, Istanbul Kultur University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
salgamcioglu@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
3
fitnatcimsit@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Beykent University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
A study of trading can help us understand a wider range of organizations and
building types. Many shopping centers have been built in Istanbul over the past
twenty years. Although these privately owned places serve as social spaces and
provide an area for many public activities, their size and close proximity separate
them from the urban environment and choke off daily urban street life. Buyuk
Besiktas Market, which is selected as the subject of the case study has a specific
architectural form. Multiple entrances and a conductive interface converts the
building and especially the ground floor into a common area and urban domain
that hosts concerts, urban activities and special meetings.
The study seeks to understand how does the architectural form and syntactic
pattern of the outer layer play a role in changing the pedestrian network inside the
building and how do basic architectural elements such as inner courtyards and
open spaces affect pedestrian flow and preferences?
The research procedure is based on two main steps. The first step comprises
a gate count of the people passing through the gates and a density analysis. The
second step is to analyze the architectural configuration using Syntax 2D program
developed by scientists at the University of Michigan.
The results of the study support the idea that particularly for multi-entrance
buildings, the urban environment can be more dominant or at least effective in
manipulating the natural movement in buildings. Independent from the structure
of the building, the configuration which was set by urban dynamics is so dominant.
Keywords
Architectural layout, Pedestrian movement, Syntactical configuration.

106
1. Introduction
Many shopping centers have been
built in Istanbul over the past twenty
years. Although these privately owned
places serve as social spaces and provide
an area for many public activities,
their size and close proximity separate
them from the urban environment
and choke off daily urban street life.
Yet, from the perspective of commercial
land use patterns, shopping spaces
should be able to integrate urban spaces
in a continuous way. In this manner,
this study examines the syntactic character
of the market places that affect
people’s movement, particularly the
interface between architectural layout
and urban form that affects that movement.
Istanbul’s Buyuk Besiktas Market is
selected as the subject of the case study.
It has a specific architectural form that
can be characterized as a semi-open,
interior courtyard shopping building
with multiple entry points that is located
in a dense shopping district in Istanbul.
The configuration of the building
will be structurally analyzed considering
the architectural layout, pedestrian
flow and integration. The study seeks
to answer the questions below:
• How does the architectural form
and syntactic pattern of the outer
layer play a role in changing the pedestrian
network inside the building?
• How do basic architectural elements
such as inner courtyards,
open spaces and store allocation
affect pedestrian flow and preferences?
2. Retail pattern and pedestrian
movement
A study of trading can help us understand
a wider range of organizations
and building types. Trading has
a pervasive effect on urban form and
land use patterning as well as building
interiors and appears in one form or
another in every society and in every
period of history (Penn, 2005). As Hillier
(2005) noted, buildings and cities
exist for us in two ways: as the physical
forms that we build and see and as the
spaces that we use and move through.
In a situation where movement, configuration,
and attraction are all in
agreement, logic strongly suggests
configuration as the primary ‘cause’
of movement. Logically, the presence
of attractors can affect the presence
of people; however, these attractors
cannot affect the fixed configurational
parameters that describe the spatial
location. Similarly, configuration may
affect movement; however, configurational
parameters cannot be affected
by movement; see Figure 1, (Hillier et
al., 1993). Differences in layout affect
movement independently from the attractors.
As Hillier (1993) illustrated in Figure
2, attractors and movement may
affect each other; however, the other
two relations are asymmetrical. Configuration
may affect the location of
attractors, but the location of attractors
cannot affect configuration. Likewise,
configuration may affect movement,
but movement cannot affect configuration.
If strong correlations are observed
between movement and both
configuration and attractors, the only
possible lines of influence are from
configuration to both movement and
attractors, with the latter two influencing
each other.
We can better understand how cities
work if we draw a distinction between
movement ‘to’ or ‘from’ spaces and
movement ‘through’ spaces. Movement
‘to’ or ‘from’ spaces is primarily
Figure 1. (a) The more central segments of
the ‘main street’ are likely to be the most
frequently used.
(b) The two most central vertical elements,
one above and one below the ‘main street,’
would be on shorter routes than the more
peripheral vertical elements (Hillier, et. all.,
1993).
Figure 2. Attraction, configuration and
movement (Hillier, et. all., 1993).
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107
a function of land use, whereas movement
‘through’ spaces is primarily a
function of configuration. More importantly,
urban configuration creates
an interface between those two types
of movement. Thus, these two types of
movement can be evenly balanced in
some spaces and unevenly emphasized
in others. Liveness, however, appears
to require that both components be
present and mutually supportive (Peponis,
Ross, Rashidi, 1997).
The actual patterns of agglomeration
and differentiation of retail functions
that we observe in urban property use
patterns appear to be strongly related
to both the geometry and network topology
of the urban street system. Two
theories have sought to account for
this phenomenon from a space syntax
perspective. The first theory is the theory
of natural movement (Hillier et al.,
1993), which proposes that the configuration
of the street grid accounts for
a substantial proportion of pedestrian
movement in urban areas. Retail land
use is demonstrated to affect movement
patterns by acting as a multiplier,
transforming a linear relationship
between spatial integration and
pedestrian flows in mono-functional
residential areas into an exponential
relationship in mixed-use areas.
The thesis is that the primary factor
is urban spatial configuration, which
then causes a pattern of space use that
makes certain locations more attractive
than others for retail. Retail occupies
these locations preferentially and
then becomes an attractor of new trips
in its own right. The result is a multiplier
in which configurationally strategic
through routes become dominant retail
aggregations. The result is an emergent
correlation between land use, pedestrian
movement and configuration that
demonstrates immense stability over
time. The second theory is the theory
of the movement economy (Hillier
& Penn, 1992; Hillier, 1996; 1997),
which proposes that as a by-product
of every trip between an origin and a
destination, one passes opportunities
for interaction and transaction in spaces
along the way. We propose that this
phenomenon allows for multi-purpose
trips and is the link between urban spatial
configuration and movement flows
that provides logic for the disposition
of land uses. An additional phenomenon
exists, however, which is recognizable
in many different city forms and
cultures. This phenomenon involves
how land use patterns remain roughly
similar as one travels along a street but
change radically as one turns a corner.
The traditional ‘gravity’ model employed
by shopping mall developers
attempts to create an artificial ‘flow’
of pedestrian movement between two
known attractors. Shopping malls
generally work on the premise of the
classic dumb-bell concept; the large
competing ‘anchor’ stores at two ends
working as ‘magnets’ spaced between
a two sided mall of smaller multi-cellular
units (Fong, 2003) . Although
Hillier (1993, 1996) has argued that
movement is determined mainly by
the configuration of space, a case study
that was done on seven super regional
shopping centres (Fong, 2003) shows
that variables of attraction could best
predict movement distribution rather
than variables of configuration. In cases
where the functional attractors like
big stores do not exist, the interface
of the building must be examined by
considering that some environmental
relational or urban links may serve as
urban attractors that can affect pedestrian
flow.
3. Conductive interface
Building surfaces play a significant
role in the relationship between
buildings and the urban environment.
Especially at the ground floor level,
building surfaces act as a “membrane”
that serves as an interface between the
building and the urban environment.
As more of these surfaces enable the
transition, the buildings become urban
interiors and their gates become the
nodes of the urban environment.
The Buyuk Besiktas Market (BBM),
which is examined in this study, is a
three-story building with 184 stores
selling accessories, shoes and clothing,
in addition to other facilities like
a post office and pay offices. Multiple
entrances and a conductive interface
converts the building and especially
the ground floor into a common area
and urban domain that hosts concerts,
urban activities and special meetings
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108
(Figure 3). This provides us with an
opportunity to study the architectural
characteristics affecting the pedestrian
flow and preferences.
The surface of the BBM can be described
as a conductive interface with
multiple entrances that connect the
building to its urban environment. The
entrances demonstrate several common
attributes that can be categorized
and gives us the opportunity to discuss
how the pedestrian flow is affected by
architectural characteristics and the
urban interface.
Although the entrances that connect
the building to the urban grid are defined
as “street based,” the entrances
located on the periphery and that activate
the surface of the building act
as a “periphery.” Further, the connections
with other shopping areas can be
defined as “transition based” (Fig. 4).
This predefinition of gates allows us
to compare and discuss the role of the
interface of the building in pedestrian
movement and preference.
Figure 3. Image showing the open courtyard and ground floor
level as urban use.
Figure 4. Representation of each gate.
4. Method
BBM is selected for the case study.
The research procedure is based on
two main steps. The first step comprises
a gate count of the people passing
through the gates and a density analysis,
which provides the distribution
of people inside the building. To understand
the tendency of movement,
people leaving or entering the market
are calculated separately. These observations
provide information about
the preferences and distribution of pedestrians
according to their choices of
roles. In other words, this analysis will
provide clues about how the conductive
interface of the buildings affects
public movement and how the existence
of the inner courtyard manipulates
that movement.
The second step is to analyze the architectural
configuration. This will help
us understand the syntactic pattern of
the building and its basic architectural
characteristics such as galleries, corridors
and shop layout. Furthermore,
analyzing the configuration will provide
significant data about integration,
which is known to have an effect on
natural movement. The space syntax
method, a key theory used to define the
structural environment, will provide
significant data in terms of analysis.
Figure 5. Locations of entrances (A) and convex spaces (B).
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Garip, M. E. Şalgamcıoğlu, F. Cimşit Koş

109
The Syntax 2D program developed by
scientists at the University of Michigan
provides data about the level of integration
between convex spaces considering
their spatial properties.
4.1. Analog method
• Gate count: Recording the number
of people passing through the gates
(frequency) for 10 minutes synchronically
on weekdays and weekends
during the morning, midday,
and afternoon.
• Density: Mapping the distribution
of pedestrians, considering the cells
defining the convex space.
4.2. Syntactic analysis
There are two basic architectural
components characterizing the market:
the gate composition that gives
the building multiple entrances and
the open inner garden that makes the
configuration unique. Integration is
evaluated by considering the inner
garden as a connective space regulating
the pedestrian movement around
it. We therefore seek to understand
whether the open garden serves as an
edge that distributes movement or as a
perceptive continuity that attracts pedestrians.
Syntax 2D creates a grid fragmentation
that enabled us to compare the
plan integration and depth comparison
values through different convex spaces.
The mean integration (Figure 6) and
mean depth data (Figure 7) are generated
as a result of the analyses. These
are two main concepts addressed in
space syntax theory that can help us
understand how some convex spaces
are more integrated and shallow than
others. For gates, the calculation uses
the arithmetic average of entrance
lines, whereas the calculation of convex
space uses the arithmetic average
of homogeneously divided equal areas.
Figure 6. Image of the integration analysis, completed using
Syntax 2D to find the syntactic scores for gate count nodes and
convex spaces.
Figure 7. Image of the mean depth analysis.
5. Syntactic comparisons and analysis
Matching the syntactic data (integration
and depth value) with the
gate count will help us to explore the
influence of architectural configuration
on the people passing through the
gates. Additionally, the comparison of
the syntactic data and people located
in convex spaces helps us to explore
how integrated or segregated locations
influence pedestrian movement, and
whether there is any correlation between
the architectural configuration
of the market and the distribution of
movement.
A schematic shown in Table 1 and
Table 2 examines the relationship between
the syntactic values (integration
and mean depth) of the market gates
and the frequency of people passing
through the gates during weekdays and
weekends, counted at regular hourly
intervals.
As previously defined in the space
syntax literature, convex spaces have
distinctive properties that characterize
each space as unique and common
(Hillier et al., 1987). The comparison
shown below in Table 3 and Table 4
indicates the relationship between the
The influence of architectural configuration on the pedestrian network in Büyük Beşiktaş market

110
Table 1. Syntactic values and the number of people passing through each gate on weekdays.
Table 2. Syntactic values and the number of people passing through each gate on weekends.
Table 3. Syntactic values and frequencies of people in each convex space on weekdays.
Table 4. Syntactic values and frequencies of people in each convex space on weekends.
syntactic value of predefined convex
spaces and the frequency of people
passing or spending time in the following
convex space. For consistency, the
analysis is made over the same time intervals
used for the gate count.
The statistical analysis was performed
using SPSS software considering
the gate count numbers (people
passing through the gates) and convex
number (people located in convex
space) as the dependent variables
and syntactic values (integration and
depth) as the dependent variables. All
regression analyses are shown in Figure
8.
First, the regression analysis of the
gate count and syntactic value using
both the integration and mean depth
was performed for each time interval
and day shown in the figure. Interestingly,
no significant relationship was
found between the syntactic values
of the ground floor and the people
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111
passing through the gates. The same
result was investigated both for weekdays
and weekends. For instance at the
15.15 time interval, the regression between
the integration and gate count
yields no significant result (Weekday:
R=0.145; p=0.732>0.05, Weekend:
R=0.220; p=0.6>0.05); nevertheless,
for the same time interval, no significant
relationship was found between
the mean depth and gate count (Weekday:
R=0.145; p=0.732>0.05, Weekend:
R=0.220; p=0.6>0.05). Almost parallel
results were seen for every time interval,
as shown in Figure 8.
Second, a regression analysis was
performed to examine the relationship
between the syntactic values and convex
space frequency. At the 17.00 time
interval, no positive relationship was
found between the integration value
and convex space frequency (Weekday:
R=0.507; p=0.680>0.05, Weekend:
R=0.518; p=0.125>0.05). Although
there was no significant relationship
between the syntactic value and convex
space frequency (Figure 10), the values
were higher than the results of the gate
count analyses. The negative results for
the comparison of both the gate count
– syntactic value and convex space frequency
– and the syntactic value invite
a different perspective for the research.
These findings encourage us to discuss
the architectural layout of the market
in terms of the urban context and immediate
surroundings.
6. Discussion and conclusions
Considering the trends in the number
of people entering and leaving the
market, every gate shows different patterns.
For example, more people tend
to enter than leave through Gates 3 and
6, whereas more people leave through
Gates 4 and 5. At Gates 1, 2, 6 and 8,
the number of people entering and
leaving is almost equal.
Referring to Hillier’s “through-to
movement” theory and considering
the data gathered from BBM, it is clear
that street-based movement character-
Figure 8. Regression comparison results a. syntactic values-convex space (above), b. syntactic
values-gate count (below). WD weekday; WE weekend.
The influence of architectural configuration on the pedestrian network in Büyük Beşiktaş market

112
izes both through and to movement,
where pedestrians move with intention
and motivation (Gate 3, Gate 6). Transition-based
movement characterizes
“through movement,” when people act
with intention (Gates 4 and 5). On the
other hand, peripheral-based movement
is identified as “to movement,”
when people behave self oriented. By
taking into account the people entering
and leaving the marketplace, it is clear
that every gate has a different character.
It was surprising to see clearly that
there was no relationship between
the architectural layout configuration
and the distribution of people passing
through the gates. Although the most
significant characteristic of the market
place is its multiple entrances, the
importance of gate location stems not
from local integration but from the urban
context, which can be described as
urban gravity. Moreover, a case study
done by Zhang et al. (2012), compares
the multilevel and single level shopping
buildings to predict the accesibility
and pedestrian flow. Related study
suggests that multi‐level commercial
cases, measures of configuration can
not explain the pedestrian flows well.
Being a multilevel building, might be
seen as another reason of uncorrelation
between pedestrian flow and syntactic
values of ground floor of Buyuk
Besiktas Market.
Independent from the structure of
the building, the configuration which
was set by urban dynamics is so dominant.
The gates have different frequencies
due to these dynamics. Whether
the building have an introvert occupancy
its gates creates a new syntactical
discussion on urban interfaces.
The peripheral, transitional and street
based flows are the main attractors in
this discussion. The differentiations of
these gates are independent from inner
syntactical configuration however defines
the movement patterns through
urban interfaces.
The results of the study support the
idea that particularly for multi-entrance
buildings, the urban environment
can be more dominant or at least
effective in manipulating the natural
movement in buildings. In particular,
Istanbul’s Büyük Beşiktaş Market has
a very distinctive architectural layout
that has the potential to connect
the interior to its urban surroundings
at almost every surface of the building.
This design decision connects the
building to its environment and makes
the building indispensable to its environment.
References
Fong, P. (2003). What makes big
dumb bells a mega shopping mall? Proceedings
of The 4th International Space
Syntax Symposium, London, UK.
Hillier, B., Penn, A. (1992). Dense
civilizations: The shape of cities in the
21st century. Applied energy 43(1), 41-
66.
Hillier, B., Penn, A., Hanson, J., Grajewski,
T., Xu, J. (1993). Natural movement:
Or, configuration and attraction
in urban pedestrian movement. Environment
and planning b 20(1): 29-66.
Hillier, B. (1997). Cities as movement
economies. In P. Droege (Ed.),
Intelligent environments: spatial aspects
of the information revolution
(pp. 295-342). Elsevier.
Hillier, B. (2005). The art of place
and the science of space. World Architecture,
185, 96-102.
Penn, A. (2005). The complexity
of the elementary interface: shopping
space. In The Proceedings of 5 th International
Space Syntax Symposium,
Delft, Netherlands.
Peponis, J., Wineman, J. (2002).
Spatial structure of environment
and behavior. In R. B. Bechtel & A.
Churchman (Eds.), Handbook of environmental
psychology (pp. 271-291).
New York, NY: John Wiley.
Peponis, J., Ross, C., Rashid, M.
(1997). The structure of urban space,
movement and co-presence: The case
of atlanta. Geoforum 28(3-4), 341-358.
Zhang, L., Zhuang, Y., Dai, X. (2012).
A configurational study of pedestrian
flows in multi-level commercial space
- case study Shanghai. Proceedings
of The 8 th International Space Syntax
Symposium, Santiago, Chile.
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Mimari konfigürasyonun Büyük
Beşiktaş Çarşısı’ndaki yaya dolaşımı
üzerindeki etkisinin irdelenmesi
İstanbul şehri, son 20 yıl içerisinde
alışveriş merkezlerinin hızla çoğalması
ile farklı bir morfolojik düzene
doğru evrilmektedir. Bu yapılar, kendi
içlerinde sosyal bir yaşam ve kamusal
kullanımlar önerseler de, ölçekleri ve
genellikle dışa kapalı özellik sergilemeleri
dolayısıyla bulundukları çevreden
ve kentsel süreklilikten kopuk
özellik göstermektedir. Bu bağlamda
yapı çeperleri, mimari kurguları ile beraber
önem kazanmaktadır. Sunulan
çalışma, mimari kurgu – yapı çeperi
– ve kent ilişkisini İstanbul-Beşiktaş’ta
bulunan Büyük Beşiktaş Çarşısı
üzerinden irdelemektedir. Söz konusu
çarşı, yukarıda sözü edilen kapalı alışveriş
merkezlerinden farklı olarak, çok
girişli, kent içerisine yayılan, yarı açık
ve açık galerileri ile özgün bir mimari
kimliğe sahiptir. Sahip olduğu dış
çeper, çok girişli ve geçirgen yapısıyla
giriş katını kentsel bir arayüze dönüştürmekte,
iç mekanın dışarıya, dış mekanın
da içeriye sızdığı bir kurgusal
düzen sergilemektedir. Bu tespitlerden
hareketle çalışma kapsamında gerçekleştirilen
alan çalışmasının araştırma
soruları aşağıdaki gibidir;
• Mimari form ve yapı çeperinin
dizimsel özellikleri bina içindeki
yaya akışı ve dağılımlarını etkiler
mi?
• İç avlu, açık mekan ve dükkan dizilimi
gibi mimari özellikler yayaların
rota seçimlerini nasıl etkiler?
Büyük Beşiktaş Çarşısı’nın giriş
noktaları, hem bina ile kurdukları
ilişki hem de kent ile kurdukları ilişki
bağlamında özgün özellikler sergilemektedir.
Bu farklı karakteristikler,
yapının dizimsel değerleri ve gözlemlerden
elde edilen özellikler ile karşılaştırıldığında
yayaların rota tercihleri,
ve mekansal seçimleri hakkında bilgi
verebilmektedir. Söz konusu analizler,
yapı çeperinin kullanımı (frekans) ve
mimari kurgu içindeki rota tercihlerini
ortaya koymaktadır.
Araştırma prosedürü, iki aşamadan
oluşmaktadır. İlk aşamada bir hafta
sonu ve bir hafta içi olmak üzere gün
içindeki 5 zaman diliminde ve 10 dakikalık
aralıklarda giriş noktalarınındaki
insan akışı gözlemlenmiş, bunun
yanında aynı zaman aralıklarında mimari
kurgu içerisinde tanımlanan konveks
mekanlarda kullanıcı dağılımı not
edilmiştir. İkinci aşamada mekanın dizimsel
özellikleri Syntax 2D programı
ile ortaya konmuş, binanın bütünsellik
ve derinlik değerleri tanımlanmıştır.
Giriş noktalarının dizimsel değerleri
ile aynı noktalardaki insan akışının
karşılaştırılması, bu akışın mimari
kurgu kaynaklı olup olmdığı hakkında
bilgi vermekte, iç mekan kurgusunun
dizimsel değerleri ile konveks mekanlardaki
insan dağılımlarının karşılaştırılması
da bina içerisindeki yaya dağılımının
sebeplerini ortaya koymaktadır.
Verilerin analiz edilmesi sonucunda,
giriş noktalarının dizimsel değerleri ile
bu noktalardan geçen insan yoğunluğu
arasında net bir şeklde anlamlı bir
ilişki tespit edilmemiş, aynı şekilde mimari
kurgunun dizimsel değerleri ile iç
mekandaki insan dağılımı arasında da
güçlü bir anlamsal ilişkiye rastlanmamıştır.
Bu sonuçlar, bina içindeki insan
akışının mimari kurgudan çok, kentsel
dinamiklerden kaynaklandığını, yakın
çevredeki sokak, açık pazar, meydan
gibi katalizörlerin yaya akışını domine
edici özellik sergileyebileceğini ortaya
koymaktadır. Sonuç yargı olarak,
Büyük Beşiktaş Çarşısı, kendi mimari
strüktüründen bağımsız olarak kentsel
dinamiklerden etkilenmektedir.
Çalışma, kapalı ve çevresinden kopuk
alışveriş merkezlerinden farklı
olarak Beşiktaş Çarşısı’nın Kentsel
dinamiklerden beslendiğini, kentin
parçası haline geldiğini ve tekil olarak
değil çevresi ile beraber bir bütün
olarak var olduğunu ortaya koymakta,
özellikle kamusal işlevler üstlenen yapılarda
kentsel arayüzün önemini göstermektedir.
The influence of architectural configuration on the pedestrian network in Büyük Beşiktaş market

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 115-125
A syntactic analysis of social
interfaces in Istanbul Biennial
patterns in case of biennial
buildings in 2013
Fitnat CİMŞİT KOŞ 1 , Mehmet Emin ŞALGAMCIOĞLU 2 , Ervin GARİP 3
1
fitnatcimsit@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering
and Architecture, Beykent University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
salgamcioglu@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
3
ervingarip@gmail.com • Department of Interior Design and Environmental
Design, Istanbul Kultur University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
Biennial events in urban life can be discussed in terms of the interrelation of
venues as well as art products and dialogues. There are a number of exhibition
venues, where preferences are defined by pragmatic or thematic decisions, such as
historical buildings, most common public spaces or contemporary popular places.
These buildings are territorial markers of specific patterns and act as museum-like
environments. This study aims to explore the potential and performative
outcomes of these patterns in the Istanbul Biennial between 1995-2013 and aims
to discuss the last biennial in 2013 with syntactical parameters and frequencies
comparatively for each venue using interface activities and occupancy through
the other biennials.
For that purpose, this paper will try to answer the questions below:
Do biennial space preferences have performative differences in their syntactical
configurations through biennial history (between 1995-2013)?
Is there a performative relationship between the syntactical values of the interfaces
(for the 2013 biennial) and the frequency of each gate of the venues, considering
the interface activities and moods?
Comparison of the biennial patterns in Istanbul raises many questions in terms
of spatial configuration, social network and functional hierarchy in addition to
syntactic parameters such as the mean depth, integration or circularity. The territory
of the 2013 biennial and its effects on frequencies will also be examined
through biennial venues. To understand whether collective memory or accessibility
is effective (dominant), audience frequencies are studied within the biennial
pattern using gate counts and interface activities.
Keywords
Social interface, Urban performance, Syntactical configuration.

116
1. Introduction
Biennial events in urban life can be
discussed in terms of the interrelation
of venues as well as art products and
dialogues. There are a number of exhibition
venues, where preferences are
defined by pragmatic or thematic decisions,
such as historical buildings, most
common public spaces or contemporary
popular places. This study aims to
explore the performative outcomes of
exhibition space patterns in the Istanbul
Biennial between 1995 and 2013
and aims to discuss the last biennial
in 2013 with syntactical parameters
and frequencies comparatively for each
venue using interface activities and
occupancy throughout the other biennials.
The performance activity of the
Biennials should be examined through
different patterns with different orientations
of biennial venues. As Özpınar
(2011) indicated, through the art,
knowledge and criticism platform generated
outside of the academic space, it
is possible to argue the biennial’s public
space quality as an operation where
ideas, expressions and experiences are
produced within a portion of the social
life. The biennial is an event, generally
organized by independent institutions,
that aims to spread across the city with
versatile activities but is often only realized
in the city center.
The difference between the biennial
and classical museum exhibitions,
international exhibitions or public art
projects is not only the fact that the artifacts
are not for sale but also that it
is a local activity expected to spread
across the city and communicate a
message. Therefore, the positioning of
the biennial within the city, its forms of
exhibition, and the urban instruments
and mediums it utilizes are extremely
important. The choice of location and
its past and future indications gain importance
as exhibition practice. The
interaction between the location and
the installed artwork becomes a priority
for this choice. The artwork can
present itself as a contrast, a criticism,
a compliment or an attraction to the
location and the meanings it conveys
(Özpınar, 2011).
The Habermasian idea of the public
sphere points to spaces created by the
community where ideas, expressions
and experiences are produced, explored,
shared, spread and discussed.
City streets can facilitate encounters,
opportunities, and divergent identities.
Because city streets are a place of socialization,
the exhibits should have a
permissive quality with open access to
all sorts of social, human and individual
performances. The utilization and
presentation of the public space in the
biennial is important in terms of reconstruction
of the space, the city and
the individual (Özpınar, 2011).
For that purpose, this paper will try
to answer the questions below:
Do biennial space preferences have
performative differences in their syntactical
configurations through biennial
history (between 1995 and 2013)?
Is there a performative relationship
between the syntactical values of the
interfaces (for the 2013 biennial) and
the frequency for each gate of the biennial
venues, considering the interface
activities and moods?
2. Territories and social interfaces
The space preference for biennial
venues is a special urban territory open
to public interaction. Venues, boundaries
and movement patterns work to
create a walking-based context, which
creates a performative area in the city.
Each biennial has the potential to create
a specific micro-environment for
urban events and interactions. The biennial
buildings are territorial markers
during the biennial period. Therefore,
this study aims to study both
this micro-environment pattern and
the building interfaces in order to explore
the potential and performances.
Territorial space and behaviors are the
keys to understanding this interactive
pattern. The study includes different
levels of space organization. These are
the biennial patterns as micro-urban
environments and social interfaces of
buildings as territorial markers. The
hierarchy in these specific micro-environments
and their markers can be
discussed using Stea’s (1970) theory.
The three scales of territory are units,
clusters and structures. The scales are
interactive and conceptually interrelated
(Figure 1).
The micro-environments and their
potentials in urban performances cre-
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Figure 1. Three territorial spaces (Stea,
1970).
ate spatial practices. Walking based
routes and moving based configurations
creates a site-specific experience
in biennials. As Hillier (2005) mentioned,
buildings and cities exist in
two ways: as the physical forms that
we build and see and as the space that
we use and move through. That’s why
this study tries to explore the differentiations
and similarities of different
biennial patterns and analyses urban
performances through spatial configurations.
Contreras (2006) derived the
term ‘The Urban Performance’ from
the ‘representational space’ concept,
which is a part of the spatial triad defined
by Lefebvre (1974) and reinterpreted
by lain Borden (Borden, 2001).
The assumption is that spatial practices
and representations are the things people
do and the patterns they physically
create for disrupting abstract space.
The ‘potential energies’ of groups act to
transform and create new social spaces.
Thus, the Istanbul biennial has the
power to organize these new social
spaces.
According to Borden (2001), the
supposition is that in the urban realm,
the idea of an activity in space is the
key to understanding the representations
and experience of space, and because
of these actions or performances,
we become true objects in time and
space and not simply users or experiencers
of but produced by, and products
of, the architecture around us. A
multi-stranded contemplation of the
notion of “knowing a place” includes
both the existence and the possibilities
of architecture and the city. Whether
for inhabitants or foreign audiences,
the biennial pattern is a space for experience,
coding or decoding. By movement
through exhibition areas, cognitive
maps are created by the mind and
experienced by the public space itself.
Through biennial patterns, movement
and actions are simply dependent
on markers. Thus, the ‘events’ and ‘activities’
are the bodies that experience
the biennial in different ways, routes,
frequencies, etc. “If movement is to be
one of the generating factors of architecture,
it will not take a single form or
configuration. There is random movement,
as experienced on a flat plane,
free of any attraction or constriction.
But there is also vectorized movement,
which interact with static spaces, often
activating them through the motion of
bodies that populate them” (Tschumi,
2000).
We also interact with the city conceptually
as the events occur. In that
specific time, with collective artifacts,
the city is shared by the people. Thus,
as Hillier (2009) indicated, we need a
concept of distance which reflects not
only the relationship of one part to another
but of all parts to all others. In biennial
patterns the question is, whether
the venue is familiar or not, what are
the parameters of performance? Even
though people can move randomly,
they need to orient themselves with
the big picture of the biennial route.
Exhibition points within the pattern
should be seen as a path to reach a performative
event. This is why movement
possibilities inside the route have a relationship
with the integration of exhibition
points.
The space syntax theory states that
spatial configuration influences the
distribution of movement within a network
system and that when spaces are
more directly connected to other spaces,
they are likely to attract more movement
(Peponis & Wineman 2002). Our
concern with movement patterns over
biennial patterns suggests a relationship
between the legibility of physical
space and the social occupation of that
space.
Beside the biennial patterns and
their social possibilities, the exhibition
buildings are also important markers
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118
with interfaces they have. When some
markers are new, some others have a
memory in biennials. The interfaces
means interactive layouts both in
memory and in physical environment.
The audiences have a role to re-produce
this spaces in each biennial. Thus,
the pattern has a possibility to create
new markers and a new spatial practice
in the city. To Lefebvre (1974), all social
space, at all scales of consideration,
is produced. Lefebvre’s theory of space
sets forth three principles or modes of
production: ‘spatial practice’, ‘representation
of space’ and ‘representational
space’. (1) Spatial practice is what people
- the enactors of social space - do.
Though this may seem obvious, it is a
considerable conceptual leap for those
who assume that space (as a container)
precedes activities in space. Spatial
practice is ordered, and spaces take on
order through (2) representations of
space or the plans established by social
bodies with the power to create blueprints
for the world. Societies are thus
said to inhabit (3) representational
spaces that contain and are produced
by spatial codes that change over time.
The representational spaces of everyday
life are produced by contemporary
spatial codes, fragments of discarded
codes, and echoes of revolutionary
codes (Protevi, 2006). The biennial
buildings are re-produced each time by
audiences. The spatial experiences of
audiences and how it has shared are the
main concern to explore spatial characters
of biennial buildings in each pattern.
Thus, the second phase of analysis
in this study aims to explore this spatial
codes in interfaces.
3. Method
Through theoretical point of view
the method includes different scales
of studies both in micro-environments
of biennials and building interfaces.
The interactivity of these scales will
be discussed with an introduction to
the comparative analysis of biennial
patterns through history. Comparison
of biennial patterns in Istanbul raises
questions in terms of spatial configuration,
social networks and functional
hierarchy.
The similarities and the differences
in the biennial layouts are the basis
of a discussion on the elements and
possibilities of the spatial configuration.
The anticipated path movement
of the pedestrian may differ according
to context. Therefore, the relations of
typologies, the venues, clusters and interconnections
are the concerns of the
research.
The territory of the 2013 biennial
and its effects on frequencies will be
examined through the biennial venues.
Biennial venues are different types of
buildings where people both visit exhibitions
and socialize. The pattern of
the biennial is a designed integration
that is a part of the collective memory.
The number of times each building
has been occupied throughout biennial
history will also be considered. In order
to understand whether collective
memory or accessibility is effective
(dominant), the audience frequencies
are studied within the biennial pattern
using gate counts and interface activities.
The research for the 2013 pattern
focuses on parameters such as the
comparison of the frequency of audiences
at the gates of biennial buildings,
collective memory of these buildings
throughout biennial history, the modes
of the audiences in interfaces, and the
syntactic values of the pattern and the
gates of the venues.
The social interfaces are performative
spaces with social, individual and
movement-based modes. These interfaces
are the spaces where people wait,
gather or pass through before exhibition
in biennial buildings. At the end
of the research, these modes will be examined
and the interrelation between
the syntactical values and the gate frequencies
will be discussed.
The following methods are applied
for the biennial patterns in this study:
3.1. Analog method
• Gate count: Simultaneous recordings
of the frequencies at the gates
of biennial buildings for 10 minutes
both during weekdays and weekends.
• Interface frequencies: Simultaneous
2-minute camera shots in each biennial
buildings interfaces.
• Interface moods: The interface
moods are individual (waiting, sitting,
etc), social (gathering, talking,
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Figure 2. The biennial venues.
etc.) and active (movement based)
behaviours. in 2 minutes
• Collective memory of buildings:
How many times has these buildings
occupied throughout the history
of biennials
3.2. Syntactic analysis
• Visual space analysis including integration,
circularity and mean depth
for each biennial are comparatively
studied for each biennial pattern
(the active grid numbers for each
100 m 2 were the same for all patterns,
which are different in scale)
• Syntactical analysis of the 2013 biennial
pattern, including integration,
circularity and mean depth
• Focus on building analysis in order
to explore the social interfaces
which are the spaces where people
Figure 3. The relationship between biennial venues and years /
2013 venues.
wait, gather or pass through before
exhibition in biennial buildings.
3.3. Statistical analysis
• In the statistical analysis conducted
with SPSS software, significant relationships
are researched through
regression analysis.
The method includes transforming
the patterns and the last biennial
building interfaces to syntactic data
(with the help of a program named
“Syntax 2D” licensed by the University
of Michigan) including mean depth,
circularity and integration.
4. Istanbul Biennial patterns as museum-Like
environments and buildings
as territorial markers
The Istanbul Biennial is an international
cultural network for local and
international artists, curators and art
critics showing new trends in contemporary
art every two years. The Istanbul
Biennial is an exhibition model that
enables a dialogue between artists and
the audience through the work of the
artists, exhibitions, panel discussions,
conferences and workshops. The Biennial
is organized by the İstanbul Foundation
for Culture and Arts (IKSV).
The first two biennials were established
under the general coordination of Beral
Madra in 1987 and 1989. After
1989, a curator system was established.
The Istanbul Biennial does not have
a permanent location. Although certain
structures were used more than
once, each biennial has had various
locations. The biennial venues show
differences in historical and contemporary
context in Istanbul (Figure 2).
The study was done in five biennial
contexts defined by context-based
walking characters. The biennials that
took place in both the Asian and European
sides of Istanbul were dismissed
because of the need to consider public
transportation in these cases. The
configurations of biennials differed,
whether in the number of venues or in
the place references related to for each
year (Figure 3). As a consequence, the
last biennial will be examined with pattern
syntactical parameters and gate
frequencies with the interface activities
of biennial venues in that pattern.
The venues will also be discussed with
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120
reference to the collective memory
through all biennials.
5. Syntactic analysis and discussion
The space syntax helps us analyze
the patterns of connection, differentiation
and centrality that characterize
urban systems and the relationship between
the parts and the whole that they
engender. The axial map comprises the
fewest and longest lines that are necessary
to cover all parts of the urban
fabric. The number and length of the
axial lines is a function of the degree to
which other parts of the system are directly
accessible and visible from each
point. The intersections between axial
lines are treated as the elementary relations
between spaces. The key property
of axial maps is integration. Integration
measures the relationship of each line
to the network as a whole (Peponis,
Ross, Rashidi, 1997).
The computation of integration values
for the space of a given area is, of
course, affected by the location of the
area boundary. As Peponis et al. (1997)
noted, an integration core that not only
links all the parts together but that
also relates the center to the periphery
seems to encourage the diffusion
of movement and the opportunities
for exchange and interaction. The area
boundaries and accessibility patterns
for analysis have been chosen to indicate
the possible movement routes between
each venue (Figure 4).
Figure 4. Selected biennial pattern layouts.
1 st step: Descriptive discussion of biennial
patterns from 1995 to 2013 due to
urban performance:
The locations of choice for the 4 th Biennial
(1995) titled ‘Orient-ation’ were
Antrepo (1), AKM art galleries (2), Aya
Irini (3), and the Basilica Cistern (14).
The locations situated the biennial in
the historical peninsula and the modern
front of Istanbul, with the two areas
connected by the Galata Bridge (Figure
4). The pattern can be described as
a bridging quality with two different
loops.
The locations of choice for the 6th
Biennial (1999) titled ‘The Passion and
the Wave’ were Aya Irini (3), the Basilica
Cistern (14) and Dolmabahce Palace
(7). The locations situated the biennial
in the historical peninsula with continuity
through the Bosphorus connected
by the Galata Bridge (Figure 4). The
pattern can be described as a continuous
linear quality with one loop.
The locations of choice for the 8th
Biennial (2003) titled ‘Poetic Justice’
were Antrepo (1), Hagia Sofia (4), the
Garanti Platform (9), Tophane-i Amire
(12), and the Basilica Cistern (14).
The locations situated the biennial in
the historical peninsula and the modern
front of Istanbul connected by the
Galata Bridge (Figure 4). The pattern
can be described as a bridging quality
with two different loops extended
through Istiklal Street, a main pedestrian
street with high traffic. This biennial
strived to join modern city life and
addressed not to only specific target
audiences but to everyone with access
to the public space (Ozpınar, 2001).
The locations of choice for the 9 th
Biennial (2005) titled ‘Istanbul’ were
Antrepo (1), Bilsar (5), Deniz Palas
(6), the Garanti Platform (9), the Garanti
Bank (10), Garibaldi (11), and the
Tobacco Warehouse (13) (Figure 4).
This biennial represented a modernist
transformation of the city with the
chosen locations giving reference to
daily life through the use of the most
crowded and integrated streets of Beyoglu.
The biennial moved away from
the historical peninsula. The pattern
can be described as having a compact
quality with one loop.
The locations of choice for the 11th
Biennial (2009) titled ‘What Keeps
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Mankind Alive?’ were Antrepo (1),
Feriköy Greek School (8) and the Tobacco
Warehouse (13) (Figure 4). The
venue was limited, with only three locations.
The route had more indirect
possibilities for passing or landing. The
pattern can be described as a continuous
linear path with two ends without
a loop.
The locations of choice for the 13th
Biennial (2013) titled ‘Mom, Am I Barbarian?’
were Antrepo (1), the Garanti
Platform (SALT Beyoğlu) (9), Arter
(15), and Galata Greek School (16)
(Figure 4). This biennial also represented
the modernist transformation of the
city, and the chosen locations gave reference
to daily life in the context of the
most crowded and integrated streets
of Beyoglu with two new venues. The
pattern can be described as having a
compact quality with one loop through
Istiklal Street, a main pedestrian street
with high pedestrian traffic.
The biennial pattern typologies and
their syntactical values can be summarized
as follows (Figure 4):
1995, 4 venues, bridging typology
with two different loops, 963 mean integration.
1999, 3 venues, continuous linear
typology with one loop, 1468 mean integration
2003, 5 venues, bridging typology
with two loops extended through a
main pedestrian street with high frequency,
1121 mean integration
2005, 7 venues, compact typology
with one loop, 1768 mean integration
2009, 3 venues, continuous linear
path typology with two ends without a
loop, 5080 mean integration
2013, 4 venues, compact typology
with one loop extended through a
main pedestrian street with high frequency,
1974 mean integration
Table 1 summarizes the results of the
syntactical data for selected biennial
venues between 1995 and 2013. On the
basis of this data set, ‘mean integration’
values were produced to investigate the
extent to which street connectivity and
land use density explain the distribution
of movement per street segment
with the different typologies indicated
above. As mentioned in previous figures,
these patterns show differences in
the form and character of the paths:
The results of this analysis show that
pattern configurations have a direct effect
on syntactical values. The Golden
Horn acts as a boundary in 1995 and
1999, whereas bridging typology has
the lowest integration (table 1).
The linear configuration without
a loop has the highest integration in
Table 1. The syntactical data of biennial venues.
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122
Figure 5. 2013 Istanbul biennial pattern.
2009, with the least number of venues.
The compact typologies have similar
results in 2005 and 2013 with a different
number of venues (table 1). Thus,
the configuration seems more effective
than the number of venues. The interrelation
between venues, boundaries,
paths and movement has a strong effect
on syntactical outcomes.
As mentioned above, the configuration
may influence the location of attractors,
but the location of attractors
and their positions cannot influence
configuration. In other words, patterns
may influence movement, but movement
cannot influence the configuration
of the patterns. The syntactical
values of configurations can orient a
through movement in venue that is independent
from the distance. The configuration
has an effect on movement
independent from specific attractors or
choices. As Hillier et al. (1993) mentioned,
layout differences have effects
on movement independent from the
attractors. The results of our analysis
show that Antrepo, which is one of the
most important and most occupied
venues through the biennials, has the
highest integration value and the lowest
pattern integration value in 1995
Table 1).
and Galata Greek School. This biennial
also represented a transformation from
previous pattern choices with two new
venues, Arter and Galata Greek School,
and gave reference to daily life in the
context of the most crowded and integrated
streets of Beyoglu. This pattern
was described above as having a compact
quality with one loop (Figure 5).
The research for the 2013 pattern focuses
on parameters such as the comparison
of the frequency of audiences
at the gates of biennial venues , the
occupancy of the venues through biennial
history, the interface activities and
modes and the syntactic values of the
pattern and the gates (Table 2, Figure
6-7). The outcomes can be summarized
as follows:
Even though they are both new venues
in 2013, Galata Greek School has
a higher gate count than Arter, and
Galata Greek School has the highest
integration value.
2 nd step: Syntactical analysis of biennial
pattern in 2013 due to social interfaces:
The configuration of the 13 th Biennial
(2013) titled ‘Mom, Am I Barbarian?’
has four venues: Antrepo, the Garanti
Platform (SALT Beyoğlu), Arter,
Figure 6. 2013 Istanbul biennial buildings and interfaces.
Table 2. The analogue and syntactical data of 2013 biennial buildings.
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Figure 7. 2013 Istanbul biennial building interfaces and syntactical
analysis.
Even though Arter is on the main
pedestrian street in Istanbul, Galata
Greek School has a higher frequency
due to its highest integration value in
the biennial configuration. As mentioned
above, this is because the data
reflect the propensity of spaces to be
passed through on the way from all
origins to all destinations. This shows
that new venue preferences for the biennial
should be considered with syntactical
values of the biennial pattern
instead of the urban pattern.
Antrepo is the most occupied and
the main venue through all biennials.
Therefore, it has the highest gate frequency
even though it has the lowest
integration value.
Antrepo and SALT Beyoglu are the
most occupied venues during all biennials,
with significant differences between
weekdays and the weekend.
Even though Arter and SALT Beyoglu
are on the same street and have
similar integration values, the gate
frequencies are quite different. This
means that attractors have less effect
on traffic than the syntactical values of
the venue itself. SALT Beyoglu, even as
a well-known biennial space, could not
affect the frequency of Arter.
The interface of Antrepo is the most
social and most integrated venue. The
integration value of the interface is the
highest.
Arter is a relatively new venue and
has a lower integration value. This affects
the interface moods, and the total
activity seems lowest despite the fact
that the venue is on an active pedestrian
street, Istiklal Street.
The most active venue is SALT Beyoglu,
which has three times the occupancy
of other venues in biennial
history, and the location is on an active
pedestrian street, Istiklal Street.
3 rd Step: Statistical analysis:
In the statistical analysis conducted
with SPSS software, we observed a
significant relationship when we used
gate count numbers (the number of
people passing through a gate) as the
dependent variable and when we used
the integration values of these gates as
the independent variable on weekends.
The regression analysis between the
integration values of the selected gates
of biennial venues and the number of
people (frequency) using these buildings
(gates) shows a tendency of 80,7%
and a mildly significant negative relationship,
with R=-0,807.
We observed another significant
relationship when we used interface
moods as the dependent variable and
the integration values of these interfaces
as the independent variable on
weekends. These interfaces are the
spaces where people wait, gather or
pass through before exhibition in biennial
buildings. The interface moods
are individual (waiting, sitting, etc),
social (gathering, talking, etc.) and active
(movement based) behaviors. The
regression analysis between the integration
values of the selected interfaces
of biennial venues and the moods
of people using these interfaces shows
a significant tendency of 92,7% and a
significant positive relationship, with
R=0,927.
6. Conclusions
The pattern of the biennial is a designed
integration of venues that is
also a part of the social interface. The
biennial’s interactive structure provides
potential for more effective social
outcomes through the design of its
location patterns and the use of buildings
as territorial markers. The pattern
configurations and their qualities have
more effect than the metric distance related
to certain directions. This is not
just a matter of seeing buildings but is
also about observing space. The visual
distances, collective memories, and
integrations on any level orient the
movement more than the metric distances.
The human relationship with
space in cities is generated not only by
movement but also by experience and
interactions. These museum-like environment
patterns define a street con-
A syntactic analysis of social interfaces in Istanbul Biennial patterns in case of biennial buildings
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124
figuration in a specific context based on
walking, with buildings as markers. The
use of buildings as territorial markers
in these museum-like environments
create social interfaces. These interfaces
have an effect on social relations
and gathering activities. Additionally,
collective memory is important, and
future decisions about biennial venues
should consider its influence. The
configuration of exhibition buildings is
important to an active social network
and performative territory. This study
has analyzed venue preferences for
specific public events such as biennials
according to the interaction levels, integration
and frequencies of interfaces
related to a specific pattern for performative
outcomes. The study’s aim has
been to to discuss these multi-levels
and to show that both scales should be
discussed together. In this manner, this
study will guide further research about
performative pattern configuration
choices and social interface outcomes
for future biennials.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank some of the
MSc students at Istanbul Technical
University (ITU) from several programmes
but mostly from “Architectural
Design MSc Programme”, Fulya
Menderes, Barış Ateş, Şebnem Çakaloğulları
and, Ecem Çalışkan, who
have collected the data used in this paper
during long hours in the field voluntarily.
In addition to our volunteers
from ITU, we would like to thank Industrial
Product Designer Bedii Engin
Koş, who was also a volunteer, for his
support and work for data collection in
the field.
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2013 İstanbul Bienal mekanları üzerinden
İstanbul Bienal dokusunun
sosyal arayüzlerinin sentaktik analizi
Kent yaşamı içinde bienaller, sanat
ürünleri ve diyaloglar kadar, bienal
mekanlarının ürettiği ilişkiler ile de
tartışılabilir. Tarihi binalar, popüler
mekanlar, çağdaş mekan örnekleri
gibi pragmatik ve veya tematik kararlar
üzerinden tercih edilen bienal mekanları
mevcuttur. Bu çalışma 1995 ve
2013 yılları arasındaki bienal mekan
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örüntülerinin etkileşimli çıktılarını ve
sonuç olarak 2013’te gerçekleşen son
bienal çerçevesinde karşılaştırmalı olarak
mekanların sentaktik parametreleri
ve giriş frekanslarını, binaların oluşturduğu
sosyal ara yüzleri ve bu ara
yüzlerdeki eylem biçimlerini de dikkate
alarak tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır.
Bu amaçla, bu makale aşağıdaki sorulara
cevap aramaktadır;
1995 ve 2013 tarihleri arasında bienal
tarihi boyunca mekan tercihlerinin
sentaktik konfigürasyonları doğrultusunda
etkin farklılıkları var mıdır?
2013 bienali kapsamında mekanların
yarattığı sosyal ara yüzler olan ön
mekanlarının sentaktik değerleri ve
frekansları arasında aktivite ve biçimleri
de göz önüne alarak etkin bir ilişki
var mıdır?
İstanbul Bienal örüntülerinin karşılaştırması,
sentaktik parametrelerin
yanında sosyal ağ, fonksiyonel hiyerarşi,
sosyal ara yüzler gibi bir çok soruyu
da tartışmaya dahil etmektedir. 2013
bienalinin etki alanı ve frekanslara
etkisi bienal mekanları kapsamında
tartışılmıştır. Bienal mekansal örüntüsü
aynı zamanda ortak belleğin de bir
parçası, tasarlanmış bir konfigürasyon
ve etkileşim ağıdır. Bu nedenle her bir
mekanın bienal tarihi boyunca kaç kez
kullanıldığı ve bellekteki yeri de çalışma
parametreleri arasındadır. Belleğin
mi yoksa sentaktik değerlerin mi etkin
olduğunun araştırılması için, kullanıcı
frekansları hem kapıda yapılan sayımlarla
hem de mekanın ürettiği ara
yüzdeki aktivite ve biçimleri ile araştırılmıştır.
2013 Bienali kapsamında bu
tartışmalar bienal noktalarındaki kullanıcı
frekansları, mekanın bienal tarihi
boyunca kaç kez kullanıldığı, ara yüz
aktiviteleri, hem bienal mekan örüntüsünün
hem de mekanların sentaktik
değerleri gibi parametrelere odaklanmaktır.
Bu sosyal ara yüzler, sosyal
ve bireysel eylem biçimleri ve hareket
modları ile etkin mekanlar olarak değerlendirilir.
Metot kapsamında Michigan
Üniversitesi lisanslı Syntax 2D
programı ile hem mekan örüntülerini
hem bina ara yüzlerini sentaktik değerlere
dönüştürerek, SPSS yardımı ile
belirleyicilerin istatistik çalışması yapılmıştır.
Çalışmanın sonucunda gelecek
bienaller için daha etkin örüntü ve
mekansal organizasyon öngörülerinin
tartışmaya açılması amaçlanmaktadır.
A syntactic analysis of social interfaces in Istanbul Biennial patterns in case of biennial buildings
in 2013

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 127-140
Can cognitive maps of children be
analysed by space syntax?
Nevşet Gül ÇANAKCIOĞLU
gulcanakcioglu@gmail.com • Graduate School of Science Engineering and
Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
According to environment and behavior theories, individuals in their first years
of cognitive development enter a world full of environmental stimuli motivating
them to perceive and learn. As a result of many perceptual processes, people convert
and transfer perceptual information to their cognitive schemata. The prominent
researcher Piaget (1955), who analyzed the perceptual processes of children
through cognitive development stages based on age, mainly studied the way that
a child perceives the environment within a constructive approach. One of the
methods of revealing constructed and stored data in the memory is through the
analysis of cognitive maps that children have drawn as they each uniquely perceive
the environment and construct specific cognitive schema.
Additionally, Lynch (1960) contributes to the theory of perception with the
idea that if an urban part has a strong imageable character in terms of paths, edges,
districts, nodes and landmarks, one can orient oneself easily when influenced by
the synthesis of perceptual processes. Some other scholars have also been investigating
how cognitive maps can be analyzed within the theory of space syntax
(Zheng & Weimin, 2010; Zimring & Dalton, 2003; Haq & Girotto, 2003; Kim &
Penn, 2004).
In this sense, this article aims to contribute to both the methodology through
the analysis of cognitive maps by using justified permeability graphs within the
theory of space syntax and to the understanding of how the perception of children
differs depending on gender and socioeconomic status. This includes a case study
of children aged 11 who have drawn their home and nearby surroundings as part
of Çanakçıoğlu’s research (2011).
Keywords
Children’s cognition, Cognitive maps, Environmental perception, Space syntax.

128
1. Introduction
Children learn their environments
through their actions in physical settings
and several schemata that they
develop through their reciprocal relationship
with physical environmental
stimuli. What is learned by this motor-sensory
correspondence is reflected
in certain kinds of behaviour in
children. This interactive process depends
on both the developmental stage
of the child and the characteristics of
the physical environment. J. J. Gibson,
who tackles environment and behaviour
theories through an ecological approach,
stresses the importance of individual
movement in the extraction of
environmental knowledge and defines
this process as a perceptual system in
which the senses, behaviour of the perceiver
and the physical environment
are inseparable parameters (Wohlwill
and Heft, 1987).
2. The development of perceptual
process in children
The reciprocal relationship between
the physical setting and children, in the
scope of developmental psychology, is
studied by Jean Piaget (1955), who
made great research contributions to
how cognitive development is developed
in children through a constructive
approach. He argues that the cognitive
development of children involves conditioning
their behaviour by intuitions
when they first meet the world; eventually
as they grow up through ongoing
experiences; they develop organized
patterns of behaviours dependent on
certain schemata. He argues that these
organized patterns of behaviour eventually
integrate children with the ongoing
life around them and impact how
they think through in a more questionable
manner gradually depending on
their age.
Piaget classifies the perceptual system
dependent on the cognitive development
of children in four different
stages depending on age (Cüceloğlu,
2009): (1) Sensorimotor Stage (0-2
years) in which children interact with
the outside world with their intuitions
and senses (Wilson, 1995); (2) Preoperational
Stage (2-7 year-olds) through
which children, behaving in an egocentric
manner, start to represent the
objects and occasions with symbols
and words and classify the objects in
groups (Hart and Moore, 1973); (3)
Concrete Operational Stage (7-12 yearolds)
at which children form the ability
to turn intuitions into operations, and
can add, subtract, classify and put objects
in order depending on their personal
experiences; start to understand
and feel empathy for others’ thoughts;
and show a more adaptive behaviour
to their environment (Piaget and Inhelder,
1967); (4) Formal Operational
Stage (12+ year-olds), which is defined
as the completion of the constructive
approach of cognitive development,
when children develop such a systematic
attitude that they can use cognitive
operations to tackle problems so that
they can use conceptions and symbols
without residing in concrete issues
(Hart and Moore, 1973).
So, it can be summarized that while
senses and intuitions are dominant
in a child’s life in the first two stages,
through interaction and stimuli caused
by the environment, the child shows
the ability to think and question the issues
in the last two stages of their cognitive
development (Cüceloğlu, 2009).
2.1. Development of spatial perception
in children
According to Piaget and Inhelder
(1967), the children define their positions
in space depending on cues in the
environment and later build relationships
and paths between these cues.
Piaget defines spatial representation in
a child’s cognition as the reflection of
environmental behaviour as symbolic
and internalized cognitive information.
Piaget and Inhelder reached four
main findings about spatial perception:
(1) children learn space through
their ongoing individual activities; (2)
children’s cognitive representations are
constructed through the imitation of
adult behaviour; (3) spatial perception
is accomplished through four stages,
which are sensorimotor, preoperational,
concrete operational and formal operational
stages, as stated earlier; (4) the
development of spatial relationships is
completed in three consecutive phases,
which are topological, projective and
metric or Euclidian spaces (Hart and
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129
Moore, 1973). These consecutive
phases of spatial relationship are reflected
in cognitive maps as follows:
Topological space
As children reach the age of 7, although
they cannot measure and compare
objects in an appropriate unit
and scale, they intuit that significant
relationships such as proximity, separation,
order, enclosure and seriation
exist between objects. They can represent
these kinds of relations of objects
by drawing the patterns or objects in
certain manners such as within a row
and sequence, receding or approaching
each other (Piaget and Inhelder, 1967).
Projective space
Projective space parameters refer to
the coordination of objects in relation
to others. Objects can be observed as
simple perspective expressions despite
some distortions. The general coordination
of perspective is set up in the
drawing (Piaget and Inhelder, 1967).
Metric (Euclidian) space
Through gaining an awareness
that objects retain their size relative
to the distance in between them as
they change locations, the child comprehends
that the representation of
objects varies depending on altered
reference points. Thus, children can
organize spatial representations within
their cognitive maps with a better
understanding of the rules of perspective,
and can draw objects in appropriate
sizes depending on their locations
while accommodating a certain reference
point of sight (Piaget and Inhelder,
1967).
Along with Piaget, Lynch puts forward
‘image parameters’ to discuss how
people perceive their environment,
construct and recall cognitive data and
remember places through some distant
characteristics.
2.2. Notion of image depending on
Lynch’s theory
According to Canter (1977), Lynch
is the researcher who brought back the
notion of image to the Earth by asking
the question whether some cities
are more imageable than others. He
addresses this issue by revealing the
link between the mind and the physical
environment, and puts forward
such a classification system through an
extraction of his interviewees’ sketch
maps. He argues in his influential book
The Image of the City that five characteristics
of the image of the cities can be
examined: paths, edges, districts, nodes
and landmarks.
According to Lynch (1960), while
paths refer to continuous axis, edges
are defined as boundaries. Whereas
districts have certain boundaries within
their homogenous characteristics,
nodes refer to intersection points of
paths showing different modes of behaviour,
and landmarks are distinct
reference points of cities that give cues
to the visitor.
Lynch’s imaginative parameters
can also be adapted to interior spaces.
Nodes may represent common meeting
spaces, paths may represent linking
elements such as corridors, edges may
represent separating elements such as
walls, districts may represent spaces
designed for different modes of behaviour
and landmarks may represent
diversely emphasized spaces or elements
(Gür, 1996).
So, having introduced how children
perceive their environment and in what
manner spatial perception is related to
individual cognitive development, the
next part of the paper discusses the
first setting in which children meet,
perceive and construct an image of
home, in terms of a nest, in their cognitive
schemata.
2.3. Home as the first attachment
place of children
The home environment is the primary
setting that children recognize
and get familiarized and acquainted
with. Although they participate in
many institutions such as daycare centres,
schools and playgrounds as they
grow up, home remains the primary
environment and the most dominant
setting that children get to know
(Wohlwill and Heft, 1987).
The prominent French philosopher
Gaston Bachelard (1969) discusses
home through poetic language about
his own experiences, and evaluates
home as an existence with a wide and
deep meaning. Moreover, he asserts
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?

130
that the existence of a being depends on
the notion of the house so that house
is not only a physical space containing
a recollection of time and habits
but rather a place full of memories.
Bachelard says that children build up
their first relationship with the rest of
the world through their homes because
“the house shelters daydreaming, the
house protects the dreamer; the house
allows one to dream in peace” (1969,
p.88). Additionally, the house provides
children the feeling of belonging to
their families and society via a network
of attachment and intimacy with others.
While children grow up and adapt
to their home environment as an origin
point where they feel a sense of belonging,
they gradually become acquainted
with their nearby settings and experience
a feeling of freedom. They start
to discover the nearby environment
attached to their homes: the entrance,
stairways, terrace, porch, garden and
urban elements such as the sidewalks,
playgrounds and urban context in
which the house is located. Simultaneously,
this process means that children
start to construct cognitive maps of the
imaginary characteristics of the nearby
setting of their homes.
In this manner, Hart argues that the
close setting of the home environment
becomes the transitional space where
children begin to experience the outside
world. He discusses this transition
as a multilateral process between the
grownup, the child and the environment
which should be well balanced by
families in order to both give children
the freedom to explore and experience
but also to protect them from the
risks and dangers of the environment
(Chawla, 1991).
3. Cognitive maps as a tool to analyse
the interaction of children in the
built environment
As the vast amount of the built environment
is generally designed to
be appropriate for adults in terms of
physical conditions, children tend to
behave and become influenced in a different
manner than adults. Therefore,
to understand the interaction between
children and the physical settings, it is
necessary to develop diverse research
methods to collect data through case
studies that include the participation
of children. According to Ziegler and
Andrews (1987), there are some alternative
methods to examine how the
child interacts with the environment.
Children can either be requested to (1)
draw pictorial sketches, (2) show some
objects in a representative setting, (3)
locate objects on a representative model
or (4) be interviewed for verbal comments.
3.1. The scope, aim and outcomes of
the previous study
Since this study uses the cognitive
data of a previous study, it initially
gives a brief overview of previous research
and outcomes for a comparison
with more recent outcomes. The aim
of the previous research was to investigate
the factors affecting the processes
of perception in children in the
scope of environment and behaviour
theories. The research question asks
how the nearby environment with the
child’s home at the centre of close surroundings
and cultural setting affects
the spatial perception and richness of
the cognitive schemata of children.
The home environment is defined as
the physical setting that the child first
meets in terms of a nest that brings the
feeling or sense of attachment. For the
comparative study, an equal number
of 11-year-old children were selected
from two different physical settings
with contrasting urban characteristics
in Istanbul: (1) a group of children were
selected from an informal housing setting,
or a gecekondu housing structure
at the outskirts of the city; (2) a group
of children were selected from a gated
community setting at the periphery of
Istanbul.
The case study researches whether
the two independent variables of gender
and socioeconomic status play a
role in spatial perception and cognitive
maps.
In the case study of the previous
research, two elementary schools
were selected, one from each of the
above-mentioned housing communities.
Each group of children were asked
to draw their home environments with
their nearby settings in a 40 minute
session on two different days. A total
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131
of 82 children participated in the case
study, including 19 girls and 22 boys in
the low socioeconomic group, and 21
girls and 20 boys in the high socioeconomic
group. Consequently, 82 cognitive
maps were obtained to be analysed.
The evaluation phase of the cognitive
maps includes:
(1) Piaget’s topological space parameters
(proximity, separation, order, enclosure
and seriation), projective space
parameters (straight lines, parallel lines
and perspective), metric (Euclidian)
space parameters (conservation, block
expression);
(2) Lynch’s imaginative space parameters:
paths, edges, districts, nodes
and landmarks.
Cognitive maps were analysed with
respect to both gender and socioeconomic
status. It should also be stated
that an equivalent methodology was
implemented in the research of Ünlü
and Çakır (2002), which comparatively
investigates the cognitive maps of primary
school children going to school
by foot, school bus and other vehicles.
The research conclusions
(Çanakçıoğlu, 2011) are summarized
as follows:
• An analysis of the income variable
shows that there is a significant
difference between the two socioeconomic
groups. This outcome
may result because children from
high-income groups demonstrate
cognitive maps that are richer in
cognitive data. This may be due
to the tendency of higher income
families introducing more toys to
their children. These toys may then
trigger age-appropriate senses and
stimulations.
• A second outcome depending on
the income variable is that the children
from the high-income group
living in the gated community draw
maps focused more on interior
spaces, which are already equipped
with many belongings such as pianos,
computers, vanity mirrors and
guitars etc.
• The children living in the informal
setting, draw maps accentuating
outdoor spaces such as the grocery
store, motorways, internet cafes
and fruit trees etc. since they tend
to spend their spare time playing
outside on the streets,
• When the results are analysed in
terms of gender, in both income
groups, girls tend to draw interiors
through a more comprehensive and
detailed manner than the boys. This
may result from the sociocultural
norms of Turkish society that tends
to raise girls in a comparatively
more inward oriented manner than
boys. Consequently, while the girls
from the high-income group living
in the gated community have
their own rooms furnished with
special possessions to keep themselves
busy indoors, the girls from
the low-income group living in an
informal setting spend their time
at home, where they do not have a
separate room for themselves, and
do not play outdoors as much as the
boys.
• The cognitive maps show that children
living in the gated community
are not as aware of the physical setting
of their home environments as
the children living in the informal
setting. The reason for such an outcome
could be that although a gated
community is designed with recreational
facilities appropriate for children,
children cannot actually use
them without the guidance of an
adult. Since parents do not feel it is
safe enough to allow a child at this
age to go to the outdoor areas even
though they live in a gated community,
the cognitive maps of the children
from the high-income group
imply that they watch their immediate
neighbourhood from their
windows. In contrast, the children
living in worse physical housing
conditions reflect their urban experiences
more onto cognitive maps.
Although they probably cannot find
appropriate facilities designed especially
for them, they discover their
play materials and spaces outdoors
on the sidewalks and void lands.
They play with mud, pebbles and
bricks, and play hopscotch on the
porches of their apartments, creating
their own playing scenarios.
As revealed in the previous study,
the provided analyses are based on the
spatial parameters of Jean Piaget (Piaget
and Inhelder, 1967) and the image pa-
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?

132
rameters of Kevin Lynch (1960). There
is an ongoing debate on the theory of
space syntax whether space syntax can
be used as a research tool to analyse
cognitive data. The main aim of this
paper is to find out whether the comparative
quantitative method of analysis
of space syntax may be an alternative
method to examine the cognitive
maps of children. Next, the paper will
discuss attempting to use space syntax
as a research tool to analyse cognitive
maps through an interdisciplinary approach.
3.2 Space syntax as a tool to analyze
spatial cognition
According to the research of Zheng
and Weimin (2010), there is a significant
relationship between the syntactic
configurations of real spaces and cognitive
maps of the interviewees who
participated to the study. In addition,
the analyses show that despite the errors
in cognitive maps drawn by the
interviewees, there still is a significant
consistency between the maps and the
real environmental situation. So, it is
possible that cognitive maps can be
used as an integrated research tool in
space syntax studies.
Additionally, Zheng and Weimin
(2010) mention that the axial maps
of spaces can also be evaluated as the
simulations of cognitive data of people
moving around these spaces. In the
scope of their study, the researchers
analyse both the values and correlations
between global integration, local
integration, connectivity and depth values,
and figure out that cognitive map
representations significantly correspond
with the existing settings. Thus,
it is debated through a progressive
manner that cognitive maps integrated
with space syntax can be used as a tool
to analyse the association between spatial
organization and spatial cognition.
Moreover, Zimring and Dalton
(2003) embrace the research area of
space syntax and cognition through a
collaborative manner. This contributes
to (1) the understanding of the relationship
between the physical characteristics
of environment and cognitive
representations, (2) reveals how physical
space is related with behaviour and
(3) offers an innovative methodology
to analyse the existing spatial structures.
In addition, Haq and Girotto
(2003) in their study of two hospital
settings contribute to this interdisciplinary
research area using intelligibility
as a measure to analyse cognitive
maps, search for a way to analyse the
idea of movement and offer a complementary
grounded theory.
Additionally, Kim and Penn (2004)
seek to make research on space syntax
interdisciplinary, and try to handle the
issue through an integrated manner
to reveal the relationship between the
outcomes of human behaviour in the
physical environment and spatial cognition.
According to their survey comparing
the sketch maps of residents
with the existing layouts in a neighbourhood
in London, they find that
local integration degrees in cognitive
maps are especially linked to the syntactic
data of the actual environment.
3.3. Space syntax as an alternative
methodology to analyse children’s
cognitive maps
Within the framework stated above,
this study aims to:
1.search for a supplementary or alternative
research tool to analyse cognitive
maps of children
2.contribute to the methodology of
analysing cognitive maps of individuals
through the quantitative method of
space syntax.
To implement this aim, 72 cognitive
map drawings by children obtained
through a case study as part of
the research of Çanakçıoğlu (2011) are
analysed. These maps, which have already
been analysed within the spatial
parameters of Piaget (Piaget and Inhelder,
1967) and the image parameters of
Lynch (1960) and have been concluded
with some significant results, are now
examined using justified permeability
graphs within the concept of space syntax.
The aim is to comprehend whether
there are any unique and significant
results. In this manner, it is also aimed
to discuss whether space syntax can be
implemented to analyse the cognitive
maps of children as a substitute method.
Having reviewed the previous interdisciplinary
research in terms of space
syntax and spacial cognition (Zheng
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133
and Weimin, 2010; Zimring and Dalton,
2003; Haq and Girotto, 2003; Kim
and Penn, 2004), this paper targets to
develop a new approach to analyse
cognitive maps. The scope of this paper
aims to contribute to the analysis
of cognitive maps drawn by 11-yearold
children from two distinct social
groups.
3.3.1. Steps of analysis of the study
Obtaining significant results requires
an equal number of drawings
from both of the gender groups and
income groups, meaning that 18 girls’
and 18 boys’ drawings are selected randomly
from each income group so that
a total of 72 cognitive maps are analysed.
Before explaining the steps of analysis,
the acceptance procedure used in
the evaluation phase of the drawings
should be mentioned. It is not possible
to analyse children’s drawings as
typical layouts or spatial structures
through conventional methods. As
each child was requested to draw his or
her home environment and nearby setting
through his/her eyes, there is no
need to compare such subjective data
with any existing plan data. Therefore,
each drawing on an A4 size paper accomplished
by the children with their
own subjective attitude is accepted as a
total cognitive space no matter whether
they have tried to draw their homes
within a garden, house layout plans
within a façade view or houses as a
façade within a street silhouette as seen
in Figure 1. Indeed, children draw their
cognitive maps freely as a reflection of
their experience. In fact, Kaplan (1973)
supports this view, defining cognitive
maps as “schematic, sketchy, incomplete,
distorted and otherwise simplified
and idiosyncratic” and “a product
of experience, not of precise measurement”.
Consequently, in this study, the
analysis of cognitive maps is conducted
by justified permeability graphs, or
justified gamma maps, which Hillier
and Hanson (1984) say, “permit easy
measurement of these syntactic properties.
Thus, justified gamma maps are
intended to allow a form of analysis
that combines the visual decipherment
of pattern with procedures for quantification.”
In addition to Table 1, the analysis
steps are as follows:
(1) Following the notion of convex
map described by Hillier and Hanson
(1984), a simplified drawing to clearly
describe the spatial structure and
connections between them within the
drawing is prepared for each cognitive
map.
(2) Each space of the cognitive map
is identified by a letter in a circle, defined
as a node, to create a basis for a
justified graph. Following the definition
of root space by Hillier et al. (1987) and
Klarqvist (1993), the exterior space of
the house is identified as the root space
in each spatial representation. Other
spaces are identified with nodes sequentially,
depending on the permeability
factor between the spaces.
(3) To conduct a syntactic analysis,
justified permeability graphs are prepared
for each cognitive map in order
to show the direct relation between
spaces by syntactic steps, including the
permeability values and depth levels of
the spatial structure (Klarqvist, 1993).
Both the permeability and depth values
are calculated for each cognitive map.
Via the justified graphs prepared, it is
possible to convert the subjective data
Figure 1. Two examples of cognitive maps showing the house within a garden and within a
neighbourhood. (Boy, 11; Boy, 11).
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?

134
Table 1. An example to demonstrate the steps followed to reveal syntactic value of each cognitive map.
Original Cognitive Map
(Girl, 11 years old)
Step 1
Simplified Drawing
Showing the Spatial
Structure with Nodes
Step 2
Justified Graph
Permeability Value 8
Step 3
Depth Level 2
expressed by children from a visual to
mathematical verification, which can
be concretely shown.
(4) In the last step, tables are prepared
to see whether any significant
results arise and correlate with the total
amounts and arithmetic mean value
of permeability and depth values,
dependent on gender and income level
variables. Therefore, it is observed that
there is the potential for a comparative
discussion about boys’ and girls’ cognitive
maps and different socioeconomic
levels through a syntactic analysis.
In the evaluation phase of the study,
permeability and depth level data obtained
from the cognitive maps are
evaluated by Pearson chi-square analyses
through the statistical software –
SPSS Table 8 to find out any significant
associations among the gender and income
variables.
Table 2. Distribution of permeability and depth levels depending
on gender.
Total Permeability
Figure 2. Graph showing total amount of syntactic steps
(permeability) and depth levels depending on gender.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. G. Çanakcıoğlu
Total Depth Level
Boys 163 76
Girls 155 68

135
Table 3. Distribution of total permeability of boys’ drawings
dependent on income group.
Total Permeability of the Boys' Drawings
Low Income Group 96
High Income Group 67
Table 4. Distribution of total permeability of boys’ drawings
dependent on income group.
Total Depth of the Boys' Drawings
Low Income Group 50
High Income Group 26
Figure 3. Scattergram of boys’ cognitive maps showing the
permeability dependent on the variable of income group.
Figure 4. Scattergram of boys’ cognitive maps showing the depth
level dependent on the variable of income group.
Table 5. Distribution of total permeability of the girls’ drawings
dependent on income group.
Total Permeability of the
Girls' Drawings
Low Income Group 104
High Income Group 51
4. Results
• Firstly, all 72 maps are analysed by
means of the tree-like justified permeability
graphs to find the total
amount of permeability and depth
levels of all executed data. The distribution
of these two values dependent
on gender variable can be
monitored in Table 2 and Figure
2. Considering total permeability,
the cognitive maps of the boys reflect
more syntactic steps in terms
of permeability, meaning that the
spaces are connected to each other
through more branches, than the
girls’. Considering the total depth
level, the spaces drawn by boys are
represented through a deeper manner
than the girls’.
• A second outcome is found dependent
on the income variable.
As seen in Tables 3-4 and Figures
3-4, the total permeability and depth
levels of boys’ cognitive maps from
low-income group show higher values
than the ones from the high-income
group. The highest permeability
value is detected as 22 with a
depth level of 6 in the high-income
group.
• However, there is also an exception
that contrasts with this result. One
map from the high-income group
shows 0 syntactic step, meaning
that the child only drew one space
and nothing attached or integrated
with this space within the cognitive
map. The children who drew only
one space in their drawings mostly
drew their own rooms without any
other spaces connected to the space
drawn. Cognitive maps reflecting
only one space are mostly observed
in the high-income group. These
cognitive maps are evaluated as “0”
in terms of both syntactic step and
depth level.
• As monitored from Tables 5-6 and
Figures 5-6, the total amount of permeability
and depth levels of girls’
cognitive maps from the low-income
group show higher values
compared to the other girls’ maps
from the high-income group. It is
also noticed that the gap between
the trend lines are wider in the girls’
scattergrams than the boys’, which
means that the cognitive maps
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?

136
of the girls from the low-income
group show a more interconnected
and deeper structure of spaces within
their drawings. Nine out of 18
girls’ drawings are evaluated as “0”
since the girls from the high-income
group living in the gated
community only drew their own
rooms without any other connected
spaces to their rooms. Within
these drawings, the one and only
space which is highly accentuated
and richly designated are their
own private rooms; these children
prefer to emphasize their personal
equipment such as computer, TV,
musical instruments etc. as seen in
Figure 7. From these results, it may
be inferred that these children tend
to spend most of their time in their
rooms and that they attach more
personal significance to these because
they hold their personal belongings.
• In the final tables and figures, the
analyses of all 72 cognitive maps of
children are shown. As seen in Table
7 and Figures 8-9, according to
Pearson chi-square tests processed
in SPSS, the changes in the total
amount of permeability and depth
level are significantly higher Table
8 in the drawings of the children
from the low-income group than
those of the high-income group:
• Income level; permeability:
x²=12,359, df=4, p=0,015 < 0,05
(significant)
• Income level; depth level: x²=
16,687, df= 2, p=0,000 < 0,05 (significant)
• Both the permeability and depth values
of the low-income group are almost
twice that of the high-income
group, revealing that children living
in the informal setting are more
aware of their nearby environments
centred with their homes. Indeed,
they display the ability to represent
the spaces they are living in through
a more complex interrelationship
and integration within their cognitive
maps.
Figure 5. Scattergram of girls’ cognitive maps showing the
permeability dependent on the variable of income group.
Figure 6. Scattergram of girls’ cognitive maps showing the depth
level dependent on the variable of income group.
Table 6. Distribution of total depth of the girls’ drawings dependent
on income group.
Total Depth of the Girls' Drawings
Low Income Group 42
High Income Group 26
Table 7. Distribution of total permeability and total depth of all
cognitive maps dependent on income group.
Total
Permeability
Total Depth
Level
Low Income Group 200 92
High income Group 118 52
Table 8. Association between permeability and depth level with gender and income level.
Item x² df p significance
Gender; Permeability 3,118 4 0,538 > 0,05 insignificant
Gender; Depth level 1,468 2 0,480 > 0,05 insignificant
Income Level; Permeability 12,359 4 0,015 < 0,05 significant
Income Level; Depth Level 16,687 2 0,000 < 0,05 significant
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. G. Çanakcıoğlu

5. Conclusion
The aim of the study is to find a
quantitative supplementary research
tool to analyse the cognitive maps of
children, thus contributing to the research
methodology of analysing individual
cognitive maps within the
theory of space syntax. Through the
analysis of children’s cognitive data, it
is possible to contribute the following
assertions to the debate:
Figure 7. An example of a cognitive map of a girl from high income
group representing only the child’s own room. (Girl, 11 years old).
Figure 8. Scattergram of all children’s cognitive maps showing
the amount of permeability dependent on the variable of income
group.
Figure 9. Scattergram of all children’s cognitive maps showing the
depth level dependent on the variable of income group.
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?
137
From the syntactic analyses of an
equal number of drawings of girls and
boys at the age of 11 for a total of 72
cognitive maps, it is shown that boys’
cognitive maps are more permeable
and deeper in terms of spatial structure
compared to girls’ cognitive maps. This
difference results in both of the income
groups. This outcome may be due to
the sociocultural norms of Turkish society
that is accustomed to raising girls
in a more inward oriented manner
than boys.
• In addition, it is shown that half of
the cognitive maps of the girls from
the high-income group living in a
gated community are evaluated as
“0” in terms of syntactic value since
they preferred to draw their own
rooms in a fragmented manner, displaying
their personal belongings.
This finding could also enter the debate
on sociocultural issues in Turkey,
especially as families from both
the middle class and high-income
groups tend to have fewer children
than those of the low-income group
and have a greater chance to reserve
a separate room for each of their
kids.
• In contrast to the above outcome,
children from the low-income
group, which does not have the opportunity
to have a separate room,
are the most likely to have more experience
in the other rooms of their
interiors and in the outdoor spaces
attached to their homes. As low-income
families tend to have more
kids, they do not have the chance to
reserve a separate room for each of
the siblings. Also, since these children
are used to going to school
by foot alone or in the company of
their siblings, friends or parents,
they have more opportunities to
observe their nearby environments
within an urban context. Coming
in contact with the urban layout
becomes a bodily experience that a
child may store in their cognition.
Thus, it is possible to say that children
from low-income groups living
in an informal setting have more
environmental experience and construct
more knowledge within their
cognitive schemata, thus reflecting
deeper syntactic values onto their

138
cognitive maps.
• Another finding is that the children
from the high-income group show
a lower capacity, and produce shallower
and low permeable cognitive
maps as if they are used to watching
the urban life happening around
them from their windows in their
own rooms. It is possible that these
children may be (1) more engaged
with their own technological devices
such as tablets and laptops or (2)
accustomed to going to school by
private vehicles. Both lead to only
visually experiencing the urban
layout, and this is not enough for a
child to store experience in cognition.
Thus, it appears that children
from a high-income group living in
a gated community construct less
environmental knowledge within
their cognitive schemata and reflect
shallower syntactic values onto their
cognitive maps. This raises the concern
about whether children from
gated communities ever learn to
discover the outdoors.
• The three outcomes mentioned
above show that the syntactic values
of the cognitive maps of children
depend significantly on the income
level variable. The reason why the
cognitive maps of children from
the low-income group show a significantly
higher degree of permeability
and depth level may be due
to the distant characteristics of the
environments that the children live
in and where they spend their spare
time. Children who emphasize
outdoor spaces in their maps may
have had more opportunity to play
outdoors and can therefore represent
their home environments in a
deeper and integrated manner. Alternately,
children who merely emphasize
their own rooms with their
personal belongings may not have
had the opportunity or preference
to play outdoors as freely as the
other children as they live in a gated
community, an artificially designed
environment with planned recreational
activity areas for children.
• According to these results, justified
permeability graphs measuring the
amount of permeability and depth
values may be used to measure and
analyse the cognitive maps of children.
• In conclusion, cognitive maps of
children can indeed be analysed by
space syntax, giving an affirmative
answer to the initial research question
and title of the study.
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Çocukların bilişsel haritaları mekân
dizimi yöntemiyle irdelenebilir mi?
Çevre ve davranış teorileri kapsamında
ele alındığında, insanlar, çocukluk
çağının ilk yıllarından itibaren,
duyuları aracılığıyla etkileşim içinde
bulundukları ve çevresel uyaranların
tetiklediği bir ortam dâhilinde, bir algılama
ve öğrenme sürecine dâhil olurlar.
Art arda ve zincirleme bir biçimde
devam eden bu algısal süreçler sonucunda,
insanlar, çevreden edindikleri
bilgiyi adeta zihinlerinde yeniden inşa
etmek suretiyle özgün zihinsel şemalar
oluştururlar. Bilişsel olarak sağlıklı bir
insanın hayatı boyunca devam eden bu
süreç, bireyin öğrenme mekanizması
olarak da tanımlanabilir. Bu bağlamda,
çocukların çevrelerini nasıl algıladıklarını
ve öğrendiklerini konstrüktivist
bir yaklaşım çerçevesinde irdeleyen
gelişim psikoloğu Jean Piaget (1955),
çocukların çevreyle olan etkileşimini
ve algısal süreçlerini, yaşa bağlı olarak
değişen bilişsel gelişim teorileri bağlamında
inceler. Her çocuk, çevresini
birbirinden farklı algıladığı ve çeşitli
çevrelere ilişkin birbirlerinden farklı
bilgiler biriktirdiği ve söz konusu
bu çevrelere ilişkin kendilerine özgü
Can cognitive maps of children be analysed by space syntax?
zihinsel şemalar inşa ettiği için, her
çocuğun ortaya koyduğu bilişsel haritanın
da tekil ve özgün olarak değerlendirilmesi
gerekmektedir. Çocukların
çevrelerine ilişkin zihinlerinde inşa
edilen ve depolanan bu bilgiyi ortaya
çıkarmanın yöntemlerinden birisi, çocukların
bizzat kendileri tarafından çizilen
bilişsel haritaların analiz edilmesiyle
gerçekleştirilebilmektedir.
Zihinsel şemalar ve bilişsel haritaların
analiz edilmesi konusunda çevre
ve davranış teorileri kapsamında literatüre
önemli katkılar sağlayan Kevin
Lynch (1960), yollar, kenarlar, bölgeler,
nodlar ve nirengi noktaları şeklinde
sınıflandırdığı mekânsal bileşenlerin
kullanıldığı güçlü ve nitelikli bir imgesellikle
tasarlanmış olan kentsel çevrelerin,
insanların algısal süreçlerine anlamlı
bir katkı sağladığını ve bu sayede,
bireylerin söz konusu bu çevrelerde
oryantasyonlarını daha iyi kurabildiklerini
belirtmektedir. Bununla birlikte,
yukarıda belirtilen çevresel bileşenleri
içeren çevrelerin, mekânların hatırlanmasında
ve bununla birlikte bireylerin
zengin bilişsel haritalar ortaya koymalarında
önemli katkısı bulunduğunu
ifade etmektedir. Bununla birlikte

140
bazı araştırmalar kapsamında bilişim
kavramı, mekân dizimi (space syntax)
araştırmaları kapsamında irdelenmeye
çalışılmaktadır (Zheng & Weimin,
2010; Zimring & Dalton, 2003; Haq &
Girotto, 2003; Kim & Penn, 2004).
Yukarıda belirtilen tartışma alanı
çerçevesinde bu çalışma, Piaget’ nin
mekânsal algı parametreleri ile birlikte
Lynch’in imge parametreleri kullanılmak
suretiyle, çocukların mekânsal
algı düzeylerinin cinsiyet ve sosyoekonomik
durum değişkenlere bağlı olarak
nasıl değiştiğinin kıyaslandığı bir
çalışma için elde edilmiş olan bilişsel
haritaların analiz edilmesine alternatif
bir yöntem sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
Bu sebeple, çalışmanın tartışma alanı,
farklı iki sosyoekonomik gruptan gelen
11 yaş grubundan çocukların kendi
ev ve yakın çevresine ilişkin mekânsal
algılarının incelendiği “İstanbul’da
Farklı Sosyal Grupların Yerleştiği Çevrelerde
Yaşayan Çocukların Algısal
Süreçlerinin Bilişsel Haritalar Yöntemiyle
İrdelenmesi” başlıklı çalışmanın
(Çanakçıoğlu, 2011), alan araştırması
safhasında elde edilen bilişsel harita
verilerinin mekân dizimi yöntemiyle
analiz edilmesi üzerinedir. Başka bir
deyişle, çalışmanın ana hedefi, bilişsel
haritaların analiz edilme aşamasında,
mekân dizimi (space syntax) yönteminin
alternatif bir nicel analiz metodu
olarak kullanılmasına olanak sağlayıp
sağlamadığını araştırmaktır.
Çalışmanın içeriğinde, mekân dizimi
yöntemiyle irdelenen bilişsel haritalar,
“koridor, giriş holü ve merdiven
gibi lineer mekânların, erkek çocukların
haritalarında kız çocuklarınkine
kıyasla daha fazla vurgulanıp vurgulanmadığı”;
buna paralel olarak, kız
çocukların haritalarında içe dönük
mekânların daha fazla miktarda ortaya
çıkıp çıkmadığı” gibi konular cinsiyet
değişkeni bağlamında, “üst sosyoekonomik
grupta yer alan çocukların çoğunluğunun,
kendilerine ait odalarının
bulunması sebebiyle, alt sosyoekonomik
gruptaki çocuklara kıyasla daha
sığ (shallow) mekânsal ilişkilerin yer
aldığı haritalar ortaya koyup koymadığı”
gibi hususlar ise sosyoekonomik
durum değişkeni bağlamında irdelenmek
istenmektedir. Anlamlı sonuçlar
elde edilmesi öngörülen bu hususların
irdelenmesinde, doğrulanmış geçirgenlik
haritalarına (justified permeability
graphs) başvurulmak suretiyle derinlik
(depth) analizleri uygulanmıştır.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • N. G. Çanakcıoğlu

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 141-158
Disintegration of urban housing
areas: Districts and new gated
housing settlements
Suat APAK
suatapak@yahoo.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
In Turkey and Istanbul, gated communities are produced rapidly and offered
for use of the urban users particularly since 2000s. Urban spots created by the new
gated settlement areas and the life style started appearing and spreading rapidly
in outskirts of Istanbul.
Starting from the emergence of these walled settlements rise, urban integrity
gets disrupted and neighborhood lifestyle goes through a transition. The biggest
problem posed by these islands in the city is the fact that they create non-interactive
areas in the external world in contrary to the inner world.
The objective of this study is to determine the interaction level between these
wealth islands and existing texture and constituents of the existing texture by using
the space syntax approach. First, the strength of the bonds within the current
environment is determined by using the space syntax program on the current
environmental plans. The methodology also followed determining the physical
and social behavior patterns of the streets, mainly the paper concentrated on the
intersected spaces belonging to such different life styles.
These observations were made on the quality of the physical environment (order,
graffiti, vandalism, etc.) and the utilization intensity. In the final stage, the
data is collected by using the space syntax program and it was analysed to determine
whether there is a correlation between the existence of graffiti and space
syntax determinants.
Results show that the interaction within the existing texture gets weaker at substantial
levels around the walls of the island,contraversially the existence of graffiti
increases,and sociologically existing users living around the walled islands turn to
be “societies around / bottom the walls”.
Keywords
Districts, Gated communities, Security, Space syntax, Graffiti and vandalism.

142
1. Introduction
By rapid production of gated housing
settlements started from 1980s and
in particular 2000s in Turkey and firstly
we observed their emergence in Istanbul.
When the world has been starting
to be globalized, it brought a capital
movement, but also it has effects in the
society as economic dispersion around
the world and income distribution
disparity. Because of the capital movement
effects, the economic, technologic
and organizational development of
the firms boosted increasing the supply
and as reverse we witnessed demand
and rapid expansion of the luxury gated
community settlements in these era.
Self-enclosed and privatization of
the streets are the indicative directions
of such kind of new life concept. The
rich and luxury life including expensive
homes, golf clubs, tennis clubs, and
fitness centers have been constructed.
The security and richness create the
key positions, in order to overcome
undesirable events such as crime, drug,
vandalism, unrespectable behaviors
towards public and private properties,
the walls and doors that have been established
as physical barriers. Protection
of the settlement physically means
the protection of the virtue and wealth
values based on the settlement accordingly.
Hence, the protection of these
values is as important as physical security
(İçli, 2010). On the other hand,
Blakely and Snyder (1997) states that
gated communities could be combined
within three main categories. These are
lifestyle communities, prestige communities
and security zone communities.
The dominant factor regarding
a settlement in this categorical approaches,we
may perceive that many
privileges have been provided and controlled
in the gated community island.
This makes these settlements profitable
(Görücü and Pektas, 2014) and this is
the most important factor for the investment
firms and entrepreneurs.
Such new settlement areas and new
living styles have started to appear in
Istanbul and mainly outskirts in the
existing neighborhoods of Istanbul.
Since the walled such settlements, the
urban integrity has started to be separated
and street living culture has entered
into the transition period.
The social problems have been apparently
observed around these islands
and we may perceive the contradiction,
in spite of wealthy life style inside, the
low-income families are located in the
surroundings,as outside. When such
islands provide the living groups as
their wishes as well as living conditions
and their securities, contoversially they
create insecure areas in their external
worlds. As it was stated by Oscar Newman
(1972), “when a town is defended
individually (private group)-or lived,
it means that the struggle against the
crime at that town is lost”.
2. The negative effects of the gated
housing settlements in the urban life
The Gated Housing Islands have
damaged the current urban structure
and have barricaded the integration
and the development of the region. On
the other hand, they have damaged the
sustainability of the districts and traditional
district culture, as contrary
they have created and submitted the
local artificial tissues and different life
models for the community that is not
peaceful to their neighbors. In some
cases, these walls and fences not only
prevent access to the facilities of their
own but also they might make it hard
for the public to access common areas
such as streets, pavements, parks,
beaches, rivers, paths, children playgrounds
and other local resources
(Blakely and Snyder, 1997).
When we turn back to the current
structure, it creates insecure areas in
the contact lines. The treats are mostly
directed to the people who are living in
these islands as well as current people
who are using such routes. By means
of the rails, secure walls and security
cameras based on twenty four hours
monitoring, the precautions against all
possible threats toward the inside have
been taken. The undefended areas are
the external belt zones as a result of
such extraordinary exclusion.
2.1. The surveillance in terms of creating
secure environment
One of the basic components of the
social control is the natural surveillance
mechanism. In the books of Jane Jacobs
(1961) called as “The Death and Life of
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • S. Apak

Figure 1a. Tpical access control and surveillance concepts and
classifications (Crowe, T.,D.,1991).
Figure 1b. The conceptual shift from organized and mechanical
concepts has led to the natural CPTED concepts (Crowe,
T.,D.,1991).
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements
143
Great American Cities”, she signed the
importance of the natural surveillance
by stating the phrase of “the eyes in
the street”. Jacobs mostly attributes her
determinations based on the surveillance
principle and she is one of them
who emphasized the “defensible space”
concept where such components have
an important place. She stated that “in
some cases to help for a stranger or to
call for the police, in order to enable
the person to act, he/she must own the
street and he/she must believe that if
he/she will need for a help, will have
the urgent help”. However, she also stated
that the most important think rather
than acting and the condition to act
are the surveillance and he stated the
importance of the surveillance (Jacobs,
1961). Newman (1972) considers the
surveillance function in the category of
“physical design capacity that will provide
the surveillance possibility to the
user and their relatives”. He explains
this category as the mechanics towards
increasing the surveillance capacity
continuously and their internal and
external areas of the people. He also
states that they are the integral parts
of the three basic mechanisms. On the
other hand, Crowe (1991), in his book
called as “Crime Prevention through
Environmental Design” talks about the
availability of three overlapped strategy
in CPTED. These are natural access
control, natural surveillance, and territorial
reinforcement. He states that
access control and surveillance are the
primary design concepts of the physical
design programs (Figure 1a, Figure
1b).
Stollard (1991) argues about the
availability of the design options to
use it for deterring from the crime and
he states that there are some common
agreements and conciliations over
some general principles. Stallord collected
such principles under six groups
and he placed the surveillance principle
in the first instance. This principle
is related to the natural or passive
surveillance of the homes and public
places around the homes. When this
situation is considered as the indicative
factor for the uninvited guests, it is
accepted that deterring from the crime
is the most basic and essential element.
Natural surveillance can be defined
as the impression that residents
of the dwelling are guarded or can be
guarded if necessary and that there is
an eye on neighbors and on their residences.
Architects and planners should
take into account of current options to
maximize the opportunities of the resident
users (Stollard, 1991).
By considering these thoughts, one
of the design and settlement principles
for safe residential area proposed in
the “defensible space” is to direct the
buildings to the streets. These directions
provide opportunities that have
been made by the residential building
for the surveillance and also encourage
them and that increase the “eyes on the
street” accordingly (Figure 2).
In a research that was made in Istanbul,
Levent, it was understood that the
house direction has been made on the
streets and the streets that have high

144
natural surveillance capacity are intensively
used by the pedestrians. The
side of the streets that are limited by
the walls and garden walls of the houses
and they are less preferred by the
pedestrians and they are determined
that the deaf walls along the streets are
mainly neglected and used as the graffiti
ground (Apak, 2005).
2.2. Permeability as the integration
tool
The permeability is an important
factor to integrate physical volumes
and to give permissiveness for human
behaviors. In the assessment of this
factor, the scale and intensity should
be primarily taken into the consideration.
In the settlement where the
scale is small and intensity is low, we
may conclude that “the permeability is
minimized”.
“The settlements have been designed
around the cul-de sac” exclude the foreigners
and create confidential and the
safe areas (Ünlü, 1986), in such areas,
social control is not expected from the
interaction of the in-out settlement
users but it is expected from the settlement
owner. Apart from the security
feeling, the visibility and monitoring is
controlled by the the user of the area.
It is quite natural that, foreigners
were regarded as suspects when they
were observed in front of the tents
(yurt) at nomadic times before the
permanent settlement (Küçükerman,
2007). If we observe the cul-de sacs
that are surrounding square , they are
inhabited by people who know each
other well in traditional permanent
settlement system. The existence of
semi-public and private areas as shown
in Newman’s chart of territorial area
(Figure 3) supported with the opportunities
of observation. Certainly, the
subjects like intensity and urban liveliness
are not desirable in these areas.
In current town structures where
the scale is getting larger, the blood
relation, close relativeness, close neighborhood
and other relevant elements
are removed and where the settlement
users become stranger, the subjects like
the permeability and creating vitality
may be considered as important factors.
In 9th part of the book called as
Jacobs’ “the Death and Life of Great
American Cities”, the requirement for
small block has been stated in detail.
By considering the example of
Manhattan, it is stated that stable long
blocks create desperate long, monotone
and dark strips. If there were
streets that cut such wide blocks lies
from the east to west and if there were
more than shorter blocks, it is stated
that there would not be any need to use
such monotone way to go somewhere
and the alternative routes could be
chosen (Figure 4). Thus, she defenses
that the distribution of the stores and
Figure 3. Schematic sketch illustrating territorial definition
reinforced with surveillance opportunities (Newman,1972).
Figure 2. Houses should face each other
along the street (Poyner, B., Webb, B., 1991).
Figure 4. Small block requirement in Manhattan (Jacobs,1961).
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145
eligibility of the stores and commercial
places will be increased as a result of
the interaction. She argues that, in this
way, streets will not be isolated but they
will get mixed to each other which will
ensure significant increase in the number
of trade destinations and improvement
in the availability and expansion
of shops. She emphasizes that, streets
do not end at successful or attractive
neighborhoods. On the contrary, the
number or streets increases where possible
(Jacobs, 1961).
Bentley & Alcock & et al. (1993) reserve
the first part of the books to the
permeability and deal the permeability
in detail. They state that only places
that let the people could provide options
for them and the quality of the
permeability is related to the number
of the alternative ways that pass from
one area. In the left diagram of Figure
5, comparing with the top layout with
the sub layout, it provides large option
possibility so the top layout is more
than permeable. In the right diagram
of the same figure, it is concentrated on
the advantages of the small blocks.
They deal with the permeability as
physical and visual permeability, they
also reiterate that a place with the small
blocks provide more option than the
area with the large block and they state
that large block layout has only three
alternative route without returning between
A and B and small block version
has a little short distance nine alternatives
with the public route (Bentley and
Alcock, et al., 1993). They draw the attention
of the availability of the three
design approach that works against the
public location permeability and they
organize them as increasing the scale
of the settlement, hierarchic layout using
and pedestrian/vehicle separation.
Figure 5. Different approach alternatives in the permeability sense
for the same area (left) and small block requirement between A-B
axles (right) (Bentley,Alcock,Murrain, McGlynn, Smith, 1993).
On the other hand, Crankshaw
(2009) states that permeable street
walls could be provided by the door entrances,
windows and stores. A monolithic
building without any openings
creates insecurity and it gives you a
disturbing feeling like you are all alone,
walking naked along a street (Crankshaw,
2009).
2.3. Urban vitality / commerce in the
sense of mixed utilization
It is clear that the urban vitality in
the urban structure of the commercial
functions has very important place in
the vitality of the life. The commercial
life particularly in the town scale is related
to the accommodation functions
of the town, the interactions, solidarity
and living together in the same area.
When considering the opposite angle
in terms of the solidarity of the parties,
in the understanding the modern town
planning (however, the functional difference
is essential in this understanding),
despite the fact that the sub center
settlements focused on the commercial
activities when they become deserted
at the night time. Jacobs, who
emphasized mixed-use over separated
dwellings or commercial places, also
prioritized the liveliness of the people
in current neighborhoods in her book
which is full of the most original and
powerful claims of her age (Jacobs,
1961). There is no doubt that in the
sense of the urban vitality and “commercial
vitality” street understanding
that is the supporting element in the
mixed utilization, the interaction along
the street and the supporting attitudes
are more than important even if they
are competitors.
It is possible to see the examples in
the traditional and historical structure
of Istanbul. When approaching to the
end of 18th century, Istiklal Street that
has many opposite buildings and in
which complete design was completed
in the second half of 19th century
(Cadde-I Kebir) is one of the most important
street where the luxury buildings,
European types of stores, recruitment
and resting places are located
after the reorganizations, nowadays,
it keeps the same style indeed so that
the commercial vitality has been observed.
On the other hand, the spice
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements

146
bazaar that is one of the oldest shopping
centers has the covered street plan
where many stores are located. The interaction
between small commercial
units (such as the flower bazaar, street)
which stick to external, blind walls as
required by the inward-oriented structure
and the commercial units at the
ground floors of the buildings that are
located opposite the street, they are the
most significant elements in the union
of the bazaar with the surrounding pattern
(Figure 6).
When talking about the urban vitality,
the availability of the stores is required.
On the other hand, in our history,
from the shopping stores (arasta) to
the local bazaars, streets, and covered
bazaars and even in our modern world,
large shopping centers, shopping malls
(that contrary approach to our opinion
– withdrawn huge masses ) has mutual
shop units. In this plan approach, face
to face organization, sequence and interaction
are basic elements.
The pavements are social spaces.
The streets, pavements need ultimate
attention to continue their living powers
apart from the channels where the
pedestrians use. They should be encouraged
to create social interaction
and activity together with their adjacent
external selling areas in front of
the stores and pavement cafés (Crankshaw,
2009).
3. Model
Ralph B. Taylor (1987) separated
the scale organized from the least serious
to the most serious in the figure
called as the continuum of disorder.
He showed the graffiti in the condition
concept and he included the vandalism
in the crime case based on the most serious
step.
The graffiti that could be defined as
using the private and public properties
by unpermitted letter or paints. Their
existence affected the environmental
image and it has created the negative
effect on the sense of security. The
graffiti could be performed under the
direction various purposes. The “gang
graffiti” that could be a sign how power
the gangs and illegal organizations
could be used as interaction tools to
show their powers and to remove others
from these areas (Taylor, 1988).
On the other hand, one of the graffiti
type is the “taggers” graffiti etc. Each
graffiti has not written by the member
of the gang. These could be used to
state how to find the drug, drug users
etc. They could have some threat messages
against other races, religious and
genders. Some graffiti is the sample of
the swearword and profanity. Some of
them could reflect the politic views and
some also could be classified as “gum
balloon” like “ Ali loves Ayse” etc.
The type of the graffiti could be
changes based on the time and place.
However, the graffiti is possibly coming
from the “taggers” who sign their activities
by their typical names. The taggers
expect and hope that they would be
admired because of their respective activities
and personal based works. The
taggers could seek excitement. Such
excitements could include the danger
to make graffiti in the high place or to
violate the laws accordingly. The taggers
could act alone or they could be
gang to make graffiti as a team.
In the recent researches, there are
different approaches on the graffiti.
Some researchers think that the graffiti
is a kind of vandalism that is located on
the roads, in the public transportation
and stations, commercial regions and
residential areas and some researchers
think that these are urban artwork
(Figure 7) and some of them consider
that the graffiti is an activity to draw
the attention of the young people to
positive study fields.
Figure 6. Two- sided commercial using of the streets, İstiklal street
and Çiçek Pazarı street ( Apak, S. 2015).
Figure 7. An example of graffiti as an art work and a vandalism
example on the same street in Kadikoy ( Apak, S. 2015).
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Figure 8. The cart of the theoric model.
When dealing with undesirable action,
it is seen that various methods
have been applied to be prevented.
Apart from the publications and internet
possibilities that facilitate the
processes what we should do especially
for raising the social awareness,
there are precautions towards prevention
the crime factor. Such precautions
have been dealt and evaluated in three
categories in the researches such as
“law application and implementation”
where the law application precautions
are provided by means of the criminal
proceeding system, “perpetration
on time” to minimize the damage and
lost and “potential guilty prevention”
to care about the young people and to
draw their attention to the different
places (Stafford & Pettersson, 2003).
Though graffiti might give messages
in some cases such as the gang graffiti,
it disturbs the society as an illegal
act regardless of its content or form
(whether it has an artistic value or not).
When it damages to the public and private
properties and when it is against
the authority, in the context of the environmental
image, they are significant
signs weakening the environment’s potential
to create the feeling of safety.
Apart from such messages provided
to the users, it affects the environment
and the population deeply. The value
of the properties could be decreased
and possible commercial advantages
could be lost. The population could be
self-enclosed, the neighborhood relations
could be weaken and the sensitivity
could be lost as well as these
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements
147
could be the reason for social-economic
damage and disruption. While they
might indicate negligence, dereliction
or ignorance they might also indicate
that social/environmental control is
lacking or there is unwillingness to
perform such control. Even if some
part of the society think that these are
not important, they create illegal environment
and they provide clue for illegal
behavior possibilities and such kind
of behaviors.
As a result of such negative effects of
the graffiti, it has created an important
fact as the indicator of the weakness
related to the trust and confidence in
the current urban fabric especially in
the intersections of the gated islands.
Without emphasizing the reasonability
of the graffiti, the factors that facilitate
the application and that enable the environment
to be created as is defined
in the theoretical framework of the
activity are surveillance/ visibility, permeability,
vitality, syntactic integration
value. The availability or lacks of such
factors are the reason of presenting,
decreasing or increasing the graffiti applications.
The key component of those factors
is based on the permeability. Due to
the fact that it has a one by one effect
on other factors if a piece of urban
texture is permeable or not and these
could affect directly or indirectly the
graffiti applications. As it is seen in the
current model, permeability, within
the context of visual permeability, by
eliminating the possibility of identifying
the route through the external user
and surveillance/visibility of the external
area through the internal user, the
minimal occupancy, uncontrolled areas
and routes have been created (Figure
8).
On the other hand, when considering
the physical permeability, it has
minimized the neighborhood relations
together with the adjacent current urban
fabric. Because of the immense
deathfullness created by the walls as
the border element, such borders have
lost the chance to transform the lively,
illuminated areas such as shopping
store, café, etc. It has minimized the vitality
at those areas and it has prevented
the possible potential development
accordingly. It has also created negative

148
effects on the vitality of current tissue.
In these areas, decreasing the vitality
means decreasing the number of the
responsible eyes that will provide the
social control at those areas and decreasing
the opportunity of being supported.
This huge area where the permeability
is not available has provided
their relations with the external world
by one or two controlled doors and they
have turned their backs to the current
urban fabric. Their relations are almost
little or nothing. In this case, it has created
important effects on the syntactic
integration values. The syntactic integration
values that are not integrated
with the network of the current urban
fabric is minimized and disconnected,
uncontrolled, desolate environments
have been created.
These environments provide more
comfortable opportunities for the graffiti
applications that could be perceived
as the indicator so that the most important
crimes could be committed.
These factors that have unilateral or
bilateral interactions could increase
or decrease the applicable physical
ground and opportunity of the graffiti.
4. Method / Case studies
While determining the case study
areas, the attention was paid that they
should be neighbor with the unplanned
and undeveloped urban structure, new
gated community islands. The purpose
here is to catch the clues clearly to reflect
the relations of such islands with
their surroundings. In this framework,
“Maslak-İstinye Park” that is neighbor
to Pınar district that is illegally structured
area (Figure 9a), “TEM1 Avrupa
Residences” which are located at
4th Region slum prevention area of
Gaziosmanpaşa Town which has developed
badly in a mixture of planned
and unplanned construction (Figure
9b) and “Zeytinburnu Kiptaş Topkapı
Merkez Residence“ (Figure 9c) were
selected as case study areas.
Main common points of these areas
are the weakness socio-economic
structure along with an unplanned and
badly developed urban structure and
side by side closed residence islands
addressing the particular income
group and their ownership characters .
Maslak-İstinye Park Residence
among the case study area was constructed
as 19 blocks was composed of
406 residential units. The entrance to
the island is made from one gated access.
On the other hand, TEM1 Avrupa
Residences is composed of 36 blocks
includes 3100 residential units and the
entrance could be provided from three
points. Topkapı Merkez Evleri is also
composed of 803 residential units including
5+7 and totally 12 blocks. In
each of two staged island, there are one
entrance point.
In the selected three case study areas,
the method is applied to obtain data
based on the observations regarding
the current urban structure around the
gated community areas and intermediate
zones. As the assessment variables,
the users living in the vicinity of islands
have been taken into the account. The
intensity route or points in the urban
area regarding the user and their experiences
have been recorded. Regarding
the physical environment, the environmental
quality was determined as
the scale of good-medium-bad and in
the adjacent environment and intermediate
zones, the availability of the
graffiti and vandalism is searched and
the determination of the places were
achieved accordingly.
Figure 9. The case study areas, a; Istinye Park Residences-Maslak, b; TEM Avrupa Residences
– Gaziosmanpaşa, c;Topkapı Merkez Residences – Zeytinburnu.
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149
In the parallel of these studies, updated
maps regarding these three areas
that have been defined based on
the observation criteria. The reason
for having the updated maps is to reveal
the rapid development of Istanbul
and to show that new settlements have
been performed in last 5-6 years. The
integration where the updated maps
have been used as data input that is the
second important step for the determination
of the syntactic integration
analysis. The principle spatial element
is the axes of the urban structure. The
organization of the building or the district
is based on the organization of its
axes, that is, they reflect the behaviors,
the sequence of behavioral experiences.
The axis is fundamental because the
experience of architecture is an experience
of movement (Hillier 1996).
For the analysis of the syntactic integration,
the Syntax 2D program by
the Michigan University is used. By
selecting axial line analysis and preparing
axial maps, it is aimed to define the
integration values of the close neighborhood
around the these gated community
islands.
By the achieved observation data,
the integration values are compared
and they are searched that if the
low-high integration area and graffiti
is overlapped or not. According to
the hypothesis, the main task that is
searching if there is any correlation between
the deep integration values and
increase of graffiti or not. In particular,
the research concentrates on the
specific places in the vicinity of gated
islands, the occurrence of the graffiti
applications and their meanings, their
syntactic integration with the physical
environment.
5. Discussion
5.1. Graffiti points observed around
the sampled gated community islands
According to the determinations
based on the observation, around the
gated community islands of the three
case study areas, the availability of the
graffiti is observed. The long deaf walls
extending uninterruptedly and their
horizontal plane form may be quite
appropriate space for graffiti. In the
north of Istinye Park Residences, on
İğde Street in the intermediate section
of “Pınar Mahallesi (District)” (Figure
10a İ1), in Sarıyer Street and its opposite
and in the walls of Enka Schools
(Figure 10a İ2), in the western part of
Gaziosmanpaşa TEM1 Avrupa Residences,
on the walls located in 1612th
Street and its extension (Figure 10b
A1), in western part of the Kiptaş Topkapı
Merkez Residence, G-36th Street
(Figure 10c M2) and on Gümüşsuyu
Davut Paşa Street (Figure 10c M1), the
graffiti samples are mainly observed
areas.
By going around the surrounding
Figure 10. The regions where the graffiti was applied on the walls of the gated community
islands.
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements

150
walls of each three samples, the place
and number where the graffiti has been
applied are signed and determined on
the plans. In the determinations that
have been made, the type and size of
the graffiti is ignored. The existence of
graffiti has been recorded numerically.
In accordance with these determinations,
the graffiti has been recorded
intensively applied in these case study
areas.
It was observed that the walls of İstinye
Park Residence is on İğde Street
and partly in Kılıç Street. The determined
graffiti number around the wall
on this street is (Figure 10-i1) (26 İğde
Street+13 Kılıç Street) totally 39 points
(Figure 11).
There is also graffiti situated in
Gaziosmanpaşa TEM1 Avrupa Residence,
and at the same, an intensive
graffiti has been observed on the wall
throughout 1612th Street with the adjacent
current urban fabric (Figure 10-
A1). The number of graffiti that was
signed by counting on those walls are
22 indicators (Figure 12).
In the Zeytinburnu Topkapı Merkez
Residence part 1 and 2, the intensive
graffiti applications that have been frequently
used, applied and re-painted
have been observed on the throughout
street and stair walls that provides
connection between recreation area
(that located two parts of the gated
residences) and Davutpaşa Gümüşsuyu
Street (Figure 10-M1). The graffiti
paint number that was determined at
the time of observation are 12 in stair
walls and 16 on the walls at Gümüşsuyu
Street and totally 28 at the same
region (Figure 13).
It was observed and determined
that the contents of these graffiti could
be political, class difference and they
could also be inserted as the type of
“gum balloon” that is not important.
5.2. The determinations regarding
the permeability specifications of the
sampled gated community islands
As it is known that the basic principle
of the gated community is to prevent
the uncontrolled entrance and to
create impermeable areas where the
controlled entrance is provided. In order
to provide the security, to prevent
the infrastructural using share, to cre-
Figure 11. Graffiti on the walls of the island of İstinye Park
Residence (İ1) and İğde Street ( Apak, S. 2015).
Figure 12. Graffiti on the walls of the island of TEM1 Avrupa
Konutlari (A1) and neighbourhood ( Apak, S. 2015).
Figure 13. Graffiti on the walls of the island of Topkapi Merkez
Evleri (M1) and parked cars ( Apak, S. 2015).
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151
ate the social status living types and
similar groups, firstly under the direction
of providing the physical impermeability,
the basic approach is to surround
these areas by the walls. For the
sake of minimizing the internal-external
irritation and increasing the security,
apart from the height and type of
those walls, the visual impermeability
is provided and internal-external relation
has been cut completely (Table 1).
The number of blocks and resident
units, size of the covered areas and
shortest – longest lengths of the areas
belongs to these three case studies are
given in table 1. Also quantities and
qualities of these surrounding walls are
important features for permeability.
The total length of the walls that surrounds
İstinye Park Residence, Gaziosmanpaşa
TEM1 Avrupa Residences
and Zeytinburnu Topkapı Merkez Residences
are 1238 meters, 1665 meters
and 1524 meters. There is only one
entrance-exit door at İstinye Park Residence
and Topkapı Merkez Residences
1- 2. (seperately). On the other hand
there are three entrance-exit doors at
Gaziosmanpaşa TEM1 Avrupa Residences
due to its size of the covered
area (Table 1).
The heights, qualities and materials
that have been used for each surrounding
walls of three case studies are given
in Table 2. These walls are prohibiter as
the visual permeability, the transparency
that provides communication,as
well as the physical permeability. All
these features could be completely or
partly observed in each samples.
The front of the walls on Abdi İpekçi
Street that is the important artery
was concealed by the green plants. The
height of the bottom reinforced concrete
part around 1612th Street where
this wall is interacted with the current
urban fabric was approximately
increased from 40 cm. to 160 cm (Table
2). On the other hand, in order to
end the visual relation, the back of the
iron fences was closed by semi opaque
plastic panels. Zeytinburnu, Topkapı
Merkez Residences are composed of
two parts. For second section, there
Table 1. The quantitative specifications of the sampled gated residential areas and the length of surrounding walls.
İstinye Park
Residence
Gaziosmanpaşa
TEM1 Avrupa R.
Topkapı Merkez
Residence sec.1
Topkapı Merkaz
Residence Sec.2
Number
of block
Number of
Residence
Area
(m2)
Perimeter
(m)
19 406 75395 1238
Number of
Ent-Exit door
1+ (1 from
mall, pedest.)
Length
- short
Length
- long
226 430
36 3100 141082 1665 3 445 550
5
22780 704 1 156 240
803
1+ (1 from
7 34300 820
185 280
mall, pedest.)
Table 2. The qualitative specificaitons and the heights of surrounding walls of the sampled gated residential areas.
İstinye Park
Residence
Gaziosmanpaşa
TEM1 Avrupa
R.
Topkapı
Merkez
Residence
The height of the walls
Base
(cm.
)
Mid.
(cm.
)
Top
(cm.)
Tota
l
(cm.
)
200 170 - 370
40 180 80 300
300 150 40 490
The quality and materials of the walls
Base Mid. Top
reinforced
concrete
reinforced
concrete
reinforced
concrete
natural panel
wire fence
forged iron
fence
natural panel
wire fence
-
double razor
wires
single razor
wires
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements

152
are also pedestrian accesses from the
shopping. In the middle of both section,
there is a recreation area and open
shopping units for public and these
two sections could be considered as
two different gated islands. The quality
of the walls that surround these islands
could be regionally different. The
recreation area between two islands is
defined by the shopping units’ facades.
It is also observed that 2nd part of island
walls on Davutpaşa Gümüşsuyu
Street and G-32th Street are composed
by shopping units’ facades which is
constructed under residential blocks.
In Topkapı Merkez Residences, together
with the physical obstacles and by
the massive material such as concrete,
the visual barrier was maximized. The
positive side of this sample is to provide
residential blocks together with
the shopping units.
5.3. The integration analysis of the
sampled gated community islands
and surroundings
In each three case studies, surrounding
gated community islands, neighbor
streets integration-n of Syntax 2D values
have transformed into the table.
For each case study, approximately 30
streets give us an idea about general
characters of the close existing urban
texture. For each area, the mean of
integration values are calculated and
when we compared the integration-n
values of the cross sections around the
gated community, the significant results
are emerged.
The mean of the integration-n values
of 25 street belonged to the current settlement
surrounding Istinye Park Residence
is 11590,98. On the other hand,
the mean average of the integration-n
values belonged to the roads surrounding
Istinye Park walls is 2023,35. When
these values are calculated based on
30 streets surrounding TEM1 Avrupa
Residence, it was achieved to 10998,55,
on the other hand integration- n values
of the roads adjacent to surrounding
walls are calculated as 2786,95. In
Zeytinburnu Topkapı Merkez Residence,
the mean value of 30 streets
adjacent to the current settlement is
12039,80. Average values are calculated
in the parallel streets of islands’
borders, around 1st section is about
344,71 and in the second section, it is
performed as 2355,65 (Figure 14).
Hillier (1996) stated that the distribution
of integration in the axial map
defines an “integration core” which
generates not only a movement pattern
but also a distribution of land uses
such as shops and residences which are
sensitive to movement. In the axial line
analysis of Pınar Mahallesi (District)
and Istinye Park Residences, when
considering the integration-n diagram,
the integration value of the İğde Street
(3796,28) adjacent to the Istinye Residences
where graffiti is applied is very
low. However, Çamlıbel Street (Figure
15) that is the most populated street
of the “Pınar Mahallesi (District)” has
highest integration values (22555,91)
in the red color scale and as is mentioned
by the Hiller, it appears as the
core of the integration. Naturally, on
this street, due to the fact that there are
many shopping units and due to the vitality
of the street, it is more significant
to overlap the core in the integration
map.
It is observed that 1612th Street and
its extension where the graffiti points
are highly observed on the border walls
of TEM1 Avrupa Residences in Gaziosmanpaşa
has lowest integration values
in the dark blue color scale in the axial
line diagram produced for this region.
On the other hand, the integration
values are rather low at G-36th Street
axis hosting graffiti on deaf and castle
type of walls surrounding Topkapı
Figure 14. The Axial Line Analysis and Integration-n Values of the three case studies (Istinye Park Residence –
Gaziosmanpasa TEM1 Residence – Topkapi Merkez Residence).
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153
Merkez Evleri and the vicinity of
Gümüşsuyu Davutpaşa Street axis that
are divided by the tram line.
Figure 15. Camlibel Street (on the left), Igde Streets (on the right)
( Apak, S. 2015). Integration Values of Istinye Residence and
Pinar Mahallesi district (below).
Figure 16. The overlapping the determination maps of the region
where the intensive graffiti applications are available in three
case studies with the value map of the Axial Line Analysis /
Integration-n. (a) Istinye Park Residence – (b) Gaziosmanpasa
TEM1 Residence – (c) Topkapi Merkez Residence).
5.4. The determined graffiti applications
and syntactic integration analysis
study
Along with the graffiti point maps
achieved by the observations, the integration-n
value maps obtained by
Syntax2D are also compared and interposed
and this paper reinforces that
there is a high correlation between the
increase of graffiti and low integration-n
values around the gated communities
(Figure 16).
The mean of integration-n values of
24 streets in Pınar District that is current
urban fabric surrounding partly
Istinye Park Residences is calculated as
11590,98. The axis numbered 81 that
is the starting point of İğde Street connected
to Camlıbel Street (where the
mean value is 22555,91) is 7274,00 as
integration value. The axis numbered
82 where the graffiti is intensively seen
has a value of 3796,28 and it is located
between İğde Street and Kılıç Street.
The axis numbered 91 represents Kılıç
Street. Its integration value is 2819,87
and 13 graffiti points determination
is made on the walls at these streets.
The integration value of the axis coded
92 is 1450,18 and it is part of the
wall between Kılıç Street and site entrance
door. The axes numbered 95
and 96 have the values of 787,22 and
807,81. These are connection ways between
Kılıç Street entrance-exit door
and Sarıyer Street connection. Due to
the proximity to the controlled area
with the security guard there are not
any graffiti applications. On the other
hand, because of their too low integration
values, this area is a type of urban
fabric has the weakest relations with
their environments (Table 3).
The mean of the integration-n values
of 30 streets related to the current
urban fabric around Gaziosmanpaşa
TEM1 Avrupa Residences is 10998,55.
The axis coded 0 has the value of
2222,43 and it is entrance point to the
existing adjacent fabric from Abdi İpekçi
Street. The axis coded 1 is the entrance
way to the current fabric from
Abdi İpekçi Street (1277,87) and it is
the part that provides connection to
1612th Street and on each two axes.
We may oberve here that there is not
any current indicator about the graffiti
points. The axes of 2 (1274,28) and
3 (3419, 37) are extensions of 1612th
Street and the adjacent walls to the of
TEM 1 Avrupa Residences and particularly,
there are graffiti points on these
walls along two axes. The number of
these points is 22. The axis coded 47
(2316,06) represents the entrance door
and Abdi İpekçi Street connection way
and the axis coded 48 (1140,71) represents
the extension of the entrance
door and they show the weak relation
tie in the rare points where they could
integrate with the integration values
less than (10998,55) of current fabric
average of Gaziosmanpaşa.
The arithmetic average of 30 streets
was taken in the adjacent area of Zeytinburnu
Topkapı Merkez Residences and
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements

154
the integration-n values are 12039,80.
The consecutive axes coded 116, 117,
118 represent the way between the 1st
section walls and tramway station. Respectively,
they have integration values
of 960,50 – 375,17 – 237,99. We
may consider that this region where
the graffiti applications are intensively
used. 16 graffiti points are determined.
The axes numbered 148 (375,18) and
149 (228,91) represent the stairs to the
public area between two sections from
this region. The continuous graffiti applications
are observed horizontally on
the walls in both side of the stairs and
this area has been restricted by painting
through the administration. 12 graffiti
points are determined on the day when
the observation is carried out. The axis
numbered 25 (175,52) in the 2nd section,
the axis numbered 27 (257,14)
in the 1st section that represents the
pedestrian ways in front of the shopping
units under the blocks that they
face to the public area. Due to the fact
that these areas are not eligible to apply
graffiti and there are some monitoring
residential units such as living rooms
over the stores. These areas have very
low integration-n values however it
is hard to remark of traces about the
graffiti activities (Table 3).
The integration values obtained
from the axial line analysis of the surrounding
streets limited by the walls
are comparatively are very low, contoversially
we may record that the
high occurence of graffiti on the walls.
The surrounding wall of the island has
blue and dark blue colors that they represent
the low values in the color scale.
It means that the great gated islands
that are not integrated with the current
structure, and they make cool their environment
as well. Such areas that are
adjacent the gated community islands
are the weakest and colorless routes of
the urban/neighborhood interaction
and they become the area as vacant car
parking locations that may also cause
blockading the pedestrian movements.
6. Result
Such case study areas like the representatives
of the most of the gated
community islands around Istanbul
have the mean of their negative specifications.
The negative aspects might
also be found in implementations of
state based organisations like Housing
Development Administration of
Turkey (TOKI). The assessment of the
valuable lands belonged to the public
organizations within current urban
structure on one public sector hand,
and profitability of the different lands
that are the properties of the private
sector on the other hand, the both sec-
Table 3. Comparing the sampled three gated community areas surrounding and adjacent street integration values
and graffiti point numbers.
İstinye Park
Residence
Gaziosmanpaşa
TEM1 Avrupa
K.
Topkapı
Merkez
Evleri
Integration
value
(Avg.)
Number of
Graffiti
points
11590,98 39
10998,55 22
12039,80 28
Graffiti locations (frequently seen)
Cod
e
Int. value Name of the location
81 7274,00 Igde Street
82 3796,28 Mid part of Igde-Kilic S
91 2819,87 Kilic Street
92 1450,18 Kilic Street- Entrance
95 787,22 Entrence-Sariyer Street
0 2222,43 Abdi Ipekci St.-Existing t.
1 1277,87 Abdi Ipekci St.-1612.St.
2 1274,28 1612.St. adjacent to ex.t.
3 3419,37 1612.St. adjacent to ex.t
48 1140,71 Entrence –TEM1 Reside.
116 960,50 Davutpasa Gumussuyu S.
117 375,17 Davutpasa Gumussuyu S.
118 237,99 Davutpasa Gumussuyu S.
148 375,18 Stairs
149 228,91 Stairs
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • S. Apak

155
tors may boost these problems around
the constructed neighborhoods.
The weakness in the local town-planning
applications, the lack of authorization
of producing local town-planning
and codes and the planning and
design cosiderations as the isolated
islands of the Housing Development
Administration of Turkey (TOKİ) create
continuously the lack of the urban
plan integrity, permeability and vitality
problems within the existing urban life.
In the location selection of the gated
community islands, the economic feasibility
has been become the most basic
factor.However, the social-cultural-economic
structures of the adjacent
areas of the islands coexisted within
the current urban life at surroundings
have not taken into the consideration
and the permeability of human movements
and the structural continuity of
the districts are completely ignored.
The results within the scope of the
research show that the interaction
in the current structure is declined
around the island walls. As it is seen
in the syntactic integration analysis
clearly, the mean of the integration
values achieved by taking the current
urban fabric are the strongest evidence
in this comparison. It is observed that
such the mean values are time by time
higher than the integration values of
the street surrounding the gated community
areas. In these areas, when the
intensive of the graffiti points increases,
this indication is the proof that
those areas are becoming so desolate
areas. Besides, it could be seen that by
the analysis that the current situation
is sharply overlapping with the real life
and how the vitality and permeability
notions in planning issue how they are
removed.
By the analysis of the observed and
calculated data, the zones between
such wealthy islands and existing life at
surroundings are isolated and ineffective
formations. As supported by analyses,
they come up that these available
spaces for graffiti cause to disturbance
and displeasure among the neighborhood
situated around the endless
walls. Psychologically, existing graffiti
on long walls is a kind of a message and
scream to the sensitive community. It
is also a sign for threatening indicator
damaging safety and moreover it creates
the weakening for the perception
of the feeling of safe and uncontrolled
environment.
At this point, it could not be expected
to break the walls and to bring very
different social –economic and cultural
communities together. Such a kind of
expectation cannot been demanded
by parties at this moment. At presently,
the gated community users could
not accept different social and physical
structure so that they have been injected.
They cannot communicate as much
as possible in the vicinity. They attempt
to make connection with the towns by
their private cars without communicating
with close social areas .
The solution is based on defining
new gated settlement locations and
integrated and permeable areas. In
the local applications, for the sake of
the economic income, instead of producing
gated community islands, it is
better to develop open structures that
might be integrated with the environment
and to reveal the district based
on the synthesis as well. In the large
scale, without establishing exact lines,
sharp sides, the aim must be an urban
planning approach comprising more
peaceful and transitive altitude (from
low income to high etc.) and to process
and to apply more productive urban
planning understanding that will not
cause any attempt to the high income
groups to have a right to implement
hidden and wealthy gated community
solutions.
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Acar, S., Kumral, B. (1997). “İş
– Alışveriş Merkezleri”, YEM (Yapı-
Endüstri Merkezi Yayınları), Tunç
Matbaacılık A.Ş., İstanbul.
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Oluşturulmasında Kullanılabilecek
Kavramsal Bir Model”, (Unpublished
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Bentley, I., Alcock , A., Murrain,P.,
McGlynn,S., Smith, G. (1993), “Responsive
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“Fortress America – Gated Communities
in the United States”, Brookings Institution
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& Sons Co., Washington D.C.
Crankshaw, N. (2009). “Creating Vibrant
Public Spaces – Streetscape Design
in Commercial and Historic Districts”,
Island Press, Washington D.C.
Crowe, Timothy, D. (1991). “Crime
Prevention Through Environmental Design
– Applications of Architectural Design
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Stoneham, Massachusetts
Görücü, E.,Ö., Pektaş (2014). “İstanbul
– Gaziosmanpaşa- Küçükköy Mahallesi
Avrupa konutları TEM-2 Projesi
Değerleme Raporu”, (Emlak Konut –
12.14 – 161 nolu Rapor), Yetkin Gayrimenkul
Değerleme ve Danışmanlık
A.Ş., İstanbul.
Hillier, B. (1996). “Space is the Machine
– A Configurational Theory of
Architecture”, Cambridge University
Press, New York.
İçli, G. (2010). “Statü Sembolü
Olarak Konut ve Konut Kullanımı Denizli
Örneği”, Pamukkale Üniversitesi
Yayınları, No:13, Denizli.
Jacobs, J. (1961). “The Death and
Life of Great American Cities”, Vintage
Books, New York.
Küçükerman, Ö. (2007). “Turkish
House in Search of Spatial Identity”,
Türkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu,
Euromat Entegre Matbaacılık, Istanbul.
Newman, O. (1972). “Defensible
Space – People and Design In The Violent
City”, Architectural Press, W & J
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Poyner, B., Webb, B. (1991). “Crime
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Litho Ltd., Scotland.
Stollard, P. (1991). “Crime Prevention
Through Housing Design”, Chapman
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Ünlü, A. (1986). “Geleneksel Çevrelerde
Tasarım Verilerinin Saptanması
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gft_mobility/documents/ page/dft_
mobility_025965-11.hcsp
(http://www.gophaber.com/haber-
3847-arsiv.html).
Kent konut alanlarının parçalanması:
Mahalleler ve yeni kapalı konut
yerleşmeleri
Türkiye ve İstanbul’da özellikle
2000’li yıllardan sonra kapalı konut
yerleşmeleri büyük bir hızla üretilerek
kent kullanıcılarının kullanımına
sunulmaya başlanmıştır. Sermayesi
gelişmiş özel girişimciler ve / veya özel
– kamu işbirliği ile planlanan bu yeni
tip yaşam anlayışlı sunumlar, bir mega
kent olan İstanbul’un dahi bu oranlarda
hiç karşılaşmadığı ölçek ve sayılardaki
yeni konut alanlarıyla hazırlıksız bir
şelikde karşı karşıya kalmalarına neden
olmuştur. Bu yeni kapalı yerleşim
alanları ve yaşam tarzının oluşturduğu
kentsel lekeler, İstanbul’un içlerinde ve
eteklerinde hızla belirmeye ve yayılmaya
başlamıştır.
Bu lekelerin, yapay adacıkların kent
için en büyük problemi, mevcut kent
dokusuna yapışarak veya mevcut doku
içlerindeki mevcut veya kentsel dönüşümle
elde edilen boşlukları doldurma
yöntemiyle mevcut dokuyu iteleyerek
sıkıştığı alanın kendisine ait yarattığı
iç dünyasının tersine dış dünyasında
etkileşimsiz alanlar yaratmasıdır. Mevcut
dokudan koparılan bu parçalar ile
mevcut alanların birbirleri ile olabilecek
olası etkileşim, birleşme şanslarının
da ellerinden almasıdır.
Tüm bu olumsuzluklarının yanı sıra,
bazı durumlarda, duvar ve parmaklıklar
ile sadece kendilerine ait donatılara
erişimi değil, caddelere, kaldırımlara,
parklara, plajlara, nehirlere, patikalara,
çoçuk oyun alanlarına, lokal tüm vatandaşlar
tarafından paylaşılacak tüm
kaynaklara kamusal geçişi de engelleyebilmekte,
zorlaştırabilmektedirler
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • S. Apak

157
(Blakely and Snyder, 1997).
Mevcut dokunun ihmal edilip dışlanması
ile karşı komşulukları ile etkileşim
şansları ellerinden alınarak,
bu sokak kullanıcıları yalnızlaştırılmakta,
geçirgenliği sağlayacak, arttıracak,
doku ve sokak süreklilikleri kesilmekte,
kentsel canlılığı zayıflatılmış,
ticaret potansiyeli azaltılmış çevreler
yaratılmaktadır. Neticede kullanıcı yoğunluğunun
endişe yaratacak boyutta
azaldığı, doğal gözetim olanaklarının
ortadan kaldırılıp, güvenlik hissinin
zayıfladığı kuşaklar yaratılmaktadır.
Makalenin teorik tabanında, güvenli
ortam yaratma bağlamında doğal
gözetim, kullanımı teşvik ederek
sosyal kontrol perspektifinden pozitif
yoğunluk yaratacak bir bütünleşme
aracı olarak geçirgenlik ve fonksiyonel
ayrışmışlık yerine karma kullanım unsurları
ortaya konularak derinlemesine
irdelenmiş ve makalenin yaklaşımı
doğrultusunda kuramsal bir çerçeve
oluşturulmaya çalışılmıştır.
Mevcut kent dokusu içleri ve eteklerine
serpiştirilen, gerektiğinde tıkıştırılan
bu lekeler, bu farklı dokuların yarattığı
ara kesitler bağlamında, düzen
ve güven ortamının zayıflık göstergesi
olarak duvar yazıları (grafiti) ve vandalizm
ele alınmış, özellikle duvar yazılarının
fiziksel çevrenin niteliği ve bu
çevrenin kullanıcılar üzerindeki psikolojik,
sosyolojik ve ekonomik etkilerini
konu edinmiş düşünsel ve araştırmalara
dayalı çalışmalar ortaya konulmuştur.
Mevcut doku ile sırtı dönük adacıklar
arasındaki temas bölgelerinin
geçirgenliği, kullanım tercihliği ve
yoğunluğu, canlılık ve sosyal kontrol,
doğal gözetim varlığı veya yokluğu ile
güvenlik hissine etkisi bağlamında duvar
yazılarının varlığı, uygulanabilme
ortamı bulabilmesi ve verdiği mesajlar
makalenin ana omurgasını oluşturmaktadır.
Bu açıdan çalışma alanlarının seçiminde
mevcut kent dokusu ile yakın
temas halinde olan kapalı konut adacıklarının
seçimine özen gösterilmiştir
ve özellikle plansız veya kötü gelişim
göstermiş kentsel dokuyla komşu, iç
içe geçmiş, yeni kapalı konut adalarının
bu özenli seçiminde amaçlanan,
lüks tüketim özellikleri gösteren bu
adaların çevreleri ile olan ilişkilerinin
dışa yansımasının ip uçlarını daha belirgin
olarak yakalayabilmektir.
Çalışma yöntemi açısından mevcut
dokunun kendi içindeki geçirgenliği,
bütünleşmesi ve bu dokunun kapalı
konut adacıkları ile bütünleşmesinin,
aradaki bağların varlığının, bağların
zayıflığı veya kuvvetliliğinin yani bütünleşme
değerlerinin tespiti önemli
bir bileşeni oluşturmaktadır. Diğer bileşen
olarak, kapalı konut adalarının
yakın çevrelerindeki mevcut kent dokusunun
ve ara zonlara ilişkin gözlem
ve bu gözlemlere dayalı verilerin elde
edilmesi gelmektedir. Gözlem değerlendirme
kriterleri olarak, ada dışı
kullanıcılar ve fiziki çevre nitelikleri
üzerine odaklanılmıştır. Fiziki çevreye
ilişkin tespitlerde, yakın çevre ve ara
zonlarda grafiti ve vandalizmin varlığı
araştırılmış ve olan / yoğunlaşan yerlerin
tespiti yapılmıştır.
Bir binanın veya kent dokusunun
organizasyonu, deneyimlenmesinin
ardışıklığı nedeniyle, akslarının organizasyonudur.
Mimarinin deneyimlenmesi,
bir hareketin bir akımın
deneyimlenmesi olması sebebiyle aks
esastır, temeldir (Hillier 1996). Bu nedenle,
bütünleşme değerlerinin saptanmasi
için Axial line analizi seçilmiş
ve çalışma alanlarına uygulanmıştır.
İntegrasyon analizi için Michigan
Üniversitesinin geliştirdiği Syntax2D
programı kullanılmıştır. Güncel haritalardan
axial line haritaları herbir
bölge için ayrı ayrı Autocad programı
ile hazırlanmış ve hazırlanan bu haritalar
Syntax2D programına aktarılarak
integrasyon değerleri hesaplanmıştır.
Axial line haritalarının hazırlanmasında
bölgenin sokak örüntü ağı ve bu ağı
oluşturan sokaklara açılan herbir kapının
eklenilmesi esas alınmıştır.
Elde edilen gözlem verileri ile entegrasyon
değerleri karşılaştırılması
yapılarak, Düşük-Yüksek entegrasyon
alanları ile grafiti Varlığı- Yokluğu örtüşmelerinin
ve değişkenler arasında
bir korelasyon bulunlup bulunmadığı
araştırılması yapılmıştır. Özellikle
sık grafiti uygulamalarının olduğu
noktalara yoğunlaşılmış, bütünleşme
değerleri arasındaki ilişkilerdeki anlamlılıklar
sorgulanmış, fiziksel çevre
niteliği ve kullanımına yansımaları irdelenmiştir.
Gözleme dayalı yapılan tespitlere
Disintegration of urban housing areas: Districts and new gated housing settlements

158
göre, her üç çalışma alanının kapalı
konut adaları çevrelerinde grafiti
varlığına rastlanmıştır. Doğal olarak
metrelerce kesintisiz uzanan bu sağır
duvarlar grafiti için çok elverişli düşey
düzlemler, grafitiye altlıklar oluşturmaktadır.
Grafiti nokta haritaları ile
Syntax2D ile elde edilen integration-n
değer haritaları enterpoze edilip karşılaştırıldığında
çok büyük bir oranda
örtüşme olduğu görülmektedir. Pınar
mahallesi semtinin ve İstinye Evlerinin
axial line analizinde İstegrasyon-n
diyagramını değerlendirdiğimizde
“Pınar Mahallesi” semtinin en işlek
caddesi olan Çamlıbel Caddesinin,
koyu kırmızı renk sıkalasında en yüksek
integrasyon değerine sahip olduğu
hesaplanmakta ve Hillier’in de ortaya
koyduğu gibi bölgenin bir integrasyon
çekirdeği olarak belirmektedir. Buna
karşın, İstinye Evlerinin duvarlarına
yapışık İğde Sokağının integrasyon
değerinin oldukça düşük olduğu ve
gözlemlerle elde edilen verilere göre
özellikle yaya kullanım yoğunluğunun
çok az olduğu, ticari birimlerin yer almadığı
ve duvar yazılarının yoğunlukla
yer aldığı çevresiyle bütünleşemeyen
bantlar olarak göze çarpmaktadır.
Kapalı konut adalarında bir çok ayrıcalıkların
sağlanmış ve kontrol edilebilir
halde tutulması yeni yerleşim yatırımlarını
ekonomik açıdan daha karlı
hale getirmektedir (Görücü and Pektas
2014) ve yatırımcı firma veya girişimciler
tarafından en önemli bu tercih
sebebi olmaktadır. Kamu ve özel sektörün
elindeki boş veya farklı fonksiyona
sahip arsaların kapalı konut adaları inşaası
yoluyla daha fazla kar elde edilebilir
hale getirilme isteği ve ekonomik
fizibiliteler bu uygulamaların lokasyon
seçiminde en önemli öncelikli unsur
olmuştur. Enjekte edildikleri mevcut
kent dokusunda oluşturulan adaların
bitişik çevrelerinin sosyal – kültürelekonomik
yapıları dikkate alınmamış,
mahallelerin dokusal sürekliliğine
dikkat edilmemiştir. Verilerin analizi
ile ortaya konulduğu gibi, bu refah
adacıkları ile mevcut doku arasındaki
zonlar etkileşimsiz, yalnızlaştırılmış
alanlar haline dönüştürülmüştür.
Bu zonlarda doku uyuşmazlığı ortaya
çıkmıştır (http://gophaber.com/haber-3847-arsiv.html).
Analizlerin desteklediği
gibi, uçsuz bucaksız duvarlara
komşu, bitişik çevrenin rahatsızlık
ve hoşnutsuzluğu grafiti olarak ortaya
çıktığı gözlemlenmektedir.
Gelinen bu noktadan sonra duvarların
yıkılıp çok farklı sosyo-ekonomik,
kültürel yapıda kesimlerin bir araya
gelmesi şüphesiz ki beklenemez. Zaten
böyle bir beklenti, talep taraflarda
da bulunmamaktadır. Çözüm mevcut
doku içindeki yeni kapalı yerleşmelerin
lokasyonlarının belirlenmesinde
mevcut sosyal doku faktörünün ön plana
çıkarılmasıdır. Lokal uygulamalarda,
ekonomik rant uğruna kapalı konut
adaları üretmek yerine, mevcut bünyenin
kabul edebileceği, çevre ile bütünleşebilen
açık dokunun geliştirilmesi,
mahalle anlayışının ön plana çıkarılmasıdır.
Daha üst ölçekte ise, keskin
cepheler, hatlar oluşturulmadan, daha
barışkın, geçişken bir kademelenme
anlayışı ile kapalı konut adacıkları uygulamalarına
gerek bırakılmayacak
kentsel planlama anlayışının ve uygulamasının
hayata geçirilmesi olmalıdır.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • S. Apak

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 159-173
A diachronic approach on
heterochronic urban space
İlgi TOPRAK 1 , Alper ÜNLÜ 2
1
hacihasanoglu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
aunlu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul
Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
As the fourth principle of heterotopias defined in Foucault’s controversial yet
inspiring text named “Of Other Spaces”, heterochronies define places that accumulate
time, as well as temporary spatial formations. This study interprets urban
spaces with historical backgrounds, which can accommodate both the accumulation
of time and the temporariness, as heterochronic urban spaces.
This study aims to evaluate the reflection of socio-cultural background of
historical neighbourhoods on the morphological and semantic change of their
heterochronic elements throughout history. The deconstructive methodology of
the study consists of a diachronic research involving three parts: deconstructing,
analysing and reconstructing history. By “deconstructing history” through
a multi-layered “timeline” developed with important historical thresholds and a
“zoning”, morphological or socio-cultural changes and “situations” are defined.
“Analysing deconstructed history” involves the syntactic analyses of these “situations”
in terms of historically persistent elements and temporary formations, to
grasp the morphological and socio-cultural evolution of the heterochronic urban
space. “Reconstructing history”, as a synthesis, semantically interprets syntactic
findings signalizing accumulations, discontinuities, shifts or losses of meaning.
The case study is Kuzguncuk neighbourhood, a heterochronic urban space on
the Asian side of Istanbul, an old Bosphorus village, which mainly used to consist
mostly of a welcoming and peaceful residential area co-inhabited by Jews, Christians
and Muslims, later by Black Sea migrants. The area is gentrified within the
last thirty years. The findings of the case study show that Kuzguncuk is one of the
heterochronic urban spaces, as well as a palimpsest where a majority of meanings
perish, leading to fake re-valuation.
Keywords
Diachronic research, Heterochrony, Kuzguncuk, Space syntax.

160
1. Introduction
Heterochronies, as in Foucault’s
fourth principle of heterotopias, define
multiple temporalities in a single place.
Besides architectural interpretations
such as libraries and museums, heterochronies
can also define urban spaces
in smaller or bigger scales, collecting
various morphological and socio-cultural
traces of time. In fact, so-called
“heterotopic urban spaces” construct
a perpetual time accumulation and become
timeless.
The first section of this paper aims
to discuss how temporality is handled
in Foucault’s heterotopias in “Of Other
Spaces” and define what heterochrony
means as a spatio-temporal notion interpreting
similar and following studies
mainly about architectural and urban
heterochronic spaces, notably the ones
of Heidegger, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty,
and Rossi. This part of the work concentrates
in theoretically describing
“heterochronic urban space”.
The second section explains the
deconstructive methodology that is
adopted in this study to examine heterochronic
urban space in depth. The
methodology consists of three parts:
deconstructing, analysing and reconstructing
history. This methodology
aims to uncover the history by deconstructing
and layering historical data
of a heterochronic urban space within
a “timeline”, analyse layered historical
components using Space Syntax, and
finally holistically reconstruct history,
as today’s reality, with a synthesis of
syntactic findings and their semantic
interpretation.
The third chapter concentrates on
the case study. The case study involves
the historical evolution of the Kuzguncuk
neighbourhood, an old Bosphorus
village on the Asian side of Istanbul
using Space Syntax, diachronically
analysing changing syntactic values of
heterochronies: historically persistent
elements as “heterochronic constants”,
gatherings and “situations” as “heterochronic
variables” between the years
1932 and 2014.
Finally, the conclusion of the study
focuses on the semantic interpretation
of the current state of the neighbourhood
to answer the question to what
extents Kuzguncuk can be defined as
a heterochronic urban space. As the final
step of the three-fold methodology,
this holistic interpretation attempts to
do a synthesis of the case study.
2. Heterochrony: Temporality in
Foucault’s heterotopias and its translation
into urban spaces
Heterotopias are closely linked to
concerns about time, notably time
intervals, breaks, accumulations and
transitions. Between the eternal and
the temporary, heterotopic spaces refer
to temporal formations in different
contexts. Among the principles of heterotopias
in Foucault’s highly controversial
text “Of Other Spaces”, it is indicated
that there is not a universal form
of heterotopia; functions of heterotopias
are variable, and that heterotopias
can gather multiple incompatible spaces
together. They have an opening-closing
system, and are generally not freely
accessible like public spaces. They always
have a function relating to external
spaces (Foucault, 1986). According
to the fourth principle of heterotopias,
which is the main concern of this paper,
heterotopias linked to “slices of
time” named as “heterochronies”. Heterotopias
are working at full capacity in
case of rupture of the traditional time
for humans, as in the case of a cemetery,
an intersection of loss of life and
eternal rest. The first significant type of
heterochrony is indefinite time accumulation
as for libraries and museums.
It is an endless gathering of things, accumulating
and archiving in a specific
place, a place that becomes itself out
of time. Another type of heterotopias
stands out as quite the opposite of the
previous one, defining spaces as temporary
structures, fugacious and finite
occurrences. These heterochronies are
strictly temporal and can be translated
to many architectural and spatial
experiences such as fairgrounds, vacation
villages or Olympic villages. These
two entirely opposite sides of heterochronies
reflect the eternal and the
temporary at the same time (Foucault,
1986).
Can urban spaces really be studied
as heterochronies? Mc Leod (1996)
criticizes Foucault for having forsaken
the “messy and in-between urban
spaces” such as the residence, the
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161
workplace, the street and many others.
The limited illustration and description
of spaces depicted as heterotopias
in “Of Other Spaces” seem to restrain
the boundaries of the concept, referencing
pre-defined spaces. However,
the idea of heterochrony itself can be
subject to define a double-sided reality
of permanence and transience of the
actual urban pattern. It can be assumed
that heterochronies create a bridge between
time and space. The combination
of accumulation of time and fugitive
experiences form them, and like
in every heterotopic case, they show
several inconsistencies. Heterochronic
urban spaces reflect continuity and iteration,
depicting history and present
at the same time. Everyday experiences
actualize together in urban spaces with
references to the past. In that way urban
space as heterochrony, can verify
Foucault’s argument that urban spaces
as heterochronies are sources of immediate
knowledge. Like museums and
libraries, they offer finite, compiled
and quick information. However, the
everydayness of heterochronic environments
is not to be undermined.
Because places such as library, a museum,
a fairground or a farmers’ market
welcome everyday strollers, readers,
contemplators, chatters and shoppers.
Two-sided experience of the urban
space as heterochrony, constructs a
bridge between accumulation/deletion
of historical traces through time and
everyday “situations” involving cultural,
social changes, not in a way that a
museum exposes an agglomeration of
time segments, but experiential space
through which different indicators
of time accumulation find a place for
themselves.
In respect of the communities and
the situations that define them, heterochronies
are surrounded by discontinuities,
altering and sometimes decaying
meanings. The changing nature of
heterochronies appears more clearly,
especially with everydayness, collective
experience of co-habitant communities.
Otherness becomes valuable,
in most of the circumstances, as each
moment in history and the collective
memory associated to it become a
particular “situation” of its own. Many
philosophers studied the spatiality of
“situation” such as Sartre and Merleau-Ponty
who primarily investigated
the anthropological depth and the
conception of embodiment of “situation”
(Ha, n.d.), according importance
to personal and sociological insights
of what embodies the self. However
Heidegger differentiated the conception
of “situation” from the general
situation depicting inauthentic spatiality
of the “They” (das Man) therefore,
“situation” has a more socio-cultural
potential (Heidegger, 1996; Ha, n.d.).
Each situation has its own characteristics
and cultural phenomena related to
it, defining moments and slices of lived
spaces. In architectural thought, “situation”
might be equivalently studied
with the idea of “urban artefact” (Rossi,
1982). An urban artefact can appear
as a square, a building or a street that
signifies a certain moment in history,
in a constantly changing urban pattern
(Rossi, 1982). Urban artefacts coexist
and therefore form a city, which brings
back the argument of the Collage City
(Koetter & Rowe, 1978) suggesting a
theory of urban fragmentation. Another
conception, “palimpsest” that
means writing, erasing and rewriting
on parchment; describes a “non-contemporaneity
with itself of the living
present” in Derrida’s words (Derrida,
1994). Its urban interpretation “urban
palimpsest” (Huyssen, 2003; Bjur&Azimzadeh,
2007) explains the multi-layered
and diachronic attributes of urban
environments, and especially the need
to explore present pasts in order to understand
past and present experiences
and sensibility of time, from both historical
and phenomenological viewpoints.
Sometimes in urban palimpsests,
urban artefacts or their cultural
and sociological “situations” cannot
overcome decay. At this point, it is also
relevant to talk about temporal and
spatial discontinuities; especially “historical
discontinuities” (Teyssot, 1980)
that can reflect the segmented nature
of heterochronies, especially when sociological
or cultural corruptions affect
some “situations”, and let them become
new “situations”. In historical urban areas,
migration and gentrification tend
to shift “situations”. In postmodern
urban landscapes, historical architectural
forms are amalgamated into new
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space

162
buildings, to recall a collective memory
(Boyer, 1996, Mills, 2004) however in
case of shifting situations, amalgams
can appear fake and without identity,
resulting in a decay of meaning.
Time collection is the most significant
issue that constructs the idea
of heterochrony in urban spaces. Although
Foucault’s approach seems
to involve a relatively artificial time
accumulation, as time accumulating
heterochronies are defined as artificial
collections that have been gathered
from different periods in history and
put in a context to which they do not
belong; a majority of heterochronies
in urban context has a steady and natural
time accumulation. For instance,
urban spaces gather different slices of
time together, with buildings and street
patterns that belong to various timescapes,
and not at once, but in a long
term, they ensure the accumulation of
time in themselves. According to Rossi
(1982), urban artefacts sometimes remain
as they are, however sometimes
they decay, and then their forms, their
physical marks stay persistent. This
permanence is called “locus” and it
solidifies with collective memory. Locus
‘emphasizes the conditions and
qualities within undifferentiated space
which are necessary for understanding
an urban artefact’ (Rossi, 1982). Therefore,
locus witnesses many ‘situations’
and is the most interesting pathway to
the exploration of an urban artefact.
Rossi (1982) also points out the importance
of rituals and collective nature
of religious activity in the formation
of historically permanent elements
(monuments), as they determine the
initiation of a certain religious and socio-cultural
activity in an urban pattern,
and provides a key to understand
urban contexts. “The theory of permanences”
suggests that it is incorrect to
think of a persistent urban artefact as it
is related to only one historical period.
The dynamic nature of the city leans
towards an evolutionary process that
not only helps the preservation of historically
permanent elements but also
presents them as promoters of evolution
(Rossi, 1982). This view of evolutionary
process somehow contradicts
with the idea of “palimpsest” which
supports a more realistic viewpoint on
the change of urban pattern; given that
the historically permanent elements do
not always evolve but they sometimes
perish as well.
3. Methodology
Any urban space can accumulate
time, as Doreen Massey (1995) argues,
“The past of a place is as open to a multiplicity
of readings as is the present”.
However, historical urban spaces are
more likely to host several periods of
time with different social, cultural as
well as morphological settings where
their changes and breaks are more
apparent and easier to compare than
they are in newer urban environments.
Historical backgrounds are suitable to
uncover different fashions, interrelated
slices of time and significant events,
transformations, thresholds and milestones.
This research aims to make a diachronic
research on shifting “situations”
and permanent elements of historical
neighbourhoods with syntactic
analysis. In order to achieve this, a
three-fold deconstructive methodology
is adopted:
• Deconstructing history through a
“timeline”
• Analysing deconstructed history
through “Space Syntax”
• Reconstructing history through a
“semantic interpretation”.
The methodology is schematized in
relation with the theoretical section
and the case study in Figure 1, and
then each step is explained in detail.
3.1. Deconstructing history through
“timeline” and “zoning”
Heterochronic neighbourhoods can
have a chaotic and multi-layered historical
background. Therefore, an ex-
Figure 1. Schematic representation of the methodology.
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163
tensive historical research about the
history of the neighbourhood is indispensable
in order to understand the
temporal interrelations of important
events, shifting situations, architectural
and urban changes. This deconstruction
will be made through a multi-layered
timeline that aims to represent
several aspects of time relating to the
neighbourhood. Multiple temporalities
are investigated with historically
persistent elements, temporary formations,
and socio-cultural and morphological
thresholds. Therefore, the timeline
is crucial in order to understand
the dynamics of the current state of the
neighbourhood, as many different cultural
and social backgrounds are intermingled.
The “timeline” concentrates
on historical events, thresholds and
periods (if any), maps, aerial photos,
and the construction culturally significant
buildings later used in the study as
“heterochronic constants”.
The “zoning” represents the temporary
patterns of formations such as
cultural gatherings or functions on a
map. The zoning of residential patterns
of different cultural gatherings is later
used in the syntactic integration assessment
of “heterochronic variables”
in this study.
3.2. Analysing deconstructed history
through “space syntax”
A morphological-syntactical study
(Griffiths, 2012) on the deconstructed
history will be presented in two different
methods: The first method involves
the axial map analysis, in order to
analyse visual interrelations and depth
for comparing maps in which urban
morphology changed significantly.
The axial map analysis will include the
comparative general intelligibility (local-global
scattergram and regression
analysis) and integration grid analysis
of different maps referring to distinct
maps throughout history, to understand
the overall evolution of the syntactical
pattern and intelligibility and
to make inferences on the change of local/global
integration levels of the area
and their correlations through time.
The second method will involve two
different kinds of analysis: In order to
understand the “situations” given in the
timeline, isovist and integration analyses
concerning “heterochronic constants”
and “heterochronic variables”
will be put forward. Heterochronic
constants are historically persistent
elements (ex. cultural buildings, ritual
buildings, monuments) and heterochronic
variables are more temporary
formations (ex. cultural gatherings and
their housing zones) both found in urban
heterochronic spaces.
The first step is to detect “heterochronic
constants”. According to Levy this
kind of diachronic research “focuses
on the role of constants, or historically
persistent elements, in the fabric as the
city evolves from one stage to the next.
These elements play an important role
in the determining the present configuration
of the city” (Levy, 1999). In
this study, these historically persistent
elements are called “heterochronic
constants”, buildings or monuments
having cultural, ethnic or religious significance,
associated with urban artefacts
and their underlying meanings,
similar to the concept of “monuments”
in “The Architecture of the City” (Rossi,
1982). They signify the locus, the
time accumulation, and one or several
related urban artefacts throughout
their entire existence. Places of rituals,
as the key to understand urban context,
a reference to the foundation of a city,
possess a collective nature and most
importantly signify an unchanging
reality remaining out of time (Rossi,
1982). That is why as houses of myths
and rituals, religious buildings’ time
accumulation and locus would be significant
to understand the alteration of
their syntactic values, especially their
integration on a global scale. Average
depth of morphological and functional
imprints on the historical area, their
comparative values and mutual effects
of integration/segregation degrees and
sociological/cultural meanings are analysed.
Isovists (area and perimeter
values) are equally important to understand
their impacts and visibility from
surroundings, as well as their strategic
location and the amount of visible area.
Their syntactic significance can be
measured according to the interrelated
alterations of integration and isovist
values. If they both rise, visually, functionally
and meaningfully, those ritual
spaces become more integrated in the
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space

164
area. If they both decrease, those ritual
spaces become more segregated. In
both circumstances, the social and cultural
context and historical data will be
investigated in order to understand any
enhancement or decay of meaning. If
integration values and isovist values alter
inversely proportional, that means
either the building is more integrated
but less perceivable or vice versa. This
shows that there may be complex issues
with the building, its surroundings
and its users. The historical data
about the building will be explored to
explain this complexity. The other isovist-based
parameter that is used for
measuring in order to understand the
convexity of spaces is circularity. High
circularity levels accentuate the shape
of a circle in a space, but the centrality
of the viewpoint also a determinant
(Edgü et al, 2012). Therefore, in smaller
urban settings, circularity is a parameter
that promotes enclosure and
embodiment, determining a level of
perceptive inclusion.
Another way to examine “situations”
is to reveal more temporary formations
and their evolution. These types of
buildings are secondary elements constructing
urban form, however their
meanings remain very crucial for the
society and the collective memory of
citizens. In this study, they are called
“heterochronic variables”. They form
the everyday experiences of neighbourhood
life, and according to shifting
“situations”, they can change appearance,
function or even disappear.
Their mutual relations and patterns
can alter. The first category of these less
persistent formations is “gatherings”,
having a rapidly changing housing pattern,
as they are subject to restoration
and renewal, or even abandonment,
resulting from many reasons but mainly
social and cultural changes in the
community using them, such as migration
and gentrification. This study examines
cultural gatherings as changing
aspects of “situations” and analyse the
integration values of their settlement
localizations in order to explain the social
integration, daily lives and permanence
in the area, comparing integration
values with each other, examining
every gatherings’ relation with its ritual
space(s) according to integration values
of respective heterochronic “variable”
(gathering) and “constant” (ritual
place).
All syntactical analyses in this study
will be made with the software “Syntax2D”
developed in University of
Michigan using the parameters area,
perimeter, circularity to determine
isovist characteristics of space, and
the ease of spatial perception in heterochronic
constants; and integration
parameter to analyse both heterochronic
constants’ and variables’ degree
of adaptation in terms of integration/
segregation to the global system.
3.3. Reconstructing history through a
“semantic interpretation”
In the conclusion section of the
study, the findings of the case study
will be semantically interpreted. The
aim of this interpretation is to holistically
evaluate what has really happened
in the heterochronic urban space. The
first step is to concentrate on “situations”.
Situations are discovered while
creating the timeline and the zoning,
or while examining heterochronic
constants and variables. The idea is to
retrieve useful information from syntactic
findings, and to make a commentary
with the aid of current and past
“situations”. A more general synthesis
can be retrieved from the semantic interpretation
of the case study. The aim
of this synthesis is not to generalise all
similar cases, but to create an opening
to discuss the resilience of multi-cultural
heterochronic urban spaces.
4. A heterochronic case in Istanbul:
history and evolution of Kuzguncuk
4.1. Kuzguncuk as a heterochronic
urban space
Kuzguncuk can be described as a
heterochronic urban space because
it involves many properties significant
to the accumulation of time, as
well as fleeting aspect of temporality.
We can mention several heterochronic
elements in the area, mainly of two
different types: first, called “heterochronic
constants” in this study, mainly
investigate strategic places that remain
intact over centuries. As ritual places
witness the entire existence of a cultural
gathering in an urban space, re-
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ligious buildings of Kuzguncuk (Greek
and Armenian churches, a synagogue
and a mosque) compose the only typology
of “heterochronic constants” in
this study. “Heterochronic constants”
symbolize the cultural gathering spaces
and ensure the existence of those
gatherings, however they can lose impact
with changing “situations”, and
dying urban artefacts. Second, called
“heterochronic variables” include the
temporary characteristics and changing
aspects of urban space, especially
“situations” and different social and
cultural gatherings deriving from those
“situations”. Greeks, Armenians, Jews,
Muslims, migrants and gentrifiers are
some of the gatherings in Kuzguncuk
throughout history, and the arrival of
some of these gatherings are interrelated
with new situations. For example,
when gentrifiers entered the neighbourhood,
“gentrification” became a
new situation.
4.2. Deconstructing the history of
Kuzguncuk with “timeline” and
“zoning”
On the Asian shore of the Bosphorus,
one of the small neighbourhoods
along the shoreline, Kuzguncuk was
once known as a mixed community
of Greeks, Jews, and Armenians
(Akin, 1994). Although many sources
indicate that Kuzguncuk’s name once
was Chrysokeramos, many historians
have not agreed this idea, as it stood
for neighbourhood and church names
in three adjacent Bosphorus villages
Kuzguncuk, Beylerbeyi and Çengelköy
(Bektaş, 1996). According to İncicyan,
the name Kuzguncuk is a derivation
from “Kosinitsa”, the old name of the
district (İncicyan, 1976; Bektaş,1996).
Kuzguncuk was a Jewish neighbourhood
in the beginning, although when
Jews settled is still unknown. There is
a strong possibility that they settled
into the area after emigrating from
Spain in 1492. In 18th century, Armenians
started to move into the area and
started to grow their community in
the 19th century (Bektaş, 1996). Starting
from 18th century, mostly Jews,
Greeks and few Armenians were residents
of Kuzguncuk. Hagios Georgios
Church was one of the churches that
belonged to the Greeks in Kuzguncuk
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space
165
and was constructed in 1821 on İcadiye
Street (Tonguç & Yale, 2012). Another
Greek Church, Hagios Pantalemion,
was built in 1831 and its bell tower was
added in 1890. Armenians had built
the Surp Krikor Lusavoric Church in
1831, which was later rebuilt in 1861.
Two synagogues were built, one in
1878 (although other sources indicate
1818) named Beth Ya’akov Synagogue,
also known as the Big Synagogue on
Icadiye Street, along with a smaller one
in Yakup Street named Kal de Ariva
Synagogue built in 1840. Finally, there
are two mosques, the older one named
Üryanizade Mosque with the simple
building but with an interesting wooden
minaret, built in 1860 on the shoreline,
and the new mosque built in 1952,
named Kuzguncuk Mosque.
Other important landmarks are two
baths: Small Bath and Mountain Bath;
three fountains: İsmet Bey Fountain,
İskele Fountain and Hacı Ahmed Efendi
Fountain (destroyed); Kuzguncuk
Pier and finally Old Police Station (destroyed).
There are three cemeteries in
Kuzguncuk: Jewish Cemetery, Greek
Orthodox Cemetery and Nakkaş Baba
Muslim Cemetery. Housing patterns in
Kuzguncuk are also worth mentioning.
According to Bektaş (1996) besides
important mansions by the shore
(yali), the housing pattern that address
to people with middle income are very
interesting. Greek houses commonly
used timber frame and wood, while
Armenians preferred masonry houses.
A very special housing pattern is
found in Üryanizade Street, consisting
of row houses with small jetties, wooden
houses with embellished façades in
Simitçi Tahir Street and are some of
most famous patterns in Kuzguncuk
Figure 2. Current state of Kuzguncuk
neighborhood.

166
(Figure 2).
Non-Muslim “minorities left Istanbul
in response to the frightening political
climate between the 1940s and
the 1960s. During this same period,
rural-urban migration from Anatolian
villages created a cultural shift in the
old mahalle (neighbourhood)” (Mills,
2004). The main crisis was about an
incident on 6th and 7th of September
1955. Greeks, Jews, and Armenians
who had not left the area after this incident,
moved to newer areas in Istanbul.
According to Tümertekin (1997),
in a research he conducted during 60’s
and 70’s, Kuzguncuk’s residents mainly
consist from Istanbulians with 46% of
the total residents, the majority of them
live closer to the shoreline, whereas migrants
settle in the rear side of the area
(Figure 4). Black Sea migrant community
forms the majority of Kuzguncuk
(İcadiye) residents today, and has since
late 1930s when they migrated to larger
cities. Presently, non-Muslims form a
minority of the residents. (Mills, 2004).
In the 1980s, with the first process of
gentrification in Istanbul, Kuzguncuk
become a popular place (Ergun, 2004).
Many Turkish architects, poets and
artists followed famous architect Cengiz
Bektaş, who first bought a house
in Kuzguncuk that he renovated afterwards
and made a participative planning
and renovation process without
any charge during the following years
in the area (Ergun, 2004; Uzun, 2002),
making possible the first wave of gentrification
in Istanbul (Ergun, 2004).
The first morphological findings
about Kuzguncuk show that a few
buildings are present close to the shoreline
and a triangular street pattern is
depicted on Kauffer Map (1776), Konstantin
Kaminar Map (1813) as well as
Moltke Map (1837). With Stolpe map
(1863-1880), connections of the area
with Üsküdar and İcadiye become more
visible (Bektaş, 1996). Starting from the
first quarter of the 1800’s, many heterochronic
constants, especially religious
buildings have been constructed and
a majority of them survived until our
days. Thresholds are related to the start
of different housing developments occupied
by distinct cultural groups, and
important events significant to the cultural
or morphological change of the
area. Different maps, thresholds and
heterochronic constants of Kuzguncuk
and their dates can be seen on the
timeline (Figure 3).
Kuzguncuk has seen many changes,
ruptures and historical discontinuities,
that is why gatherings symbolizing
different “situations” have locational
importance, and their integration to
the system is crucial in order to understand
their subsistence. The mapping
of these gatherings is made with reference
to memories of a very small sample
of interviewees in books and theses
(Bektaş, 1996, Mills, 2004). According
to the zoning, along the main street
(İcadiye Street) there are mainly shops
and residential area, however wealthy
Turkish residents are situated along the
shoreline road (Paşalimanı Avenue).
There are two large residential areas,
one in the centre of Kuzguncuk, where
residents from all backgrounds live together;
another in the outskirts of the
neighbourhood towards İcadiye, mostly
occupied by Black Sea migrants. Finally,
Üryanizade Street is known with
the start of gentrification in Kuzguncuk.
The area around Üryanizade Street
still welcomes many new residents as a
Figure 3. Timeline: thresholds, maps and heterochronic constants.
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167
Figure 4. Zoning of Kuzguncuk neighborhood.
result of gentrification (Figure 4).
4.3. Analysing deconstructed history
of Kuzguncuk through “space syntax”
From the timeline, three maps are
used for syntactic analysis. These maps
and aerial photos are chosen accordingly
to important dates in history and
morphological and sociological changes
in the area. 1932 Pervititch insurance
map shows all heterochronic constants
except the mosque, and all non-Muslim
gatherings are present. 1966 aerial
photo shows a situation after the 1955
incident when many non-Muslims left
and migrants settled. Finally, 2014 map
is a reflection of the present where all
heterochronic constants are present
and residents, migrants and gentrifiers
live together. The boundaries of the analysed
area are based on the Pervititch
insurance map and are exactly applied
to the other two sources.
To understand the area globally, first
axial line and grid integration analyses
of the whole system are shown in Table
1. Axial line analysis shows the most
integrated streets, and grid integration
analysis shows the most integrated areas
in the system. Intelligibility is the
correlation between connectivity and
integration, which permits the understanding
of the global relation of space
from what can be observed (Klarqvist,
1993). Looking at the intelligibility values
of three maps, the r-squared value
of the total system changes slightly according
to the axial lines of three subsequent
periods. In 1932, r-squared value
is 0.96 and according to axial lines and
integration values the void space towards
the west is generally integrated
in the system. In 1966, r-squared value
slightly increases to 0.97, and the
system becomes slightly more intelligible
as well, and the shoreline and all
heterochronic constants through it is
more integrated in the system. In 2014,
however, there was a decrease in the
r-squared value to 0.94; the system becomes
less intelligible, leaving only the
intersection of the main street and the
shoreline as the most integrated area
in the system. According to axial line
analysis, the secondary street in the
east is more visually integrated than it
was in the past (Table 1).
Table 2 investigates the alterations of
heterochronic constants and variables
during the defined period. The comparative
syntactic analysis of heterochronic
constants is made referring to
five religious buildings that are found
in the spectrum of the map boundary:
Hagios Panteleimon Greek Church,
Hagios Georgios Greek Church, Beth
Ya’akov Synagogue (Main Synagogue),
Kuzguncuk Mosque and finally Surp
Krikor Armenian Church.
Hagios Panteleimon Greek Church
has still a great imprint on the area,
due to its bell tower as a special feature,
although its integration values severely
decrease from 851 to 405 then to
352. Its isovist area and perimeter respectively
decrease in 1966, and rises
again in 2014. Hagios Georgios Greek
Church similarly becomes less integrated
by time, however its isovist (area
and perimeter) values stay steady. The
reason behind this might be the decline
of the main avenue’s overall integration
statistics. The circularity also decreases
gradually for both Greek churches, de-
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space

168
riving from the dominant linearity of
the main avenue.
Beth Ya’akov Synagogue entry has
very close integration values to Hagios
Georgios Greek Church, showing approximate
fashions with it as they are
neighbouring (Table 2). However Beth
Ya’akov Synagogue’s isovist area and
perimeter values decrease respectively
from 3.674 and 620 in 1932, to 3.382
and 544 in 1966, and then increase to
3.625 and 585. Its circularity values first
decreased from 104 to 87 then went up
to 94. Beth Ya’akov Synagogue and Hagios
Georgios Greek Church entrances
seem visually hidden from the main
street, and do not appear at first to everyday
stroller unless they are searched
for. The reason behind this fact could
be that the actual religious buildings
are behind the entrance walls, which
separate the street from the buildings.
The mosque did not exist in 1932,
thus the slightly larger building in its
place had an integration value of 268,
which in 1966, after the construction
of the mosque in 1952, rises to 293 becoming
more integrated as well as the
shoreline axis, whereas in 2014 it decreases
to 235, as the system’s highest
integration values concentrate on the
main road/shoreline intersection (Table
2). Its isovist area decreased from
2707 in 1966 to 2522 in 2014, although
its perimeter increased from 499 to
608, as well as circularity rising from
91 to 146, less perceivable and less embodied
as a result of the reconstruction
across the road (Table 2).
The most important increase in integration
values are marked with Surp
Krikor Armenian Church, which from
1932 to 1966 has tripled its integration
values, followed by a slight decrease in
2014. Same fashions for isovist area/
perimeter/circularity values: the increase
in 1966 may have been resulted
from the widening of the coastline road
and the demolition of the old wooden
house on the coast, but both buildings
(Armenian Church and Mosque) became
more likely to be perceived and
situated in a more embodied space (Table
2).
Although according to axial line
analysis (Table 1), the main (İcadiye)
Table 1. Integration, axial line analysis and intelligi ibility of Kuzguncuk.
1932
1966
2014
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169
Table 2. Syntactic values of heterochronic constants and variables of Kuzguncuk.
HETEROCHRONIC CONSTANTS
1932 1966 2014
1932 1966 2014
1 Hagios Panteleimon (GC) 851 405 352
2 Hagios Georgios (GC) 604 380 317
3 Synagogue 601 386 335
4 Mosque 268 293 235
5 Surp Krikor (AC) 136 442 357
1 Hagios Panteleimon (GC) 5408 3726 3996
2 Hagios Georgios (GC) 3612 3387 3439
3 Synagogue 3674 3382 3625
4 Mosque 1796 2709 2522
5 Surp Krikor (AC) 1056 4079 3839
1 Hagios Panteleimon (GC) 1014 632 663
2 Hagios Georgios (GC) 631 560 524
3 Synagogue 620 544 585
4 Mosque 594 499 608
5 Surp Krikor (AC) 361 874 682
1 Hagios Panteleimon (GC) 190 107 108
2 Hagios Georgios (GC) 110 92 79
3 Synagogue 104 87 94
4 Mosque 196 91 146
5 Surp Krikor (AC) 123 187 116
HETEROCHRONIC VARIABLES
1932 1966 2014
Integration
Area
Perimeter
Circularity
Mean integration
residents
+movers
1932 1966 2014
Jews 191,94
Turks 490,26
Armenians 216,51
Greeks 240,27
Residents 284,74 253,77 272,86
Migrants 157,09 90,81
Gentrifiers 127,70
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space

170
street becomes highly integrated by
time, isovist analysis (Table 2) shows
that locally, heterochronic constants’
integration values decrease regularly,
with some small exceptions showing
improvement closer to 2014. The
shoreline is more and more integrated
over time according to axial line analysis.
However strategic importance of
the Armenian Church and Mosque and
the alteration of the building erections
around them result in the elevation of
integration values around 1966, followed
by a slight decrease in 2014. The
increase in the integration of the axial
line along the street near the Armenian
Church, perpendicular to the shoreline
is very important for these two buildings
to become more integrated into
the system.
Heterochronic variables of 1932
consist of the cultural mosaic once
found in Kuzguncuk that symbolized
the mutual tolerance of the cultural
gatherings. Jews are generally located
in the rear parts of the main street,
according to some witness memories
(Bektaş, 1996). The mean integration of
the area they lived is 191,94 a relatively
low integration value, which may approve
the fact that lower-income Jews
settled in Kuzguncuk. The main synagogue’s
integration value however was
601, one of the highest values in heterochronic
constants in 1932, which may
mean that Jews in Kuzguncuk attach
importance to their ritual places’ location
more than their homes, although
the second synagogue (not included
in the map) is located in a relatively
segregated place. Turks living mostly
along the coastline are wealthy people,
their integration is highest (490,26)
among others. Armenian and Greek
settlements have similar integration
values, 216,51 and 240,27 respectively,
although Greek churches are more integrated
with 851 and 604, the Armenian
church is even more segregated
than Armenians’ settlement mean integration,
with 136. Today, Surp Krikor
Armenian Church is as integrated as
all other ritual places in the system,
despite the reduction in the number of
Armenian residents.
In 1966, probably the political climate
affected the integration of current
residents decreasing from 284,74 to
253,77. Many non-Muslims moved and
left their places to Black Sea migrants,
whose locations have a mean integration
of 157,09 which seems quite integrated,
probably resulting from the
moving decisions of non-Muslims and
selling their properties to migrants below
their value. In 2014 however, migrants
had a lower mean integration
of 90,81 and residents rise to 272,86
in consequence of the increasing economic
gap between them. The integration
of the mosque slightly drops in
2014 as well as the migrants’ gathering
mean integration. The “gentrifiers”,
more integrated than migrants but less
integrated than residents with 127,70,
probably prefer to rejuvenate more
segregated places, but still be globally
integrated and close to main street.
They especially are numerous in Üryanizade
Street.
5. Conclusion: Reconstructing history
through a “semantic interpretation”
Today, Kuzguncuk known as a socially
inclusive neighbourhood can still
be considered as a welcoming urban
space. The axial analysis approves that
the main perpendicular lines along
the shoreline and the neighbourhood,
create an integrated space. Through
many changes and accumulations of
the sociological and cultural patterns;
Kuzguncuk acquires syntactical-morphological
and phenomenological
multi-layered structure, which can be
called in this case an urban palimpsest
through which several heterochronic
constants are collected along with
many sociological “situations” as heterochronic
variables.
Looking from today, Kuzguncuk’s
heterotopic constants are crucial for
the richness of the area, as they contribute
to its positive reputation and to the
idea of an inclusive neighbourhood.
However, many of these heterochronic
constants became less integrated
in 1966, then slightly ameliorated in
2014, They show that their meanings
are determined by shifting “situations”,
which in this case are the desertion of
non-Muslims and arrival of migrants
just before 1966 resulting in the segregation;
however re-appropriation
and valuation of religious buildings by
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171
gentrifiers before 2014 resulted in the
higher integration of the heterochronic
constants. In 2014, the integration values
of heterochronic constants become
closer; objectified and clarified of underlying
meanings; only their “locus”
is now present. When we look at the
overall picture for heterochronic constants,
their syntactic values seem to
make sense with changing “situations”,
however heterochronic variables have
internal dynamics as well, such as the
segregation of migrants’ settlements
relation with their identity and social
belonging issues.
From a wider perspective, through
morphological or sociological interventions
to the urban pattern, heterochrony
as a notion is reinforced:
heterochronic spaces have indicative
traces of palimpsest environment. The
definition of palimpsest is a highly sociological
issue, depending on lives and
lived experiences accorded with slices
of time. Heterochrony has a fuzzy nature,
dealing with both permanent and
fleeting aspect of time and space, at
this point; this study shows that even
constant elements of the urban pattern
result in “the loss and shift of meaning”.
The loss or shift of meaning in heterochronies
affect the urban fabric as a
palimpsest as well, since the ageing urban
palimpsest seem to accumulate a
collection of memories and meanings
relating to places, however in reality,
a majority of these meanings perish,
only their “locus” persist in heterochronic
constants, giving opportunity
in cases like gentrification to “fake
re-valuation” of the aura of these traces
amalgamated in the palimpsest, independent
of lived experiences.
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Heterokronik kentsel mekanların
artzamanlı yaklaşımla irdelenmesi
Foucault, pek çok düşünüre esin
kaynağı olsa da aynı zamanda tartışma
konusu olan “Başka Mekanlara Dair”
adlı metninde tanımlanan heterotopya
kavramının dördüncü özelliğine göre,
heterokroni kavramı ile zaman biriktiren
yerlerin yanısıra geçici mekanları
da tanımlamaktadır. Bu çalışmada,
hem zaman biriktirme hem de geçicilik
özelliklerini birlikte barındıran tarihi
mahalleler, heterokronik kentsel mekanlar
olarak irdelenecektir.
Bu çalışma sosyo-kültürel etkilerin
tarihi mahalleler üzerine yansımalarını,
mahallelerdeki heterokronik öğelerin
morfolojik, sentaktik ve semantik
değişimini inceleyerek değerlendirmeyi
amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaçla, çalışmada
heterokronik kentsel mekanı
derinlemesine irdelemek için, yapısökümcü
bir metodoloji kullanılmıştır.
Metodolojik kurgu, tarihin yapısökümü,
mekansal dizim ile sentaktik irdeleme
ve tarihin yeniden inşası (sentez)
olmak üzere üç aşamadan oluşmaktadır.
Birinci evrede, heterokronik kentsel
mekana ait önemli tarihi olaylar,
binalar, çeşitli dönemleri yansıtan harita
ve hava fotoğrafları, çok katmanlı
bir zaman çizelgesi yardımıyla parçalara
ayrılmıştır. Zaman çizelgesi heterokronik
kentsel mekanın tarihindeki
eşiklerin, morfolojik ve sosyo-kültürel
değişimlerin ve bu değişimlerin arasında
kalan zaman dilimlerinin belirlenmesinde
rol oynamaktadır. İkinci
aşamada, parçalarına ayrılmış zaman
çizelgesinden yararlanarak, heterokronik
bölgenin sentaktik irdelemesi gerçekleştirilmektedir.
Bu sentaktik irdeleme,
heterokronik kentsel mekanın
iki şekilde, yani tarihte iz bırakan kalıcı
öğeler ile geçici oluşumlar üzerinden
değerlendirilmesini, ve mekandaki
morfolojik ve sosyo-kültürel evrimin
anlaşılmasını sağlamaktadır. Tarihte
iz bırakan kalıcı öğeler bu çalışma
kapsamında “heterokronik sabitler”
olarak değerlendirilmiştir, ve sadece
farklı kültürel gruplara ait dini binalara
indirgenmiştir. Morfolojik ve sosyolojik
değişimleri oluşturan farklı “durumlar”
(situations) ise “heterokronik
değişkenler” olarak adlandırılmıştır,
ve bu çalışmada farklı sosyo-kültürel
toplulukların yerleşim dokuları üzerinden
değerlendirilmiştir. Üçüncü
aşama, “tarihin yeniden inşası”, parçalara
ayrılarak sentaktik irdelemesi yapılan
mekanların, zaman çizelgesinden
yararlanarak, semantik bir okuma ile
holistik bir şekilde yorumlanmasıdır.
Sentaktik bulgular, morfolojik veya
sosyolojik değişimlere, anlam kaybı,
anlamsal kayma, devamsızlık ve birikmelere
işaret edebilir. Bu nedenle “tarihin
yeniden inşası”, çalışmada sentaktik
ve semantik anlamda bir bütünlük
oluşturmayı, ve heterokronik kentsel
mekanların artzamanlı evriminin sentezini
yapmayı hedeflemektedir.
Alan araştırması, Kuzguncuk mahallesinde
yapılmıştır. İstanbul’un
Anadolu Yakası’nda bulunan bir boğaz
köyü olan Kuzguncuk, çalışmadaki
heterokronik kentsel mekan özelliklerine
uyan bir mahalledir. Genel olarak,
huzurlu ve yaşanılır olarak nitelendirilen
mahallede, geçmişte çok sayıda
Musevi, Ermeni, Rum ve Türk birlikte
yaşamışlardır. Yakın geçmişte Karadeniz
Bölgesi’nden çok sayıda göç
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173
alan mahalle, son otuz yılda ise soylulaştırma
(gentrifikasyon) yolu ile sosyo-kültürel
değişime uğramıştır. Alan
çalışmasının sonuçlarına göre Kuzguncuk
Mahallesi, bulanık bir kavram
olan heterokroniyi güçlendirmektedir.
Palimpsest yapıdaki kentsel mekanda,
yaşanmışlıktan ziyade, anlamsal bir
birikme söz konusu olmuştur. Birçok
anlam de geçicilik göstermiş, kaybolmuş
veya değişmiştir.
A diachronic approach on heterochronic urban space

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 175-188
Divided shopping: A syntactic
approach to consumer behaviour
Erincik EDGÜ 1 , Meray TALUĞ 2 , Nezire ÖZGECE 3
1
erincik@gmail.com, erincikedgu@duzce.edu.tr • Department of Architecture,
Faculty of Arts, Design and Architecture, Düzce University, Düzce, Turkey
2
talug.meray@gmail.com, mtalug@ciu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture,
Faculty of Fine Arts, Design and Architecture, Cyprus International University,
Haspolat, Lefkoşa, Northern Cyprus
3
nezireozgece@gmail.com, nozgece@ciu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture,
Faculty of Fine Arts, Design and Architecture, Cyprus International University,
Haspolat, Lefkoşa, Northern Cyprus
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
Shopping is a socially interactive consumer activity that involves preference, selection
and leisure. As historical city centres are still cores of traditional shopping
and an asset improving social attraction, attractive routes and spaces for pedestrian
movement provided by articulation in the setting are worth examining. Buildings
on small sized plots located in a bounded environment usually encourage
pedestrian flow, presenting more options of interest on a unit street scale; whereas
spatial layout of the urban form, compactness of the circulation routes or visual
scope of the users should also be examined.
This paper focuses on the comparison of consumer shopping behaviour in such
a historical city centre, Walled City of Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus Republic and
TRNC. Regarding the lost centrality due to the UN buffer zone, divided city has
gone through different physical and social development patterns in terms of land
uses and functional changes. Assuming that physical accessibility reinforces social
and economic attraction, the paper deals with the,
• syntactic hints examined through line analysis underlying the physical development
of the urban layout in three different periods of the city,
• preferences of the pedestrians, emphasizing functional and spatial pattern that
orient the consumer behaviour.
The outcomes indicate that narrow long roads promote pedestrian flow in a
movement based activity, while the curvy organic formed streets disperse pedestrian
movement. Pedestrians tend to shop for retail based products in a linear layout,
and tend to eat or drink in a dispersed organic layout. On the other hand, as
an aspect of political curiosity both sides of the buffer zone also serve as attraction
nodes regardless of the functions.
Keywords
Attraction, Historical urban core, Pedestrian behaviour, Shopping, Space syntax.

176
1. Introduction
In terms of user satisfaction, within
time, historical city centres may fail to
meet the needs and expectations of the
occupiers; however, Lewicka (2008)
argues that historical centres create a
sense of continuity with the past, embody
the group traditions and facilitate
place attachment, as well. That is why
even though there may unpredictable
population fluctuations or major factors
such as wars and regime changes
occur, historical city centres are still
cores of attraction and they struggle
to maintain their vitality. Weltevreden
et al., (2005) state that historic city
centres are not competitive in terms
of prices but they remain attractive as
a retail location only if they are able
to generate new sectors offering new
products. When we think of attraction
in the historic city centre, shopping facility
as an attractor plays a major part,
but on the other hand, inner cities are
also places to meet people, socialise
and recreate as Weltevreden and Rietbergen
(2007) discuss. They add that
attractiveness of an inner city depends
on four factors; these are an environment
with characteristic aspects such
as being historical, or having an ambiance,
a concentration of a large variety
of functions other than shopping
such as restaurants, theatres, museums,
the amount and variety of shops, and
lastly the crowdedness. Among these
aspects, crowdedness issue is related
with the number of pedestrians. Existence
of a pedestrian flow is crucial for
attracting social interaction, as Hillier
(1999) emphasises that attraction plays
an important role in drawing people to
the city centres.
There are various researches which
examined city centre activities through
social attraction, for example, Portnov
(1998) examined the social attraction
in Siberian urban layout in three aspects,
which were the general residential
attractiveness, quality of physical
environment and attractiveness for
business activity. The outcomes of his
research showed that perceptions of
the professional spe cialists on spatial
quality were different than of the city
dwellers. While the specialists attach
importance to access to city centre
and recreational areas, dwellers attach
importance to ecological and functional
issues such as social facilities
and services. Kemperman et al. (2009)
on the other hand, emphasise that attractive
downtown historic centres are
recognised as potential magnets for
tourist shopping. Tourists prefer links/
streets that are physically attractive,
having a good visibility, and are pedestrian
friendly. They believe pedestrian
movement is an important indicator of
shopping behaviour and assume that
tourist shopping behaviour is related
to the motivation for shopping, the familiarity
with the shopping area, and
whether or not the shopping route was
planned in advance.
Space syntax theory introduced
by Hillier and Leaman (1974) use the
term syntax to refer to rules that generate
different spatial arrangements,
in which spaces are considered to be
shaped due to certain cultural considerations
and these forms in return
affect social relations in one way or
another. As space syntax is defined as
a methodology to represent, quantify
and interpret spatial configuration and
visual perception of exterior or interior
spaces of various scales by means of
convex shapes, and axial lines, (Hillier
et.al, 1987; Peponis, 2000) it is necessary
to briefly explain the terms used
in this sense. Integration exposes the
distance to a convex shape from all
points within the system. If the real or
global integration value of the shape is
high, it means that reaching to this certain
shape from any point within the
system, is relatively easy and indirect.
Connectivity refers to number of cells
directly connected to a shape within
the system. If the shape is located somewhere
close to the centre of the system,
then it means that the shape has many
surrounding cells, thus increasing its
integration. On the other hand, if the
shape is located somewhere close to
the outermost parts of the system, its
integration value decreases, increasing
its mean depth value (Edgu, 2003).
Therefore, factors such as relationship
between the integration and
connectivity of axial lines give ideas
whether a town centre is an agreeable
place with good vitality in the shopping
streets (Hillier et al., 1993). Pedestrian’s
perceptions on physical characteristics
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177
such as distance, building composition
and urban pattern are important aspects
of attraction. In the historical city
centres, local’s attraction as well as the
tourist attraction can be provided by
a good circulation of pedestrian flow
supported by facilities like recreational
gathering spaces and retail functions
such as eating, clothing and such shopping.
Ünlü et. al. (2009) suggest that
regardless of its kind, the occupancy
of a space can be determined with a
function attached to it, and the reason
of using a space can be related with socially
attractive functions such as cafeterias,
small shopping units. Thus, it
is important to distinguish the reason
of pedestrian gathering or movement
within the historic urban core. Hatz
(2006) suggests that unlike retailing in
US downtown areas, the historic city
centres in European cities remain at
the top of the retail hierarchy. By retail
hierarchy he refers to the centrality of
shopping streets and centres, which
are defined by retail space, sales figures
and catchment areas, but also by the
range of goods. According to his study,
middle term consumption goods such
as clothing sector hold the leading position
in hierarchy, and the higher the
rank of a shopping district, the greater
is the dominance of the clothing sector.
Hatz (2006) also suggests that goods
of short-term consumption indicate
the opposite compared to middle term
consumption goods. He emphasises
that the lower ranking a shopping street
or district, the higher the proportion of
shops offering products of short-term
consumption. On the other hand, in
their research of grocery-shopping behaviour,
Wang and Lo (2007) emphasised
that consumption is less about
economic rationality and more about
cultural values and meanings, whereas
location preferences are based on
image and identity rather than narrow
economically driven criteria. Supporting
Wang and Lo, we assume that
shopping is a consumer activity that
involves preference, selection and leisure
that allows social interaction as
well. Kemperman et al. (2009) discuss
that the pedestrians walk from node to
node in a way that they walk forward
until the next decision point which is
usually on the street intersections. They
assume that the path pedestrians take,
depends on the relative attractiveness,
such as shopping supply and other features
that may affect the attractiveness
as the history of the path walked so far.
Buildings on small sized plots located
in a bounded environment usually
encourage pedestrian flow. As Crompton
and Brown (2006) indicate that
small scaled places without cars may
seem much larger to the walking person,
than expected. Especially in complicated
car-free cities with traditional
architectural pattern such as Venice
or Fez, tourists believe that the places
felt larger than they seem on the map.
With the help of entrance doors, these
small sized buildings present more options
of interest on a unit street scale
that can be shifted to economic benefit.
Kemperman et. al’s (2009) research
also supports this hypothesis. They
found out that tourists prefer streets/
links that are part of a long straight line
offering a long view, with buildings
on both sides as variations of façades.
Therefore, considering the pedestrian
movement, historical city centres are
still cores of traditional shopping and
assets which improves the social attraction
of the city (Ülken & Edgü, 2005).
The historical structure is an asset
that improves attraction. This paper focuses
on the comparison of pedestrian
movement and shopping behaviour of
the occupants as well as the functional
differences of land use in the context of
predetermined nodes of attraction located
on both sides of the buffer zone
in the historical Walled City of Nicosia.
As it will be discussed in the following
section in a more detailed manner,
Walled City of Nicosia has a unique
star shaped architectural layout which
is unfortunately divided by UN buffer
zone into two unequal halves. Therefore
considering the distinction of having
two different communities settled
on each side, the pedestrian movement
in terms of shopping also has its unique
flow as well. As the research assumes
that physical accessibility reinforces
social and economic attraction, the paper
aims to search,
• the syntactic hints examined
through line analysis underlying
the physical development of the urban
layout in three different periods
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour

178
of the Walled City, thus exploring
the changes of accessibility through
integration
• spatial preferences of the pedestrians,
emphasizing functional and
spatial pattern that orient the consumer
behaviour.
2. Case study area
As an island that has been colonised
by various nations throughout the history,
Cyprus has encountered both the
prosperity and downfall of her physical
location in the midst of historic
crossroads of trade and culture of the
Eastern Mediterranean region. However,
the conflict between the two major
communities of the island, which started
during the 1950’s has been dominating
the political structure of the region
ever since. The unresolved political
situation followed by the complete division
of the island and separation of
Greeks and Turks after 1974, unfortunately
did not help the solution of
the problem. Turkish region declared
a self-determinant government of
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC), in 1983; while Greek region
was granted full membership of the EU
in 2004 as Cyprus Republic (CR).
Division of the island was a critical
decision in terms of geography, natural
resources and social structure, where
the two communities remained unattached
until 2003. The citizens of the
Turkish region have been fatigued from
the isolations and serious financial difficulties
due to economic embargo, so
as a manoeuvre, TRNC government
opened two border gates for mutual
passes. However, division of the capital
city Nicosia produced even more severe
outcomes. One of the harms of the
buffer zone called as Green Line, occupied
by the UN forc es is undermining
the city’s centrality.The 450 years
old star shaped city walls with eleven
bastions were also divided ruining the
integrity of urban structure and architecture
as well (Figure 1). The divided
city of more than thirty years has gone
through different physical and social
development patterns around the divided
Venetian walls, providing different
functions. For example, business
area has moved out of the city where
the land is cheaper. As the immediate
exterior of the city walls in Turkish
side are occupied by administrative
and educative purposes, the Greek side
is occupied by business and commercial
purposes. The inner core, on the
other hand remained as a retail district
with small shops of clothing, food and
restaurants, home supplies, and some
manufacturing. The differences in the
socioeconomic status of both sides affected
the development and urban improvement
as well. While due to lack
of financial resources, Turkish side
preserved the majority of historic urban
layout, Greek side, renovated and
transformed the historical city to some
extent, such as changes in plot sizes,
and vertical dimensions. On the other
hand, as traffic congestion and lack of
sidewalks prevented the pedestrians’
easy flow, lack of parking areas made
it hard for vehicular access to the shopping
zones, in both parts as well.
Five years later, after the opening of
initial border gates in 2008, Lokmacı
Gate at the end of the Ledra Street was
opened for pedestrian access therefore,
though, through a weak axis, the connections
beyond the Green Line was
established once more. This gate working
as the check point is the only civilian
connection within the Walled City,
and is the crucial point in pedestrian
movement.
As for the shopping locations within
the Walled City, the division left
the traditional shopping bazaar Bandabulya,
few inns and arasta in Turkish
side, while the expensive shopping
strip remained in Greek side, excluding
the plots lost to the control of UN
forces. Hatz (2006) suggests that the
Figure 1. Nicosia Walled City (map from Google Earth).
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü, M. Taluğ, N. Özgece

structure of retailing in city centres is
not to be examined in terms of a shopping
destination serving only local residents
and customers. The city centre
with its unique atmosphere becomes
part of consumption as well. He also
adds that, retailing in the city centre
is determined by the transformation
of the city into a leisure destination,
in which the consumption of cultural
goods and experiences become prominent.
He states that transformations of
downtown areas into themed shopping
spaces, equipped with artists’ quarters,
art galleries, bars and restaurants are
among the aspects that help a historic
city centre to maintain a consumable
atmosphere. Similarly, as the shopping
facilities outside of the city walls in
both sides follow the market demands
and trends, the atmosphere helps to
preserve the social attraction within
the city walls. Even though lately,
promising restoration and renovation
projects of significant buildings are
being undertaken, emergence of workshops
and depots among the residential
buildings, dilapidation, and obsolescence
are still crucial aspects of the
urban quality in the Turkish region.
3. Methodology and syntactic analyses
According to Hillier et al, (1993),
even though, shops may serve as attractors
for the pedestrian movement,
Figure 2. Line analysis of Nicosia Walled City before 1974.
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour
179
syntactically they do not change the
configuration of the urban layout.
However, in order to figure out the pedestrian
preferences due to shopping,
we first have to present the syntactic
hints examined through line analysis
underlying the physical development
of the urban layout in three different
periods of the Walled City. As it was
mentioned before, integration denotes
the socio-petal, thus vital nodes
and highly connected axes; therefore,
exploring the changes of accessibility
through the city within time shows us
the shift of spatial vitality. These data
acquired will then be compared with
actual preferences of the pedestrians.
The University of Michigan software,
Syntax 2D is used in for the
syntactic calculations. Syntactic properties
of the case study area are analysed
initially with the line analysis of
the Nicosia Walled City in three phases
(Figures 2, 3 and 4) before the division,
during the non-contact years and after
the opening of gates. These line analyses
show the transformation of the
city layout within a span of forty years,
and also the accessibility routes that are
formed through political requirements
and precautions taken towards these
within the recent history of a city. The
syntactic properties of the nodes on the
other hand, are examined through grid
analyses, where each grid unit is set to
be 6 x 6 metres due to the maximum
public distance of interaction. Integration
n levels, circularity and isovist
properties are among the calculated
measurements. The obtained numeric
data is compared and analysed through
regression analyses and Spearman correlations
using SPSS.
As it can be seen from the diachronic
line analysis maps of Nicosia Walled
City from prior to 1974, from 1974 to
2008 and after 2008, (Figures 2, 3 and 4)
the mean integration n values change
drastically due to the formation of buffer
zone that interrupts the pedestrian
or vehicular movement. It is clearly
exposed in the maps that prior to 1974
the city maintains its centrality by denoting
the most integrated axes located
close to the centre with a mean integration
n figure of 1,2320x10 9 . In this map
Ledra Street the shopping strip, seems
to have a high integration level as one

180
of the parallel streets reaching to central
horizontal axis that is connecting
the main roads from Paphos gate to Famagusta
gate. The axis from the north
Kyrenia gate on the other hand seems
to have a secondary degree integration
while, the central axes present a deeper
structure.
After the division and the settling of
the UN buffer zone, the mean integration
n figure drops drastically to
6,478x108. During the long thirty four
years of no connection between the
two regions of the city, it is seen that
there were two different centres formed
within the walls (Figure 4). However if
we compare the situation with the previous
map, we see that while the most
integrated axis of north gains strength,
the most integrated axis of south weakens.
In both regions, this interruption
was compensated by moving the vital
public or commercial functions to out
of the Walled City, thus abandoning
the historical city centre.
Finally after the reconnection of two
regions with a single pedestrian passage
of Ledra Street/Lokmacı Gate in
2008, we see a considerable improvement
of integration n level with a figure
of 8,2102x10 8 . As this situation weakens
the most integrated axis in north
region, it strengthens southern axis,
while reintegrating the central streets
to a mild shallowness (Figure 5). We
also see minor changes around the
northern axis, in terms of newly built
roads or opened passages that leads to
mild levels of integration in northeast
regions compared to the era prior to
division.
Crompton (2006) suggests that
complexity disturbs our judgment
of walking distances, Crompton and
Brown (2006) discovered that the more
turns, slopes, intersections, and features
a walk has, the longer it appears
and thus a journey will seem longer
when there is more information to
be observed. The Nicosia Walled City
has a unique organic layout which
presents exciting vistas for exploring
tourists; on the other hand, it serves as
a maze which prevents shortcuts. As
mentioned before, comparison of consumer
shopping behaviour of the occupants
and the differences of land use in
both sides of Walled City of Nicosia are
Figure 3. Line analysis of Nicosia Walled City between 1974 and
2008.
Figure 4. Line analysis of Nicosia Walled City after 2008.
among the main concerns of the paper.
We should also keep in mind that,
traditional shopping district remained
in Turkish side, while the expensive
and trendy shopping strip called Ledra
Street remained in Greek side. In
order to understand the behaviour of
the occupants and the attraction activity
route, observations are executed on
the two determined main shopping regions,
from both sides of the city.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü, M. Taluğ, N. Özgece

Figure 5. Predetermined nodes of analysis.
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour
181
Since within the Walled City, there
is currently only one connection between
the divided regions, the chosen
axes had to start with Ledra Street, pass
the mentioned check point Lokmacı
Gate, and continue to north (Turkish)
side. As of coincidence, Ledra Street
historically used to be the most famous
shopping street in the Walled City, as
well. Therefore, we initially considered
examining a total of three nodes
from each side; one node from each
starting point that is close to check
point, a middle point of some specific
characteristics such as a square or an
attractive function and finally an ending
point before exiting the walls. The
nodes were set to be virtual circles with
a diameter of 30 metres, regarding the
size of the largest gathering area. However,
the route to out of the city walls
in Turkish side disperses due to the
organic layout of smaller sized plots
and the pedestrian axis takes a branch
like shape generating from the Lokmacı
Gate, i.e. the first gathering location
from the border. Regarding this
situation, and also to see the situation
in the original shopping centre of the
city, three nodes from the Ledra Street
on Greek side, and six nodes from the
Turkish side were selected for analyses
and comparison (Figure 5).
As it is seen in Figure 5 immediate
surroundings of the selected nodes and
the main axes are set to be the area of
observation. The selected portion of
the walled city reaches from southwest
to north extending to actual central Selimiye
Mosque Square in east. Within
this context, Kyrenia Gate, Sarayönü
(Atatürk) Square, İşbankası Node and
Lokmacı Node have been chosen from
northern part of the Walled City. On
the other hand, original, i.e. prior to
1974, central gathering and shopping
spaces of Kumarcılar Inn and Selimiye
Mosque Node are also included in
the analyses. Although these are surrounded
by shops, nowadays, these latter
nodes are frequently used as transitional
spaces in order to reach main
shopping axes.
Analyses of nodes are executed due
to pedestrian flow, functional use and
syntactic properties. The pedestrian
flow is analysed through observations
of 15 minute video recordings. As the
pedestrian flow is an important indicator
of attraction, number of passers-by
present implications of path
selection, which in turn points out the
potential shopping behaviour. Additionally
shopping behaviour was also
measured according to number of pedestrians
with shopping bags. Thus,
during the process, video recordings
are counted in each node regarding
the total number of pedestrians with
or without shopping bags. Considering
the customary preference for most of
the small retail shops to be closed on
Sundays and the extremely hot weather
during summer months, video shooting
has been done during the period
between 12:00 and 14:00 on two Fridays
and Saturdays in April and May.
These dates are set regarding the most
preferred days for shopping, the most
crowded period due to lunch time, and
also most pleasant weather condition
for outdoor space use.
Referring to Hatz’s (2006) hierarchy
of middle term and short term con-

182
sumption goods, the attractive functional
uses taken into consideration
are set to be the retail shops such as
clothes, shoes or mobile phone like
electronics and the eating-drinking
spaces such as cafes, restaurants and
bars. The ground floor functional uses
of the buildings within the determined
nodes are counted and categorized. Although
counted in the total number,
vacant units and public functions are
disregarded in the comparison. As the
actual dimensions of the shop units are
excluded from the research, the number
of units, thus the variations gained
importance in the analyses.
Visual boundaries formed by wall
like dense building plots may affect to
pedestrian perception and preference
of shopping. Psychological aspect of
this situation is discussed in Yönet and
Yirmibeşoğlu’s (2009) gated community
research, where they resemble gated
communities to medieval fortress settlements,
in which living behind the
gates increases the fear of the unknown
that is outside. Even though as we
move closer to the walls of the Walled
City, our visual scope widens, this theory
is supported especially in the central
sections of the city, where pausing
and relaxing is shifted to continuous
circulation. As for the syntactic aspects
of the mentioned visual boundary,
Ülken and Edgü (2005) point out that,
long, narrow streets possess convexity
and their one-dimensional axial shape
promotes movement and circulation
flow, as we see this in the case of Ledra
Street. On the other hand, fatter convex
spaces are traditionally places that
support events and occasions, such as
the squares and selected nodes. Circularity
analysis is an important spatial
characteristic that helps to examine the
compactness of the spaces or motivations
that drive people to pass through
certain streets. Circularity defined as
the ratio of the square of the perimeter
to area is one of the six geometric
measures such as area, perimeter, occlusivity,
variance and skewness to obtain
isovist field (Benedikt, 1979; Batty,
2001). Circularity is both a measure of
the shape of a space and the measure of
centrality of the viewpoint within that
space. In her museum analysis, Kaynar
(2005) argues that deformed circularity
that means lower levels of circularity
motivates longer visit durations. She
also adds that the movement is more
distributed in areas that provide opportunities
to discover new visual information.
Supporting this situation,
articulation in an urban setting provides
attractive routes and spaces for
pedestrian movement which is inevitable
for historical city centre shopping.
As the structural pattern gets articulated
in an organic system, the envi-
Table 1. Mean syntactic values, pedestrian flow and functional values of the selected nodes.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü, M. Taluğ, N. Özgece

183
ronment tends to present surprising
spaces that are appreciated especially
by exploring tourists.
The syntactic aspects of the research
base on the comparison of spatial parameters
such as integration levels, circularity
and visual fields, which help us
to further examine the physical structure
of the predetermined nodes. The
map used for these analyses is derived
from the 2008 map with single connection
between two regions. Therefore
it is necessary to remember that after
the reconnection of two regions with a
single pedestrian passage, the most integrated
axis in north region has weakened,
while the southern one strengthened,
with mild improvement on the
central streets. The functional uses of
streets, positions of gathering spaces,
figures of pedestrian flow are also examined
in the research. Table 1 indicates
the syntactic values along with
the environmental cues of the selected
nodes from both regions. Integration n
values for the Kyrenia Gate, Sarayönü
and Ledra Street also comply with the
line analysis results indicated in Figure
5, with the highest overall integration
levels.
Connectivity values are the highest
Table 2. Regression analyses from the selected nodes.
for Sarayönü and Kyrenia Gate again
parallel to the data presented in Figure
2, however, Ledra Street is lower
in connectivity due to the linear nature
of the path and the visual boundary of
the dense buildings. While connectivity
values indicate an easy accessibility
through neighbouring grids, it also
works reciprocally, as easily exiting to
neighbouring grids. Therefore when
we compare the connectivity values
of these two nodes, with Ledra Street
nodes in terms of the number of total
pedestrian count, lower connectivity
values explain the high percentage of
pedestrian flow in Greek side. On the
other hand, the number of total pedestrians
also seems to be related with the
number of shops in both sides excluding
restaurants and cafes. This result
also complies with Kemperman et. al’s
(2009) findings that the tourists’ shopping
route choice behaviour is affected
by the supply and accessibility of shops,
however tourists do not prefer links
with restaurants, lunchrooms, bars and
such as these necessitate pausing and
lingering for a longer period compared
to retail shops.
The most crowded pedestrian movement
with or without shopping bags in
Turkish side is observed in Lokmacı
node, followed by Selimiye node. As
Lokmacı Gate being the starting node
from the check point, with relatively
large number of shop units this crowdedness
can be explained. In case of Selimiye
however, the pedestrian flow is
owed to the centrality of the location
within the city along with existence
of traditional covered bazaar Bandabulya.
In both cases however, we see
a striking fact that shopping with bags
concentrates mostly on the central
core of the Walled City. In both cases
frequency of shopping bags decreases
as we move towards the north and
south exits. Comparing the percentage
of shopping bags respecting the total
frequency of the pedestrians, Ledra 1
node with 21.02% followed closely by
Ledra 3 with 19.48% are the highest
shopping nodes of Greek side. Similar
numbers are also seen in Turkish side
as well; Işbankası node with 21.97%
has the highest value while the second
largest number is seen at Kumarcılar
node with 20.22%.
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour

184
Ledra Street on the other hand, presents
striking number of pedestrians
compared to Turkish side. Although
the number of shop units is similar in
number of attraction points, the pedestrian
flow is observed to be much
greater. This situation complies with
Kemperman et. al’s (2009) findings
assuming that tourists prefer to circulate
on streets/links that are part of a
long straight line offering a long view,
with buildings on both sides as variations
of façades. Ledra 1 and Ledra 3
nodes have the highest values of isovist
perimeters enabling a longer vision for
pedestrians to perceive the direction of
movement from a longer distance and
move towards the crowd, i.e. attraction.
In the regression analyses shown in
Table 2, pedestrian flow and shop unit
data were considered as dependent
variables, while the syntactic values are
considered as independent. Regression
analysis is investigated with the R values
with significance between -1 and
+1. Strong correlations are shown in
dark shaded cells while although not
statistically significant, mild implications,
which are worth noting are also
shown in lighter shaded cells.
The regression analyses indicated
in Table 2 show the correlations of the
syntactic and environmental figures
of the selected nodes given in Table 1.
Circularity of the nodes and circularity
of the isovists from the centre of the
nodes are significantly correlated with
shopping behaviour, and pedestrian
flow as a whole. This situation leads us
to refer to Kaynar, (2005) once again,
as she argues that lower levels of circularity
motivates longer visit durations,
which explains the shopping behaviour
occurring on dispersed nodes of Kumarcılar
and Selimiye. On the other
hand, theory is supported by the higher
levels of circularity promoting movement
as in our cases of pedestrian flow
in Ledra Street, while a distraction and
dispersion is seen in branch like street
axes in Turkish side.
As for the location and attraction
levels of commercial units, we see that
while cafes and restaurants are placed
randomly with a smaller number of
units, they do not present significant
outcomes. However as for retail shops,
we see a strong correlation both with
isovist area and connectivity aspects.
If the pedestrians are looking for certain
types of items the size of the isovist
area presents better scope of exploration.
Therefore we see that the number
of shop units increases in a more
widely perceived layout. Connectivity
correlations of the shops also support
this finding as higher the level of connectivity
higher the level of integration
thus accessibility from the perspective
of pedestrians, in their search for specific
brand or good types.
4. Conclusion and discussion
In Ledra Street of the Greek region,
the shopping preferences of the pedestrians
are observed to concentrate on
retail rather than recreational spaces,
thus indicating a conscious selection of
brands to shop from in a linear street
layout. In the case of Turkish region
however, central nodes present highest
number of pedestrian flow, significantly
dropping at the end points
of the axes, again in accordance with
the number of shop units. However, in
these regions, pedestrian flow is also
parallel with the existence of squares
with recreational attraction points,
such as the cafes and restaurants. This
result implies a preference of eating
spaces over retail shopping spaces in
the organic street layout.
The research indicated that narrow
long roads promote pedestrian flow in
a movement based activity, while the
curvy organic formed narrow streets
disperse the pedestrian movement. As
for the percentages of shopping bags,
both sides of the buffer zone present
similarities denoting an approximate
rate of 20% of shopping for pedestrian
count. As the retail shop units increase,
the percentage of shopping as expected,
also increases. If these units are located
in corners of narrow street nodes,
the shopping percentage also increases.
However if the shop units are located
on square like spaces with number of
cafes and restaurants, then the shopping
tendency decreases, which can be
explained by losing attention or distraction
of perception.
The results of the research emphasise
that the division of the Walled
City has an immense impact on the
perception of the pedestrians, which
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü, M. Taluğ, N. Özgece

185
leads to the dispersion of the attraction
points. It is observed that the psychological
effects of the war and division
on the occupants from both regions
are still valid, thus this situation leads
to a drawback from the buffer zone,
towards more secure areas within the
city. Referring back to Yönet and Yirmibeşoğlu
(2009), outside the walls of
the city seems to be more secure for
both communities and after long years
of fearing whatever is on the other side
of the buffer zone has yet to be dealt
with. However, we also observed that
the existence of the buffer zone also
serves as a type of political attractor,
displaying a large amount of mobility
at both sides of the check point. Kemperman
et al.’s (2009) assumption of
the tourist movement route ending at
the starting point is also apparent in
this research stressing that since the
only option of turning back to the entrance
is through Ledra Gate, pedestrian
activity increases around the nodes
closest to the check point and these
nodes serve as meeting points rather
than shopping preference.
Pedestrian flow supports syntactic
outcomes especially with isovist and
circularity values. Variations of shopping
spaces promotes pedestrian flow,
small sized units especially serve the
level of attraction in historical environments.
However, actual physical
interruption of any layout definitely
presents a non healing setting that certainly
affects the spatial preferences of
the us ers, as seen in the case of the UN
Buffer zone.
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Bölünmüş alışveriş: Tüketici davranışlarına
dizimsel bir yaklaşım
Tarihî kent merkezleri, zaman içinde
kullanıcı memnuniyeti açısından
sakinlerinin ihtiyaç ve beklentilerini
karşılamaktan uzaklaşabilir. Lewicka
(2008), tarihî merkezlerin, sürekliliği
sağlama ve yere bağlılığı kolaylaştırmanın
yanı sıra, var olan gelenekleri
somutlaştırdığını belirtir. Bu nedenle,
yaşanan beklenmedik nüfus dalgalanmaları
veya savaş ve yönetim değişikliği
gibi, ortaya çıkabilecek bazı temel
etmenlere rağmen, tarihî kentler hâlâ
çekim merkezi olmaya devam etmekte
ve özellikle perakende arzı açısından
ekonomik ve kültürel canlılıklarını
sürdürmektedirler. Weltevreden
ve Rietbergen’in (2007) belirttiği gibi
tarihî kent merkezlerine olan ilgiyi
arttırmada, alışveriş önemli rol oynar;
kent merkezleri aynı zamanda insanların
buluştukları, sosyalleştikleri ve
eğlendikleri mekânlardır. Kent merkezlerinin
birer cazibe merkezine dönüşmesinde
dört ana faktör önemlidir;
bunlar, karakteristik bir çevreye sahip
olmak, alışveriş dışında, müze, tiyatro,
restoran gibi farklı işlevler sunabilmek,
dükkânların sayısı ve çeşitliliği ile kalabalıklık
olarak sıralanmaktadır. Kalabalıklık
ile sosyal etkileşimin artması,
yaya akışının sağlanabilmesine bağlıdır.
Kent merkezlerindeki eylemleri
sosyal cazibe üzerinden değerlendiren
çeşitli çalışmalar bulunmaktadır;
bunlar arasında, Kemperman ve diğerlerinin
(2009) çalışmasında tarihî
kent merkezlerinin turistik alışverişler
için çekim merkezi olduğu vurgulanmaktadır.
Bu çalışmaya göre, turistler
fiziksel açıdan çekici, geniş görüş alanına
sahip, yaya dostu sokakları tercih
ederler; yaya hareketi ve çevreye aşinalık
alışverişe özendirir.
Hillier ve Leaman’a (1974) göre
mekânsal dizim belirli sosyal ve kültürel
varsayımlara göre şekillenen farklı
mekânsal düzenler üretmek için kullanılabilecek
kurallar dizisidir. Çeşitli ölçeklerdeki
iç ve dış mekân biçimlenişleri
ve görsel algıları dışbükey şekiller
ve aks çizgileri ile yorumlanabilmektedir
(Hillier ve diğ., 1987; Peponis,
2000). Bütünleşme değeri dışbükey bir
şekil içinde yer alan tüm noktaların, o
sistem içinde birbirlerine olan uzaklıkları
ile ilgilidir. Buna göre, eğer bir
noktanın gerçek bütünleşme değeri
yüksek ise, diğer bütün noktalardan
o noktaya erişim kolay ve dolaysızdır.
Bağlaşıklık değeri hücrelere doğrudan
bağlı olan komşu hücrelerin sayısıdır.
Bu nedenle eğer hücre sistemin ortalarına
yakınsa etrafında sayıca daha fazla
hücre bulunur ve bütünleşme değeri
artar. Diğer yandan hücrenin sistemin
çeperlerine yakın olması bütünleşme
değerini azaltır ve ortalama derinlik
değerini arttırır. Bu nedenle yol olarak
tanımlayabileceğimiz aksların bütünleşme
ve bağlaşıklık değerleri arasındaki
ilişki herhangi bir mekânın yaya
hareketine uygun olup olmadığını da
belirler.
Kent dokusu, binaların kompozisyonu
ve kent içindeki mesafeler gibi
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187
fiziksel özelliklerin yayalar tarafından
algılanması, kentin cazibesini arttıran
önemli etkenlerdendir. Tarihî kent
merkezlerinde, eğlence mekânları ve
butik, restoran gibi ticarî alanlarla desteklenen
ve yaya akışını özendiren iyi
bir dolaşımın bulunması yerli halk ve
turistlerin ilgisini canlı tutar. Yayaların
seçmiş oldukları dolaşım yolları, bu
yolların göreceli olarak ne kadar cezbedici
oldukları ve üzerlerinde yer alan
kısa ve orta vadeli tüketim ürünlerini
barındıran işlevlerle ve bunlara bağlı
alışkanlıklarla da ilgilidir (Hatz, 2006;
Wang ve Lo, 2007).
Sınırlı bir çevrede, küçük parseller
üzerine yerleşmiş olan binaların
oluşturduğu tanımlı sokaklar da yaya
akışını özendirmektedir. Crampton ve
Brown (2006) küçük ölçekli ve araç
trafiğinin olmadığı yerlerin, yaya trafiğinde
artış yarattığını, yaya olarak
dolaşılan bu alanın turist tarafından
olduğundan daha geniş olarak algılandığını
belirtirler. Dolaşımın rahat
sağlandığı bu yerlerde, bir sokak üzerine
dizilmiş olan küçük ölçekli binaların
giriş kapıları, oluşturdukları
farklı seçeneklerle ekonomik fayda da
sağlayabilmektedirler. Kemperman ve
diğerlerinin 2009’da yaptığı çalışmada,
turistlerin iki tarafı binalarla tanımlanmış
ve uzun görüş açısı sağlayan
sokakları tercih ettikleri belirlenmiştir.
Bu nedenle, yaya hareketleri göz önünde
tutulduğunda, tarihî kent merkezleri,
birer sosyal çekim noktası olarak
halen geleneksel alışverişin odağıdırlar
(Ülken ve Edgü, 2005).
Kentin tarihî yapısının cazibeyi arttıran
bir unsur olduğunun varsayıldığı
bu araştırma, yaya hareketleri ve alışveriş
davranışlarına odaklanmaktadır. Bu
çalışma, hem Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin,
hem de Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nin
başkenti olan Lefkoşa’da Suriçi
olarak bilinen, tarihî kent merkezinde,
tüketici alışveriş davranışlarına karşılaştırmalı
bir yaklaşımı benimsemiştir.
Birleşmiş Milletler tarafından oluşturulan
ve Yeşil Hat olarak bilinen askerî
tampon bölge ile eşit olmayan iki yarıya
bölünen onbir burçlu yıldız biçimli
tarihî kentte merkezîlik kaybolurken,
buna bağlı olarak fiziksel ve sosyal gelişim
örüntüleri değişmiştir. Örneğin,
tarihî şehir içindeki iş alanları, arazi fiyatlarının
daha ucuz olduğu şehir dışına
kaymıştır. Bu bağlamda, Türk tarafında
sur duvarlarının hemen dışında
yönetim ve eğitim amaçlı yapılaşma,
Rum tarafında ise daha çok iş ve ticarî
amaçlı bir yapılaşma gözlenmektedir.
Buna karşılık, sur duvarlarının içindeki
tarihî bölge, küçük butikler, yemek
yeme alanları, imalâthaneler ve hediyelik
eşya satan küçük dükkânların
olduğu ticarî ağırlıklı bir bölgeye dönüşmüştür.
Ekonomik tercihler Rum
tarafındaki tarihî örüntünün yüksek
katlı binalarla yer değiştirmesine neden
olurken Türk tarafında yenilenme
sınırlı kalmış ve özgünlük korunabilmiştir.
Fiziksel ulaşılabilirliğin sosyal
ve ekonomik cazibeyi güçlendirdiğinin
varsayıldığı bu araştırma, iki konu üzerinde
yoğunlaşmaktadır:
• çizgi analizi yöntemi ile kentin
üç farklı dönemdeki fiziksel
örüntüsünün gelişimini ortaya
koyan dizimsel ipuçlarının belirlenmesi,
• tüketici davranışlarını yönlendiren
işlevsel ve mekânsal örüntüleri vurgulayan
yaya tercihlerinin ortaya
konması.
Alan çalışmasında Lefkoşa tarihî
kent merkezinin 1974 öncesi, 1974 ile
karşılıklı geçişlerin başladığı 2008’e
kadar olan iletişimsiz dönem ve 2008
sonrası açılan tek yaya gümrük kapısı
(Ledra Caddesi’ne bağlanan Lokmacı
kapısı) ile yeniden kurulan kuzey-güney
bağlantısının incelendiği haritalarda
öncelikle gerçek bütünleşme
değerlerine bakılmış ve kentin özgün
merkezî düzeninin geçirdiği evreler
yorumlanmıştır. Diğer yandan, alışveriş
davranışını belirlemek üzere
kentin mevcut durumunda gözlemler
yapılmış, toplanma, geçiş ve alışverişe
dayalı işlevsel kullanım alanları sosyal
uzaklığa bağlı olarak nisan ve mayıs
aylarında iki ayrı Cuma ve Cumartesi
günlerinde elde edilen onbeşer
dakikalık video kayıtları ile belirlenmiştir,
yaya akışı ve alışveriş torbaları
sayılmıştır. Bölünmeyle birlikte tarihî
kentin Bandabulya olarak bilinen geleneksel
pazaryeri, bazı hanları ve arastası
Türk tarafında kalırken, pahalı
dükkânların yer aldığı alışveriş caddesi
Rum tarafında kalmıştır. Her iki bölgede
de suriçi dışında kalan alanda pazar
talepleri ve güncel eğilimler baskınken,
suriçinin tarihî atmosferinin cazibeyi
Divided shopping: A syntactic approach to consumer behaviour

188
korumaya yardımcı olduğu görülmüştür.
Lefkoşa Suriçi’nin 1974 öncesi,
1974-2008 arası ve 2008 sonrası artzamanlı
çizgi haritalarının ortalama
bütünleşme değerleri incelenmiştir.
Bölünmeden önceki süreçte kentin
merkezîliğinin vurgulandığı, bölünmeyle
birlikte iki farklı merkez oluştuğu,
güney daha ılımlı bir bütünleşme
gösterirken, kuzeyde Girne kapısı aksının
belirginleştiği, yeniden bağlantı
sağlandıktan sonra ise kuzey aksının
zayıfladığı ancak devamındaki Ledra
aksının güçlendiği görülmektedir.
2008 sonrasındaki alışveriş davranışını
belirlemek için Rum tarafından üç
adet, dağınık organik yapısı nedeniyle
Türk tarafından ise altı adet 30 m çaplı
düğüm noktası analiz edilerek karşılaştırılmıştır.
Zemin katlarda yer alan
yiyecek, giyim, elektronik eşya türündeki
perakende dükkânlar bağlamında
yaya ve alışveriş hareketi incelenmiştir.
Bütünleşme değeri, döngüsellik, bağlaşıklık
ve eşgörüş analizi gibi dizimsel
bulgular, Rum tarafındaki uzun ve dar
sokakların yaya akışını hareket odaklı
eylemlere teşvik ederken, Türk tarafındaki
kıvrımlı ve organik biçimli dar
yolların yaya akışını dağıttığını göstermiştir.
Alışveriş torbalarının sayısı
merkezde yoğunlaşırken, sur dışına
doğru azalmaktadır. Bunun yanında,
tüketicilerin çizgisel sokak düzeninde
bağlaşıklık ve bütünleşme değerlerinin
de desteklediği gibi marka odaklı perakende
tüketim eğilimleri oluşurken,
dağınık organik bir düzende ise daha
çok yeme-içme odaklı aktiviteye yöneldikleri
belirlenmiştir. Bununla birlikte,
tampon bölgenin politik olarak
merak uyandıran iki tarafı da, işlevsel
kullanımdan bağımsız olarak, öne çıkan
çekim ve buluşma noktaları haline
gelmektedir.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Edgü, M. Taluğ, N. Özgece

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 189-207
Modeling walkability: The effects
of street design, street-network
configuration and land-use on
pedestrian movement
Ayşe ÖZBİL 1 , Demet YEŞİLTEPE 2 , Görsev ARGIN 3
1
ayse.ozbil@ozyegin.edu.tr • Department of Interior Architecture and
Environmental Design, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Ozyegin University,
Istanbul, Turkey
2
demetyesiltepe@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning,
Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
3
gorsevargin@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty
of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
This study explores the relative association of street design –local qualities of
street environment–, street network configuration –spatial structure of the urban
grid–, and land use patterns with the distribution of pedestrian flows. The aim
is to better understand the extent to which systematically measured street-level
urban design qualities and objectively measured street network configuration are
related to pedestrian movement, controlling for land use.
20 2kmx2km areas in Istanbul were studied in order to establish correlations
between street design, street configuration and densities of pedestrian movement.
Pedestrian data were collected on selected road segments within the areas.
Same road segments were characterized through detailed field-surveys in terms
of aesthetic qualities, signage, sidewalk design, pedestrian crossings/traffic lights,
ground floor uses as well as GIS-based hosing plot-level (parcel-level) land use
density and street-level topography. Street network configurations within the areas
were evaluated using angular segment analysis (Integration and Choice) as well as
two segment-based connectivity measures (Metric and Directional Reach). Linear
models were developed to investigate the relationships among street design,
street network configuration, land use, and walking behavior.
This study contributes to the literature by offering insights into the comparative
roles of urban design qualities of the street environment and street network layout
on pedestrian movement. Preliminary findings imply that notwithstanding the
significance of certain aspects of the street environment that relate to local urban
design qualities, the overall spatial configuration of street network may prove to
be a significant variable for the description and modulation of pedestrian movement.
Keywords
Istanbul, Land use, Pedestrian movement, Street design, Street network configuration
.

190
1. Introduction
Creating walkable urban environments
have implications for public
health and environmental welfare as
well as urban sustainability (US Department
of Health and Human Services,
1996), but intervention strategies
need to be built through empirical
research that identifies correlates of
walking behavior (Sallis, Owen, & Fotheringham,
2000). While socio-demographic
(i.e. ethnicity, income, age)
correlates of walking have been widely
probed in the literature (Sallis et al.,
2000; Timperio et al., 2006), physical
environmental variables have been
studied with much less rigor. However;
the limited number of studies on
the link between the built environment
and physical activity demonstrate that
physical environmental variables are
significantly associated with walking
behavior controlling for socio-demographic
factors (Giles-Corti & Donovan,
2002).
1.1. Street design, urban form and
pedestrian movement
Researches in health and urban design
investigating the environmental
correlates of walking have sufficiently
documented associations between
street-level design and pedestrian
activity. The majority of emphasis is
placed on the qualities of urban design,
treated with reference to the immediate
condition of individual streets. The
local correlates of the street environment
used in empirical studies range
from the dimensions and design of
sidewalks to the frontages of retail or
the prevailing levels of environmental
comfort that may encourage pedestrian
movement (Badland & Schofield, 2005;
R. Ewing, Brownson, & Berrigan, 2006;
R. Ewing & Handy, 2009; Gehl, Kaefer,
& Reigstad, 2006). Pedestrian safety,
of course, is also shown to be a major
factor in determining physical activity
levels (Boarnet, Anderson, Day,
McMillan, & Alfonzo, 2005). Safe and
pleasant conditions encourage walking
(Brown, Werner, Amburgey, & Szalay,
2007; C. Brown, Jones, & Braithwaite,
2007). The presence of street crossings,
attractive landscaping, tree covers, and
signalization (Agrawal, Schlossberg, &
Irvin, 2008; Cao, Mokhtarian, & Handy,
2007), as well as aesthetic or safety features,
such as cleanliness, interesting
sights, and architecture (Appleyard,
1982; Gehl, 2011), have been shown
to encourage walking in adults and
children. In a literature review study
in the health and behavioral sciences,
Humpel, Owen, and Leslie (2002) concluded
that accessibility to recreational
facilities, opportunities for physical
activity, and aesthetic attributes were
consistently and significantly related
to physical activity, while weather and
safety attributes were less consistently
associated with the behavior.
Evaluating such local urban design
attributes is clearly important
in creating environments supportive
of walking. However; walking is
a context-dependent activity that requires
navigating through spaces, not
in spaces. Thus, it cannot be fully explained
based on the local qualities
of the individual street isolated from
its surroundings. Any type of walking
(exploratory or directed) requires pedestrians
to explore perceptually available
connections or exploit available
connections that have been cognitively
registered.
Researchers in transportation and
planning, on the other hand, have
focused on urban form aspects of
walkability, characterized in terms of
proximity (distance) and connectivity
(directness of traveled route) (Frank,
2000), to uncover their associations
with pedestrian movement. Proximity
relates to the distance between trip
origins and destinations. Proximity is
measured by two urban form variables.
The first is density, or compactness of
land uses. Density is thought to shape
pedestrian activity by bringing numerous
activities closer together, thus
increasing their accessibility from trip
origins (Cervero & Kockelman, 1997;
Krizek, 2003). It is suggested that people
are willing to use slower modes of
travel, such as walking, for shorter distances,
especially if many trips can be
chained (Frank & Pivo, 1994; Marshall
& Grady, 2005). The second component
of proximity is land use mix, or
the distance between or intermingling
among different types of land uses,
such as residential and commercial
uses. Similarly, land use mix increases
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • A. Özbil, D. Yeşiltepe, G. Argın

191
accessibility by increasing the number
of available destinations within
walking range. It is argued that commingling
of offices, shops, restaurants,
residences and other activities influences
the decisions to walk by making
it more convenient to walk to shops or
to get to work (Cervero, 2002; Rodri
guez & Joo, 2004) while having destinations
within walking distance from
origins (homes, stations, schools, etc.)
increases the odds of walking (Frank &
Engleke, 2000; Handy & Clifton, 2001).
Whereas proximity considers airline
(crowfly) distances between origins
and destinations, connectivity
characterizes the directness of travel
between households, shops and places
of employment, and the number of
alternative route choices within street
network (Saelens, Sallis, & Frank,
2003). The connectivity of street networks
increases accessibility in two
ways. First, it makes it more likely that
a short or more direct route is available
for any given pair of origin and destination.
Second, the more the length of
streets in a given area, the greater the
number of frontages, and thus of destinations,
that are likely to be available
at walking range. Potentiality, defined
as the availability of accessible streets
and destinations offered by the urban
fabric, is significantly related to pedestrian
travel. Destinations are certainly
an aspect of land use, but their number
is generally proportional to the street
length accessible within a walking distance.
Fine-grained urban networks of
densely interconnected streets improve
transit and pedestrian travel by providing
relatively direct routes, thus reducing
the distance between origins and
destinations.
Prevalent measures of connectivity
within the literature have been limited
to average measures of street networks,
such as block length (Cervero & Kockelman,
1997), block size (Hess, Paul
M.; Muodon, Anne V.; Snyder, Mary
C.; Stanilov, 1999; Song, 2003), intersection
density (Cervero & Radisch,
1995; Reilly & Landis, 2002), percent
four way intersections (M. Boarnet &
Sarmiento, 1998; Cervero & Kockelman,
1997), street density (S. Handy,
1996; Matley, Goldman, & Fineman,
2001), connected intersection ratio
(Song, 2003), and link node ratio (Ewing,
1996). Apart from average measures
of street density, some studies
have investigated the underlying differences
of street types, such as the distinctions
between traditional vs. suburban
and grid vs. cul-de-sac, to show
a statistically significant relationship
between street design with a grid-like
geometry and increased frequency of
walking trips (Greenwald & Boarnet,
2001; S. L. Handy, 1992; Rajamani,
Handy, Knaap & Song, 2003; Shriver,
1997). However; the foregoing findings
underline the multi-collinearity
between such measures, hence the ambiguity
of specific recommendations
with regard to street network design.
A number of studies have attempted
to improve the explanatory power of
street network design by developing
composite variables that account for
multiple dimensions of urban form,
such as the “Pedestrian Environmental
Factor” (Parsons Brinkerhoff Quade
and Douglas Inc. et al. 1993) or walkability
index” (Goldberg et al., 2007).
1.2. Spatial configuration and pedestrian
movement
While most of these studies show
positive associations between measures
of connectivity and walking, recent papers
point out that many of these positive
associations are weak, even when
statistically significant (Handy, 2005;
Oakes, Forsyth, & Schmitz, 2007; Rodríguez,
Aytur, Forsyth, Oakes, & Clifton,
2008). One reason is the absence
of measures that can systematically
characterize the spatial structures of
urban street networks at various scales
and hierarchies. The significance of
spatial structure in affecting pedestrian
movement has been addressed through
the framework of configurational analysis
of space syntax. The methodology
of space syntax involves measuring the
accessibility of all parts of a network
under consideration from each individual
street element. The intent is to
provide a generalized description of
spatial structure and connectivity hierarchy
without evoking information
about land use or making assumptions
about desirable or typical trips. In the
case of space syntax, particular attention
is given to the number of direc-
Modeling walkability: The effects of street design, street-network configuration and land-use on
pedestrian movement

192
tion changes that are needed in order
to move from one location to another.
The claim that the ordering of connectivity,
measured by direction changes,
plays an important role in determining
the distribution of movement is consistent
with research findings in spatial
cognition which suggest that direction
changes, as an aspect of configuration,
are related with the cognitive
effort required to navigate through an
area (Bailenson, Shum, & Uttal, 2000;
Crowe, Averbeck, Chafee, Anderson,
& Georgopoulos, 2000; B. Hillier &
Iida, 2005; Jansen-Osmann, P.; Wiedenbauer,
2004; Montello, 1991; Sadalla
& Magel, 1980). Earlier studies have
shown that road segments that are accessible
from their surroundings with
fewer direction changes tend to attract
higher flows (Hillier, Penn, Hanson,
Grajewski, & Xu, 1993; Peponis, Ross,
& Rashid, 1997). Recent research has
demonstrated street network design to
be significantly related to recreational
(Lee & Moudon, 2006) as well as transportation
walking behaviors (Ozbil &
Peponis, 2012). Since walking occurs
according to the fine grain of environment
as well as according to its larger
scale structure, appropriately discriminating
measures of street connectivity
are critical for designing for walkability.
This study contributes to the literature
by offering insights into the
comparative roles of street design –local
qualities of street environment–,
street network configuration –spatial
structure of the urban grid–, and land
use patterns with the distribution of
pedestrian flows. The aim is to better
understand the extent to which systematically
measured street-level urban
design qualities and objectively
measured street network configuration
are related to pedestrian movement,
controlling for land use.
1.3. The case of Anatolian part of Istanbul
The study areas are drawn from diverse
neighborhoods that vary substantially
in walkability (street connectivity
patterns), as well as their
locations within the city (Figure 1).
Kadıköy and Üsküdar are central-city
districts, which include some of the
most densely walked street segments
within the city. Ataşehir, which became
a district in 2008, is a contemporary
in-town environment with high-end
residential gated-communities and office
skyscrapers while Ümraniye and
Kartal are peripheral districts. The underlying
reason for studying the Anatolian
part is due to the different urban
patterns dominating each continent.
The European part is mostly dominated
by high-rise mass housing, service
and commercial land uses, whereas the
Anatolian part reflects mostly a residential
character with mixed land uses
prevailing the central parts. Although
the selected areas represent a small
cross-section of the entire city, the sum
of their population equals to one-sixth
of Istanbul’s total population.
Table 1 presents a quantitative profile
of the selected areas in terms of
street patterns, population density,
movement densities and land use compositions
summarized based on their
districts. This preliminary benchmarking
demonstrates notable differences
between areas. The population densities
of the areas, calculated on the
basis of the census blocks associated
with the street segments for which pedestrian
counts were taken, range from
145 to 290 per hectare with Üsküdar,
Figure 1. Locations of (a) selected districts and surveyed areas.
Maps are colored based on (b) Metric Reach (800m), and (c)
boundaries of the selected districts.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • A. Özbil, D. Yeşiltepe, G. Argın

Ataşehir and Kadıköy having similar
densities. The mean density of moving
pedestrians per 100m is 38, 29, 24, 24,
and 19 for Ümraniye, Kartal, Ataşehir,
Kadıköy, and Üsküdar respectively.
The areas summarized in terms of their
districts also differ significantly in their
average street density. Average metric
193
reach, from high to low, is consistently
in descending order from Ümraniye to
Üsküdar, Ataşehir, Kadıköy and Kartal
for 2km radii. However, Kadıköy
has the highest two-directional reach,
whereas Üsküdar and Kartal have similar
lower averages. The magnitude of
land use densities follows the same or-
Table 1. Urban form characteristics of selected areas summarized in terms of their districts.
Ataşehir Kadıköy Kartal Ümrani
ye
Üsküdar
Numbers of selected areas and audited
segments
Number of 2kmx2km areas selected 4 6 3 3 4
Number of segments audited 158 238 120 116 158
Densities of residential population and
pedestrians
Average population density per hectares 202 201 170 145 209
Average number of pedestrians per 100m 23.98 23.87 29.16 37.59 18.66
Characteristics of street network configuration
Average Metric Reach (1600 m) 61.45 54.83 54.71 77.49 62.39
Average 2-Directional Reach (20 o ) 5.07 8.08 4.14 5.93 3.25
Average global Integration (n) 6373 6162 5309 6644 5919
Average global Choice (n) (in millions) 331 346 225 603 183
Land use characteristics (in thousands)
Average total residential sq mt 857 855 706 999 836
Average total non-residential sq mt 188 167 240 238 46
Average total sq mt 1046 1022 946 1237 882
mixed-use entropy index 0.38 0.37 0.57 0.44 0.19
Figure 2. (a) Graphic representation of observed pedestrian densities through circles of
differing diameters denoting the differing densities of observed movements. (b) Location of
pedestrian observations on the configurational map showing metric/directional accessibility
according to Metric Reach (1600mt). Dark-to-light lines denote higher-to-lower metric
accessibility within the overall Anatolian part of the city.
Modeling walkability: The effects of street design, street-network configuration and land-use on
pedestrian movement

194
der as that of street density. Ümraniye
and Kartal have the highest land use
intensifications while Üsküdar has the
lowest total land use density. Non-residential
land use density is highest in
Kartal and Ümraniye, which also have
relatively higher mixed-use entropy
indices, and lowest in Üsküdar, which
is primarily a residential district. In
terms of residential building square
meter, Ümraniye has the highest density
while Kadıköy, Ataşehir and Üsküdar
are found to have similar densities
for the 2-kilometer buffer range with
Kartal having the lowest density.
Overall, the initial tabulation suggests
a strong correspondence between
the average volume of pedestrian
movement and the average density of
streets and land development. As higher
development densities are located
in areas with denser street networks,
it seems plausible that the association
between pedestrian density and street
density is a by-product of land use. In
the next section, however, the examination
of the data at street segment level
suggests that street connectivity has a
strong role in determining the distribution
of pedestrian density across and
within areas.
2. Methodology
This study was conducted in 5 consecutive
stages. In the first stage, data
on actual pedestrian volumes were
recorded by conducting on-site observations
in the selected areas. In the
second stage, detailed field surveys
were conducted to assess the degree of
street-level accessibility and pedestrian
quality. In the third stage, GIS-based
plot-level land use compositions were
measured at the street-segment scale.
In the fourth stage, street network
configuration of the Anatolian part of
Istanbul was evaluated using various
topo-geometric configurational measures.
In the last stage, the associations
between distribution of pedestrian
movement, street design qualities,
street-level land use compositions,
and street network configuration were
studied using linear statistical analyses.
2.1. Pedestrian observations
Due to resource limitations, only
40 street segments within each 2kmx-
2km study area were audited. The selection
of audited street segments were
based on two criteria: (1) not a deadend
street, (2) representative of a wide
range of configurational qualities of the
street network. These sampling criteria
Figure 3. (a) Land use compositions within a selected 2x2km urban area, and (b) gross
densities of buildings that have their access on the individual road segment associated with
each segment along the path.
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195
ensured consistency among the sampled
segments in terms of the overall
pedestrian facilities. Based on these
criteria, audited-segments were selected
to include street-segments with differing
structural levels (Figure 2).
2.2. Field surveys
Street segments were characterized
through detailed field surveys in terms
of the pedestrian quality attributes that
are shown to affect navigation in urban
environments through their impacts
on pedestrians’ perceptions. These include
accessibility –sidewalk width
(average width on both sides) and
maintenance; street sign (presence of
street name on audited segment); safety
(number of pedestrian crossings and
traffic-signals on audited segments relativized
by street length; average width
of buffer between the sidewalk and the
streets on both sides as well as posted
speed limit on the audited segment);
aesthetics –enclosure along sidewalks
(average building setback from the
sidewalk) and street trees (presence of
trees on either side of the audited segment);
street-front land uses (number
of residential and non-residential land
uses opening directly on each individual
street segment relativized by street
length); as well as street level topography
(average degree of slope along
the audited street segment). Since this
study is quantitative in nature, soft-architectural-parameters,
such as smell,
noise and light, which are harder to
quantify were not considered in the
field surveys.
Hence, a total number of 800 street
segments were audited, and the average
length of audited segments was
88.87 meters. Street segments whose
total length was

196
Angular Choice which measures how
many times a space is selected on journeys
between all pairs of origins and
destinations (Hillier & Iida, 2005). In
other words, integration measures how
easy it is to access one space (road segment)
from all others in the network;
whereas Choice measures how likely
it is for a space to be selected moving
from one space to another in the network
(Hillier & Iida, 2005). These two
measures represent the to and through
movement potentials of the street segments
(Hillier, Yang, & Turner, 2012).
Choice and Integration at radii 400-,
800-, and 1600-meter were calculated.
Street network configuration of the
entire region was evaluated by using
two parametric segment-based measures
of connectivity (Peponis, Bafna,
& Zhang, 2008). Metric Reach captures
the density of streets and street connections
accessible from each individual
road segment. This is measured by
the total street length accessible from
each road segment moving in all possible
directions up to a parametrically
specified metric distance threshold.
Directional Reach measures the extent
to which the entire street network is
accessible with few direction changes.
This is measured by the street length
which is accessible from each road segment
without changing more than a
parametrically specified number of directions.
Metric Reach was computed
for 1600-, 800- and 400-meter walking
distance thresholds. Directional Reach
was computed for two direction changes
subject to a 20° angle threshold. The
20° angle threshold was selected to set
the threshold low enough to make the
analysis sensitive to street sinuosity.
Computing directional reach for two
direction changes provides an estimate
of how well a street segment is embedded
in its surroundings from the point
of view of directional distance. In other
words, it takes high values as streets
become more linearly extended and
as intersections to other linearly extended
streets become denser. Figure
4 illustrates Integration and Choice at
a radius of 800 meters, Metric Reach
(800m), and 2-directional Reach (20 o )
respectively.
2.5. Statistical analyses
Multivariate regression analyses
were conducted to examine the associations
between street-level urban design
features, land use characteristics,
and street-network configuration in explaining
the distribution of pedestrian
densities. The analyses were conducted
in two stages. In the first stage, density
of pedestrian flows was modeled for all
areas considered as a single set. Street
design measures were entered into the
regression first to allow for the evaluation
of these variables in context relative
to other factors affecting pedestrian
behavior. Configurational measures
and land use variables were then added
into the model respectively to demonstrate
the effect of adding each to the
model and to identify the comparative
effect and significance levels of each
measure. In the second stage of analyses,
separate multivariate regression
models were estimated for the distribution
of movement densities within
the individual areas summarized according
to their districts. Since configurational
measures computed for 800
meter radius produced higher coefficients
in the analyses, these measures
are reported in the following tables.
Logarithmic transformation was applied
to the dependent variable (pedestrian
density relativized by 100m) as its
distribution indicated some degree of
skewness.
3. Results
3.1. Regression analyses for all areas
considered as a single set
Table 2 summarizes the results of
regression models for 3 sets of models
estimating the distribution of pedestrian
densities for all areas considered
as a single set. For street design measures,
the most significant correlate of
movement density is average sidewalk
width. In fact the impact of average
sidewalk width along road segments
on the distribution of movement is
quite consistent even when configurational
and land use variables are added.
The results indicate that movement
densities increase with increased sidewalk
width and sidewalk maintenance
along the segments. Surprisingly, the
signs of speed limit and the presence of
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • A. Özbil, D. Yeşiltepe, G. Argın

Figure 5. Scatter plot showing the natural log of pedestrian
movement densities by the multivariate regression model.
197
street trees are positive and negative respectively,
which is contrary to a priori
expectations and earlier results. This
may be due to the fact that there is not
enough variability among the selected
areas in terms of street speed limits
(min. 10km/hour; max. 45 km/hour)
and tree aligned streets. Average road
segment slope is negatively and significantly
associated with movement densities.
Indeed the impact of street-level
gradient on the distribution of movement
is quite consistent across models
suggesting that increased wavy topography
hinders the willingness to walk.
The inclusion of configurational
measures, Choice and Integration at radius
800 meters as well as Metric Reach
(800m) and 2-Directional Reach (20 o ),
adds a considerable increase of 14%
(p

198
measures and pedestrian flows are
statistically significant for the objective
GIS-based measures of residential
and non-residential land uses
(both the number of frontages and the
gross densities) at the road segment
scale. The most significant predictor
of movement densities is the number
of non-residential uses having direct
access from the road segments. The
results indicate that movement densities
are significantly associated with
both increased number of active uses
and increased non-residential land
use density as well as with decreased
number of residential uses along road
segments across areas. This suggests
that increasing non-residential activities
both at the ground floor level and
the road segment scale and reducing
residential uses would significantly
increase pedestrian movement densities.
Figure 5 illustrates the scatter plot
showing the natural log of pedestrian
densities as affected by variables in the
multivariate regression model and Figure
6 shows the prediction equations
for each variable in the model.
Finally, street-level urban design
quality attributes, configurational
measures and land uses were entered
together into a stepwise regression
based on the forward selection method
to compare each variable’s individual
contribution and to identify the
significant variables in explaining the
distribution of pedestrian flows (Table
3). The results are similar with the previous
multivariate regression models.
The number of non-residential land
uses associated with road segments
(positive) entered the model as the
most significant predictor. In fact, active
frontages on the ground floor at
the road segment scale alone explain
35% of the variation in movement densities.
From street network configuration
measures Integration within 800
meters is the most significant variable.
This indicates that to-movement within
urban areas is positively associated
with the choice to walk. 2-Directional
Reach (20 o ), Metric Reach (800m) and
Choice at a radius of 800 meters also
entered the model as significant variables
along with the number of residential
uses, average slope, non-residential
density, setback distance, and
sidewalk maintenance, but with much
less contribution to the overall model.
While adding Integration and av-
Figure 6. Prediction equations for the variables in the multivariate regression model.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • A. Özbil, D. Yeşiltepe, G. Argın

Table 3. Parameter estimates for the stepwise regression model
estimating the distribution of movement densities for all areas
considered as a single set.
#non-residential
(100m)
uses
R 2 β AIC p value
0.35 0.07 2288.61 0.00
Integration (800m) 0.41 0.00 2213.3 0.02
avg. sidewalk width 0.46 0.00 2140.23 0.00
#residential uses (100m) 0.48 -0.03 2121.08 0.00
2-Directional
(20 o )
Reach
0.49 0.02 2111.41 0.00
Metric Reach (800m) 0.50 0.05 2098.94 0.00
avg. slope 0.50 -0.08 2091.14 0.00
Choice (800m) 0.51 0.00 2086.12 0.01
non-residential density
(100m)
0.51 0.00 2082.25 0.02
setback distance 0.51 0.00 2079.56 0.03
sidewalk maintenance 0.51 0.00 2078.85 0.08
residential density 0.52 0.00 2079.55 0.14
traffic signal existence
[no]
0.52 0.00 2082.00 0.40
avg. buffer width 0.52 0.00 2083.50 0.83
street names [no] 0.52 0.00 2085.24 0.64
crosswalk existence 0.52 0.00 2089.04 0.62
street trees [no] 0.52 0.00 2091.11 0.31
speed limit 0.52 0.00 2093.23 0.58
N 790
erage sidewalk width to the model
results in a consequential increase in
the predictive power of the model (R 2
change=7-6%; p

200
be statistically significant for two areas
(Üsküdar and Ümraniye respectively)
at a 95% confidence level. This implies
that pedestrian movement at the road
segment scale is significantly shaped
by the potentiality of a street for metric
and directional accessibility rather
than both for through- and to-movement.
The evidence relating street design
factors to walking is stronger for some
of the measures. Average sidewalk
width is positively and significantly associated
with pedestrian flows across
all models (except for Kadıköy, which
has more or less a uniform standard
of sidewalk width), while average road
segment slope is negatively and significantly
associated with movement for
all areas (except for Kadıköy and Ümraniye,
which have relatively smooth
terrain). On the other hand, no other
consistent associations are found for
the rest of the street design variables.
4. Conclusions
The findings of this research lend
specific support for three key findings,
which may have implications for urban
planning and urban design decisions
aimed to reduce automobile dependence
and induce non-auto commuting.
These will be summarized under
three headings: street network configuration,
street design, and land use.
#1. Street network configuration is
strongly associated with the distribution
of pedestrian movement. The findings
presented in this article confirm that the
spatial structure of urban areas plays a
significant role in the way movement
densities of pedestrians are distributed
in the city. It is shown that street network
configuration, measured through
syntactic measures of Integration and
Choice at a radius of 800 meters as well
as connectivity measures Metric Reach
(800m) and 2-Directional Reach (20 o ),
is strongly associated with movement
densities when controlling for land use
characteristics as well as street design
attributes at the road segment scale.
Linear models developed suggest that
rather than the to- or through-movement
potential of road segments, the
density of street intersections has a
greater impact on the distribution of
flows. However, the results presented
Table 4. Parameter estimates for the multivariate regression model
estimating the distribution of movement densities for Kadıköy.
here also underscore the significance of
the spatial structure of street networks,
specifically the alignment of streets
and the directional distance hierarchy
engendered by the street network. The
fact that direction changes are as important
as metric distance in describing
street network configuration points
to the role of cognitive factors. While
Metric Reach extends uniformly along
the streets surrounding a given road
segment, Directional Reach may exβ
t std β
avg. slope 0.04 0.49 0.03
setback distance 0.00* 2.26* 0.12*
avg. sidewalk width 0.00 1.17 0.09
avg. buffer width 0.00 0.11 0.01
sidewalk maintenance 0.17 0.89 0.05
street trees [no] -0.02 -0.30 -0.02
crosswalk existence [no] -0.13* -2.01* -0.10*
traffic signal existence [no] -0.11 -1.36 -0.07
street names [no] 0.02 0.42 0.02
speed limit 0.01 0.79 0.05
Integration (800m) 0.00 0.40 0.03
Choice (800m) 0.00 1.04 0.07
Metric Reach (800m) 0.03 1.10 0.08
2-Directional Reach (20 o ) 0.02 3.75 0.20
#residential land use (100m) -0.05* -3.21* -0.19*
#non-residential land use (100m) 0.06 8.38 0.49
residential land use density (100m) 0.00 0.56 0.04
non-residential land use density (100m) 0.00* 2.09* 0.11*
N: 238
R 2 0.57
R 2 adjusted 0.53
Bold: p

201
Table 6. Parameter estimates for the multivariate regression model
estimating the distribution of movement densities for Ümraniye.
of distance and time, but they do not
take into account the intelligibility of
urban form. Integrating considerations
of intelligibility can lead to enhanced
models of urban form and function.
The analyses presented in this paper
suggest that it is possible to incorporate
measures of street density and measures
of cognitively significant configurational
variables in the same model.
However; it should be noted that the
effect of spatial structure is not to determine
pedestrian volume, but rather
to explain how it is distributed. This
is important for urban planners from
the point of view of designing for urban
liveliness. Space can shape land use
patterns and urban densities, which are
essential elements of lively cities, by affecting
the distribution of pedestrian
movement. To ensure urban liveliness
the spatial configuration of an urban
area must modulate movement densities
in an economically viable manner
to encourage multiple functions to occur
simultaneously.
#2. Higher non-residential land uses
designed at the ground floor level encourage
walking. The spatial structure
of street network does not work independently
of land use. On the contrary,
based on the standardized coefficients
estimated in regression models, number
of active uses opening directly onto
the street segment is the main driver
of the distribution of flows both for all
areas considered as a single set and for
individual areas summarized within
their districts. This supports the findings
of various studies highlighting
the significance of the availability of
non-residential destinations nearby
pedestrian-oriented nodes, such as
schools and transit stations, in walking
behavior (Cervero, 2002; Lee, Zhu,
Yoon, & Varni, 2013). To better understand
the associations between land
use compositions and movement densities,
street segments are categorized
in terms of their ground floor designs
based on the number of non-residential
uses associated with each segment,
as developed by Gehl et al. (2006) and
Gehl (2010). Streets are classified into
4 types: active/friendly (≥10 active uses
per 100m with mostly small units);
mixture (6-10 active uses with a mix of
large and small units); boring (2-5 acβ
t std β
avg. slope -0.03 -0.47 -0.03
setback distance 0.00 0.52 0.04
avg. sidewalk width 0.00* 2.14* 0.18*
avg. buffer width — — —
sidewalk maintenance -0.25 -1.10 -0.08
street trees [no] -0.02 -0.18 -0.01
crosswalk existence [no] -0.05 -0.24 -0.02
traffic signal existence [no] 0.22 0.82 0.07
street names [no] 0.00 0.00 0.00
speed limit -0.00 -0.39 -0.03
Integration (800m) 0.00 0.25 0.03
Choice (800m) 0.00* 2.29* 0.25*
Metric Reach (800m) 0.10 1.78 0.17
2-Directional Reach (20 o ) 0.05* 2.47* 0.18*
#residential land use (100m) -0.02 -0.66 -0.10
#non-residential land use (100m) 0.05 2.69 0.30
residential land use density (100m) 0.00 0.74 0.10
non-residential land use density (100m) 0.00 1.44 0.12
N: 116
R 2 0.60
R 2 adjusted 0.53
Bold: p

202
tive uses with many blind or uninteresting
units); and inactive (0-2 active
uses with blind or passive units). Here
active uses indicate land uses, such as
retail, office and commercial establishments,
dependent on passerby movement
for economic viability. Figure 7
shows street scenes from four different
study areas demonstrating the classification
of street types based on their
ground floor design.
The Student’s t test (p

203
Table 9. Results of comparisons of means of street types using Student’s t test.
type type difference std err dif lower CL upper CL p-value
4 1 2.1507 0.0945 1.9651 2.3363

204
el can mediate between urban design
and architectural design given the fact
that the urban situations of buildings
and land uses that can be accommodated
at the ground level are sensitive
to frontage and the character of the associated
street. Therefore, future studies
should focus on different attributes
of street design, including but not limited
to street widths, in conjunction
with street network configuration and
land use compositions both at ground
floor-level and road segment-scale.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dr.
Fatih Terzi for his invaluable support
with the analyses. This study was funded
through The Scientific and Technological
Research Council of Turkey
(TUBITAK 113K796).
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Yürünebilirliğin modellenmesi:
sokak tasarımı, yol-ağı örgütlenmesi
ve arazi kullanımının yaya
hareketine etkisi
Bu çalışma sokak tasarımı –sokak
çevresinin yerel nitelikleri-, yol-ağı örgütlenmesi
–kentsel dokunun mekânsal
yapısı-, ve arazi kullanım örüntüsünün
yaya hareket dağılımıyla olan
ilişkisini incelemektedir. Çalışmanın
amacı, sistematik olarak ölçülen yol
ölçekli kentsel tasarım nitelikleri ile
nesnel olarak ölçülen yol-ağı örgütlenmesinin
yaya hareketi ve arazi kullanımı
ile arasında ne derecede bir bağıntı
olduğunu ortaya koymaktır.
Sokak tasarımı, yol örgütlenmesi ve
yaya hareket yoğunlukları arasındaki
bağıntıyı ortaya koymak için İstanbul’un
Anadolu yakasında seçilen 20
adet 2kmx2km’lik alan çalışılmıştır.
Yaya yoğunlukları ile ilgili veriler alan
içinden seçilen yol-parçalarında gerçekleştirilen
yaya sayımları aracılığıyla
elde edilmiştir. Aynı yol-parçaları; estetik
nitelikler, sokak işaretleri, kaldırım
tasarımı, yaya geçitleri/trafik ışıkları,
giriş katı kullanımları ve CBS kaynaklı
parsel ölçekli arazi kullanım yoğunlukları
ve sokak ölçekli topografya verileri
bağlamında detaylı saha analizlerine
tabi tutulmuştur. Alanlardaki yol-ağı
örgütlenmesi açısal yol-parçası analizi
(Bütünleşme ve Tercih) ile parametrik
bağıntılılık ölçütleri (Metrik ve Açısal
Erişim) ile değerlendirilmiştir. Sokak
tasarımı, yol-ağı örgütlenmesi, arazi
kullanımı ve yürüme davranışı arasındaki
ilişkiyi incelemek için doğrusal
modelleme yöntemi kullanılmıştır.
Bu çalışma, sokak çevresinin kentsel
tasarım niteliklerinin ve sokak ağı
örüntüsünün yaya hareketi üzerindeki
karşılaştırmalı rollerine dair ortaya
koyduğu bulgularla önceki çalışmalara
katkıda bulunmaktadır. Ön bulgular;
-sokak çevresinin yerel kentsel tasarım
nitelikleriyle ilintili bazı özelliklerinin
önemi göz ardı edilmeksizin- yol ağının
genel mekânsal örgütlenmesinin,
yaya hareketinin tanımlanması ve düzenlemesinde
önemli bir değişken olduğunu
göstermektedir.
Modeling walkability: The effects of street design, street-network configuration and land-use on
pedestrian movement

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 209-225
Does favorite design lead to good
design?: Taxi design competitions
in Istanbul and New York City
Harun EKİNOĞLU 1 , Gülname TURAN 2
1
harun.ekinoglu@gmail.com • Department of City and Regional Planning,
Graduate School of Science, Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical
University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
gulname.turan@gmail.com • Department of Industrial ProductDesign, Faculty
of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2014 Final Acceptance: June 2015
Abstract
The changes in both urban and national bureaucracy over the last few decades
have been described as a shift from “government” to “governance” or as a move
from the “old government” to “new governance” (Kjaer, 2009, p. 138). A shift in
the public affairs from old public management to the new public management has
reasoned the emergence of pluralism and open-discussion platforms into the public
tradition, which has also triggered a new paradox: The challenge of pluralism.
Although pluralism is an essential ingredient of participation, it accommodates
difficulties. The society consists of a huge diversity of different social, cultural, anthropological
and emotional attachments. We have different moral codes. When
our design ideas compete, so do our values and societal commitments. We recognise
those tensions in the rival claims of ideology, ethnicity, gender, religion and
locality (Bellamy, 1999, p. 1). Within this article the struggle between the searches
for good design vs. popular phenomena is being questioned out of Istanbul and
New York City’s (NYC) taxi design competitions’ methodologies and results. Experiences
revealed from both case studies prove that the challenge between the
popular taste and search for good design may not always promote either design
itself or the promoter.
Keywords
Design, Society, Good design, Popularity, Competition, Governance.

210
1. Introduction
1.1. Theoretical approach
According to Kjaer (2009), since the
1980s, public administration has been
reformed towards a new focus and
hierarchy between politics and public
administration through the term
governance. This was also a shift to an
organisational set up emphasising the
functionalities of the networks and
juxtaposing roles of politicians, public
administrators and civic actors (Kjaer,
2009, p. 138). This is no less the case
in the local state where the change has
been described as a move from “local
government” to “community governance”.
Urban Governance theory thus
highlights changes in urban bureaucracy
such as the move towards a blurring
of public private boundaries, the rise of
an increasing number of governance
networks and a greater inclusion of
actors other than the local state in the
pursuit of community goals (Kjaer,
2009, p. 138).
In late 1960s, rationalist architects
such as Christopher Jones, Christopher
Alexander, Tom Markus and Ray
Studer claimed that considering some
mathematical models could objectify a
better programmed decision-making
process (Broadbent, 1980). However,
by the 1970s these highly rationalist
design methods had been rejected
since they were also setting the goals
in a top-down approach defining the
problems away from a world made up
of a great diversity of values and priorities
(Comeiro, 1990). Scholars underlined
the difficulties faced when applying
mechanical-rationalistic methods
to design problems. Contemporary
society has complicated issues related
to everyday urban life that straight
methods of planning can no more
deal with. Conventional approaches
to already defined problems could no
longer be adapted to the wide array of
today’s wicked problems which are in
fact symptoms of some other everyday
problems with no formulated solutions.
Different layers of the society
with different value judgements would
no longer face the problems triggered
by some other problems with the same
set of criteria. There is no common
“true” or “false” where of incomplete
and contradictory knowledge with a
vast amount of people and opinions
involved. In such ambiguity, the search
of a solution that works for everyone
becomes a useless struggle with conventional
top-down decision making
traditions (Comeiro, 1990). Thus urban
life-related design problems would
be best solved in a process that paves
the way for direct involvement and
deliberative dialogue among the all
concerned ones. Hence, design comes
up as a public discourse and paves the
way for public debate in order to expose
and spread the current state of art
knowledge about the problem, since no
one in fact has expertise to come with
a solution. Fischer (2000) in “Symmetry
of Ignorance” draws a core understanding
and states that individuals are
not equal in what they know, but in
what they do not know. The knowledge
or the opinion that each of us has, may
greatly alter and evolve the content and
profile of the solution. This view, especially
in metropolitan cities, encourages
rejecting the conventional top-down
methods to find out solutions to design
related urban problems. Thus, it surely
encourages democratic and open-discussions
where all the stake holders or
interest groups should have their interests
and opinions articulated.
By the late 1980s a clear change
occurred in local administrations’
approach to commissioning design.
Accordingly, they started to plan the
entire design process in a participatory
manner, opening up to all stake
holders in collaboration with actors of
private sector and academia. This new
pluralist, open and transparent “Second
Generation Design Method” (Comeiro,
1990) resulted not only in a new
role of the public authorities but also
for designers. Governance in design
triggered a trend from user-centered to
user-led design (Sanders, 2002). Blurry
lines between the designer and user
ushered in a rise of highly programmed
interactive platforms for understanding
the user’s experiences, needs and
reactions. In a transition from government
to governance, the notion of
design has surely had its share from
this transition. The focus of the design
activity shifted from the design object
itself towards participative and inclu-
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1
Istanbulites
experienced this
type of a collective
decision making
before the new taxi
competition, for
selecting the new
city boat in 2006.
The Department of
Istanbul Maritime
Lines asked people
to vote for their
favorite boat design
out of 8 different
alternatives. The
majority (41% of
the voters), voted
for the design
resembling the
former the most
(Hurriyet, 2006).
Today, the old
and new boats
float among giant
oil tankers on
the Bosphorus,
surrounded by
armies of seagulls
(ZeroIstanbul,
2012, p. 110).
sionary character of the process of the
design. The core contribution of participatory
design methods is, to the extent
possible, that the user’s knowledge and
intervention is collected and utilized in
design process. Theory of participatory
design methods also underlines that in
addition the democratizing the design
it also promotes the identification of
the point-in-question design matter.
Participation is also considered as a
method for legitimizing the majority’s
views and unifying the opposing views
in a collective way. Thus, participation
as a tool acts like an educative and socialization
catalyser (Comeiro, 1990).
The reflection of “new governance”
in design finds itself as “participatory
design”. Participatory design in architecture
and planning, together with its
theory and techniques have been on
the agenda of city planners and architects
since the 1970s, as a considerable
movement towards the direct involvement
of the public in the definition of
their physical environment. Participatory
industrial design later followed
the way. Participation is a matter of
control over decisions by the participants.
Having explained the shift from
local government to a new governance
and its synergy of win-win interactions
between public, private and community;
and the relationship between the
new governance and participatory design,
two participatory design intend
from two different cities -Istanbul and
New York- that are comparable in certain
aspects will be discussed. In the
two design competitions discussed
here, the activity of “participation” is
enabled through competitions where
professional/independent designers or
manufacturers were invited to make
new taxi designs and public to select
its favourite by the local governments
of two metropolitan cities 1 . According
to Wulz (1986/1990, p. 39), a design
competition is a solution to alienation
between designers and users through
allowing users to employ their influence
in the design or decision making
process. Participation is a general
concept with different forms of decision
making methods by the involved
parties. Participation can be active or
passive as Wulz defines in seven different
forms and stages: Representation,
211
Questionnaire, Regionalism, Dialogue,
Alternative, Co-decision and Self-decision
(Wulz, 1986/1990, p. 41).
According to Wulz (1986/1990, p.
41), representation is a passive form
of participation where designer, with a
clear social sensitivity, considers himself/herself
as the user or client in design
process and designs accordingly.
Questionnaire is another passive form
of participation of the anonymous user.
The objective is clear; more observable
and statistically comprehensible data
can better take the designer to the
user needs and experiences. Regionalism
appears as a solid concern for the
place based values and references of a
particular territory where the design
is made for. Dialogue is based on the
concept of using people’s knowledge as
a source and asking them to comment
on the designer’s proposal while the design
process is in progress. This sort of
dialogue may either happen face to face
or through a dynamic interface. Alternative
is a form of participation where
the users are encouraged to make selection
out of a number of different design
alternatives. The critical aspect of
this type of participation is the possible
restrictive effects of the presentation.
The way that the alternatives are presented
is vital in terms of the impression
created. Co-decision is a participation
method where the citizen/user
has the biggest role starting from the
design process to decision making out
of alternatives. The promoting agency
manages the entire process without
imposing or dominating the design.
The citizens are both active designers
and the decision makers throughout
the entire process. Competitions from
ideas, emerged from the public, to the
selection of the final design among the
alternatives have a lot to offer in sense
of co-decision way of participation
(Volker, 2010) (Nasar & Kang, 1989).
Self-decision is a participation model
where not only the majority but everybody
has equal right to influence the
design. Wulz (1986/1990, p. 46) states
that this is a form of self-build or selfhelp
method where the designer or
architect is engaged as a consultant.
However, self-decision design method
can only be applied in small groups
for productive design processes. If not,
Does favorite design lead to good design?: Taxi design competitions in Istanbul and New York City

212
representatives of the groups need to
work with the consultant and this may
undermine the synergy of this method.
Below the steps taken in “taxi design”
attempt of both cities are discussed
with reference to aforementioned participatory
design methods where there
are similarities.
2. A brief review of both design competitions:
commonalities and differences
The necessity of new design concepts
led to design competitions for
taxi cars in NYC and Istanbul during
approximately the same time period.
Istanbul’s competition launched in
March 2011 while NYC’s occurred in
May 2011. In NYC, pre-competition
process and R&D phase started in 2007
with a vast amount of public consensus
studies. The city administration
issued a request for proposals for the
manufacturers and designers to submit
their designs for a purpose-built taxi
design to serve as NYC’s taxi of tomorrow
(DTPS, 2007) (nyc.gov, 2011). The
shortlisted entrants to NYC competition
were announced in February 2011
for the online voting and the winning
entry was announced in April 2011.
Istanbul’s early pre-competition studies
started in 2009, through meetings
with Chamber of Istanbul Taxi Drivers,
Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality’s
(IMM) Mass Transportation Services,
independent designers and manufacturers,
lasting from 2009 to 2010 (IBB,
2010). The competition design brief
was prepared in 2010 and the competition
has been launched in March 2011
(www.taksitasarim.ibb.gov.tr, 2011).
This paper draws a critical perspective
on the participatory design attempts
for designing the next generation
of taxis by two world class cities,
NYC and Istanbul, with diversified
rankings of business activity, human
capital, information exchange, cultural
experience and political engagement
(Hales, Peterson, Pena, & Gott, 2014).
The paper builds a critical review on
both cities’ participatory design activisms
in their differences and similarities.
Apparently, two cases have methodological
differences as well as some
similarities. Differences of both cases
are considered to be factors contributing
to the argument for questioning
the tension between the search of good
design and challenge of popular phenomena.
Two important points need to be
stated in the beginning of the paper,
one of which is about the term good
design, and the second is the involvement
of the authors in the mentioned
competitions. It is obvious that there
are different sets of characteristics attributed
to good design when gazed
into design history and theory, and
the paper is held within this acception.
On the other hand, there are common
characteristics such as usefulness, understandability,
unobtrusiveness, aesthetics,
honesty, sustainability and
environmental friendliness, most of
which can be traced in the ten commandments
of good design put by
the German designer/architect Dieter
Rams in the 1970s. The first author of
the paper, free from evaluation of the
entries, was in charge of providing independent
design consultancy to the
City of Istanbul throughout the entire
competition.
Both cities witnessed a thorough
R&D process as the private sector and
NGOs focused on the quality of taxi
services. Thus both cities perceived the
issue as a societal matter as well as design
and they planned an open process
for designers and for the citizens who
would be able to vote for their own favourite
taxi concept.
3. Istanbul and New York City cases:
Istanbul case
Taxi service in Istanbul is a complex
issue. Considering Istanbul’s
heavy traffic congestions make it clear
that taxi cabs are effective for the citizens,
thus they bear an importance
not only for their service but also for
the aesthetic effects created by the taxis
within the city. It is not only a vital
part of daily transportation but also
the centre of controversies with its ever
growing chronic problems on city’s
agenda. IMM’s Department of Mass
Transportation Services reports that
there are 18,000 registered cabs, and
between 30,000 to 60,000 illegal taxis
giving service around Istanbul, a city
of 14 million (IBB, 2010). According to
Aydinonat general public perception
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • H. Ekinoğlu, G. Turan

213
about the service quality of the taxis
in Istanbul is remarkably low (Aydinonat,
2013). Principally IMM restricts
the number of registered taxi plates,
which can be leased for taxi service.
Thus an ever increasing demand at the
city for taxi service is making the value
of a single taxi plate a very profitable
investment tool, in free market. Today
the value for a taxi plate is listed at almost
1,2 million Turkish Lira (approx.
$500.000) (milliyet, 2013). Ownership
of constantly increasing taxi plates is
perceived as an alternative investment
instrument. Therefore providing a high
quality taxi service has become less important.
Problems with Istanbul taxis’
low service quality are more or less a
result of this fact together with the issue
that there exists no rivalry on the
quality of service provided by taxis.
There are also illegal taxis around
the city because of growing demand
for taxi services. These illegal ones are
fulfilling this need. It is estimated that
government’s annual tax loss due to
illegal taxis is approximately 100 million
Turkish Liras (cnbce, 2013). Under
these circumstances, the rationale
behind the restrictions on the number
of registered plates becomes dubious.
One answer could be the vested interests
of current holders of these plates.
In Table 1, Aydinonat (2013) sheds
some light on facts and figures about
number of the taxis around the world
metropolitan areas as in the following
(TUBITAK & Cetin&Oguz, 2007,
Table 1. Number of the taxis around some
of the world’s important metropolitan areas
(TUBITAK & Cetin&Oguz, 2007, 2010,
2013, 2008).
2010, 2013, 2008);
The above numbers show that on average
a single legal taxi is giving service
to 800 people in Istanbul, versus 662
people in NYC. Although the numbers
for Istanbul point out an insufficient
amount of legal taxis in the city,
authorities still prefer not to increase
the number of the registered plates.
Apparently as long as the numbers of
the registered plates remain constant,
the service quality of the legal taxis will
have no reason to increase in Istanbul.
In other words, currently there is no
reason for emergence of competition
for a higher quality taxi service among
the taxi service providers in Istanbul
apart from IMM’s concerns. Nevertheless
under these circumstances in the
period between 2009 and 2010, IMM’s
Department of Urban Design began
to work organising a taxi design competition
to increase the standards and
service quality of Istanbul taxis (IBB,
2010).
City of Istanbul’s main concern was
to make a process of design involving
open dialogue, communication and
trust as Sanoff cites as the integral parts
of participatory design (Sanoff, 1990,
pp. 5-21). Istanbul’s attempt, almost in
the same period with NYC, to launch
a taxi design competition for the city,
was a national and two-phased “Taxi
System Design Competition”. In March
2011, IMM has launched Istanbul’s
new Taxi System Design Competition
as a design idea competition to seek
and promote creative ideas, approaches
and new design concepts under 4
sub-design themes: a taxi for the general
purposes, eco-taxi, a taxi communication
system and a taxi stop/service
point, and with 3 different designer
profiles; professional designers, university
teams and high school students.
The city’s participatory design proposition
as Sanoff (1990, pp. 6-7) also de-
scribes was based on a belief that people
affected by design decisions should
be involved in the process of making
those decisions. In other words, IMM
paved the way for the emergence of the
local creativity.
Having understood the reasoning
behind the attempt of a design competition
for the city’s new taxi concept,
searching for a consensus at second
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214
stage for the shortlisted design proposals
presented another challenge: finding
balance between the creativity of emergence
and stability of design (Hamdi,
2004, p. 18). The finalists in each design
case were announced on the competition’s
web site and their proposals were
put to a popular vote. All around the
world, nearly 1.5 million people visited
Istanbul’s taxi design competition web
pages and more than 340.000 people
voted for the shortlisted design proposals
over 15 days (www.taksitasarim.
ibb.gov.tr, 2011). Finally an interdisciplinary
jury made its decisions for the
award winning designs in line with
people’s votes through considering the
amount of the online votes for each design
proposals. The whole process was
a step-by-step interactive design activity
from the beginning till the end and
an “open to everybody’s ideas” process
intending to make the new taxis “everybody’s
taxi”. Sanoff states his experience
in user participation in design as
“the main source of user satisfaction is
not so much the degree to which his or
her needs have been met, but the feeling
of having influenced the decision”
(Sanoff, 2006, p. 140)
3.1. The general structure of Istanbul’s
design competition
Istanbul’s competition granted a
feeling of control over the new design
ideas was also a social contract between
the city and citizens as Sanoff
(1990, pp. 5-21) depicts, implying that
their needs, values and ideas would be
taken into consideration. The competition’s
design brief explained that the
city authority invited all the professionals,
college and high schooled designers
into the competition no matter
what company or manufacturer they
were working for. Istanbul city authority
and the jury both accepted this
principle to provide and strengthen the
equality and avoid any conflict of interest
between the contestants, the jury
and the city authority (IBB_Design-
Brief, 2011).
As a step by step interactive design
activity, Istanbul’s taxi design competition
was a collaboration between
the contestants, executing authority of
the city and the members of a multidisciplinary
jury. By definition of participatory
design Wulz defines this as
co-decision in his approach of seven
forms and stages of participatory design
(Wulz, 1986/1990, p. 41). Prior
issue of co-decision is developing a
balance between design process and
decision-making. According to Wulz
(1986/1990) co-decision involves the
stake holders from the beginning of a
design process and aims at user’s direct
and active participation.
The jury of Istanbul’s competition
has been chaired by a keynote personality,
Önder Küçükerman, who
pioneered both the establishment of
industrial design education and corporate
design activities in Turkey. By the
Figure 1. Shortlisted final 4 design proposals presented at the
online poll (www.taksitasarim.ibb.gov.tr, 2011).
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215
Figure 2. General view of Istanbul’s winning
taxi design proposal (www.taksitasarim.ibb.
gov.tr, 2012).
Figure 3. General view of Istanbul’s winning
taxi design proposal (www.taksitasarim.ibb.
gov.tr, 2012).
Figure 4. General inner view of Istanbul’s
winning taxi design proposal, (www.
taksitasarim.ibb.gov.tr, 2012).
end of the first step evaluations of the
design proposals, high school students’
category award winning designs were
determined by the jury (IBB-Rec1,
2011). The shortlisted design proposals
on each of the four sub-themes belong
to professionals’ category and university
students/teams’ category have been
chosen and announced, as entrant
codes, on the competition’s website
(IBB-Rec2, 2011). Another two months
of project developing process was given
with a new set of criteria developed
by the multi-disciplinary jury for the
shortlisted projects in each design cases
(IBB-Rec2, 2011). By the end of the
second phase, the jury again chose the
properly and satisfyingly developed
four design proposals in Figure 1. to
present at online polls at competition
web site during fifteen days (IBB-Rec3,
2011). According to the city authorities,
people’s votes were meant to distinguish
the good designs and to end
up the all process without ambiguity
and discussion (IBB-Rec5, 2011). Online
poll results clearly pointed people’s
favourite designs on each theme for
both contestant profiles. Sanoff defines
it as “the issue of individual influence
in decision making and its proportional
impact that can best be resolved by
the participants themselves” (Sanoff,
1990, p. 1).
Taxi for the general purpose of the
Professionals Category online poll results
were shaped as in the following
(IBB-Rec4, 2011) (www.taksitasarim.
ibb.gov.tr, 2011):
According to the jury evaluations,
the project with P4 code was one of
the most promising one in terms of its
satisfying and advanced project presentation
shown as in Figures 2, 3 and
4 (IBB-Rec4, 2011). This fact was appreciated
by the jury at the last meeting
before the online voting process
(IBB-Rec4, 2011). However, the project
also conveyed some unqualified
design decisions and incorrect technical
resolutions (IBB-Rec4, 2011).
Even though the jury was impressed
with its professional presentation, the
odds with specific design and technical
proposal were also openly criticised
(IBB-Rec4, 2011) (IBB-Rec5, 2011).
The jury articulated the general problems
as exaggerated proportions, bad
seat positions and inappropriate placement
of the sliding doors (IBB-Rec4,
2011) (IBB-Rec5, 2011). According to
the members of the jury, the majority
of the voters would have never seen
the projects through the eye of a technical
expert but his/her own personal
taste of aesthetic or beauty (IBB-Rec4,
2011) (IBB-Rec5, 2011). The modest
and appropriate design features and
the consistent inner and outer technical
resolutions in appropriate proportions
of the taxi design project with
the P21 code were also noted and appreciated
by the jury (IBB-Rec4, 2011)
(IBB-Rec5, 2011). 129,575 votes had
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216
Figure 5. Jury and technical committee
studies ( IMM-Department of Urban Design
Archive, 2012).
been clicked for the finalist four design
projects in general taxi design category
(IBB-Rec5, 2011). The design proposal
P21 was voted by 41,2%, while project
P4 was preferred by 28,5% of the voters
(IBB-Rec5, 2011). The jury has chosen
P21 as the winning design of the
general taxi design category and it was
awarded with 100,000 Turkish Liras
(IBB-Rec5, 2011).
In spite of the written objections
raised by the designers of P4, the jury
and the technical committee in Figure
5, noted that “We have been looking
for a taxicab with clear taxi proportions
not a taxicab with minivan proportions”
(IBB-Rec5, 2011). Jury also
states that “Online poll results are also
clearly pointing out to this vital detail.
This is why the winner of this theme is
the project P21” (IBB-Rec5, 2011). According
to the jury, citizens’ favourite
design was obviously the fruitful result
of the search of “good design” in Istanbul’s
taxi design competition (IBB-
Rec5, 2011).
3.2. New York City case
“A taxi is not a car; it is a moveable
public space. It may have four wheels
and carry passengers, but the circumstances
are completely different”
(DTPS, 2007). A Ford’s Crown Victoria
Taxi cab, shown in Figure 6, in NYC
are both loved and hated by the New
Yorkers. They are assumed as practical
and alternative modes of transportation
over Manhattan throughout the
routes not sufficiently fulfilled by the
subways (www.ny.com). One can say
that the traffic that results alongside
the Manhattan’s streets is the flood of
the yellow cabs. With over 10,000 yellow
cabs giving service to NYC is the
prior reason to the mid-town traffic
Figure 6. In yellow-cab form, Ford’s Crown
Victoria has been an integral part of the
New York cityscape for years (http://news.
drive.com.au/drive/motor-news/revealed-
new-yorks-new-yellow-cab-20110504-
1e79l.html).
(DTPS, 2007). Goldberger, the Dean
of the Parsons The New School for Design,
says that “What is troubling about
the NYC taxi is not that it is ubiquitous,
but that it is so ill-suited to its job.
There is something brightening to the
cityscape in the constant flow of deep
yellow vehicles along the city streets
but then you get into one of them, and
you are reminded that it is hard to enter,
hard to leave, uncomfortable to sit
in, and awkward to carry luggage in.
It is as likely as not to be dirty, and it
may or may not have a functioning air
conditioner. It is hard to communicate
with the driver. And, although you are
unlikely to realize this is as a passenger,
the NYC taxi is no friend to the environment
(Goldberger).”
There is no doubt, hailing a cab in
NYC -with its spirit of freedom, power,
and anonymity - is more and more a
“must to do” thing in the city. A number
of people visiting the city and experiencing
the taxi cabs are making the
“NYC cab notion” among top tourist
attractions (DTPS, 2007). Although
taxis still accommodate a crucial NYC
experience, few would oppose to the
idea that they should be more comfortable,
better designed, and accessible
for all. Hence at the hundredth anniversary
of the gasoline powered taxi in
2007, the NYC’s Design Trust for Public
Space has been studying how this
iconic wealth of transportation could
be revised, with the eventual goal of
making a new taxi design for the century
turn over. In total, over 50 designers
and taxi stakeholders took part in a
spirited discussion of all things about
taxi where the participants discussed
trends in taxi design, the taxi’s role as
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217
a public space, and the ideal taxi of the
future, from the perspective of a taxi
passenger. On the basis of the effective
and operative efforts developed by the
NYC’s Design Trust for Public Space,
Table 2. NYC’s poll results for the “Taxi
of tomorrow” (Taxi of Tomorrow Survey
Results, NYC, TLC, 2011).
the studies and workshops have been
done for capacity building processes in
the search for NYC’s taxi of tomorrow
(DTPS, 2007).
Later on, in 2007, city officials convened
a group of stakeholders, including
representatives of taxi drivers,
owner and passengers, to create a set
of goals for the next NYC taxi cab,
a project called the “Taxi of Tomorrow”.
In December 2009, the authorities
initiated a “request for proposals,”
inviting auto manufacturers and designers
to submit their best ideas for
a purpose-built vehicle to serve as a
NYC taxicab. On May 3, 2011 it was
announced that the NV200, designed
by Nissan had been chosen as the
winner of the competition (nyc.gov,
2011) (DTPS, 2007) where the other
two finalist producers were Ford, and a
Turkish company Karsan.
Participatory point of NYC’s process
of seeking the “Taxi of Tomorrow”
is its online poll process for the
three finalist automotive companies’
design proposals. According to the poll
results, as appears in Table 2, Karsan
was voted as the “most loved” design,
with 38,9% of the “Love it” votes, by the
New Yorkers. The poll raised a unique
question; “What do you think of the
new designs?” and requested five dif-
ferent feelings for each design from the
citizens: The results, for the design proposals
shown in Figure 7,were shaped
as in the Table 2 (nyc.gov, 2011);
For each of the following design
proposals;
Eventually, NYC authority chose
Nissan as the “Taxi of Tomorrow” by
putting the poll results aside assuming
that the New Yorkers “loved” the Nissan’s
design too. However, this decision
has led to some controversy. Journalist
and blogger James Wagner wrote in
Fi
gure 7. Design proposals for the New York’s
“Taxi of Tomorrow”(www.taxiofto omorrow.
com, 2011).
Fi
gure 8. Prototype of selected design
concept of Ni
ssan NV 200 model. (www.
taxioft
omorrow.com, 2011).
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218
his e-article “NYC gets yesterday’s taxi,
not ‘The Taxi of Tomorrow’ “ stating
“Although the very modern, beautifully-designed,
extraordinarily-roomy
and fully-accessible Karsan V1 was
hailed by New Yorkers as their favourite,
the City ended up choosing the
least popular entry, the hideous Nissan
NV 200” (Wagner, 2012).
He continues by saying “While the
Nissan was certainly the most conservative
response to an important challenge,
in the end it will prove to have
been the most impractical choice, and
therefore the most radical, given the
parameters of the search: Of the three
finalists it responds the least well to
current taxi needs, and its environmental
and accessibility inadequacies,
among others, will look even more
grotesque as time goes by. According
to Wagner “in picking the barely-adequate,
ungainly and unlovely Nissan
“they” struck out once more, embarrassing
New Yorkers who actually care
about the city’s ability to get things
right (both better than and before others
do, if possible)” (Wagner, 2012). As
a response to the critics and reactions,
city authority informed that a French
designer François Farion would work
on the Nissan’s proposal to make it better
in design as the “Taxi of Tomorrow”
for the New Yorkers.
Immediately after TLC has announced
their final choice of the competition,
City Authority of NYC signed
an agreement worth $1 billion with
Nissan to supply city’s new unique taxi
cabs each for $29,000 market price
for the next ten years. Queens based
Taxi Safety Committee came out with
a claim that Nissan NV200, shown in
Figure 8, models were not up to date in
terms of taxi cab safety issues and they
litigated. Recently in early October of
2013, the Supreme Court decided for a
suspension of execution on the account
to the fact that the city has no privilege
to designate one single company to
provide city’s new taxi cabs (NYTimes,
2013). Apparently this has brought a
new and unexpected twist to the city’s
agenda on the process of implementation
of the new taxi cabs.
Wulz in his article of “The Concept
of Participation” claims that there is
always a controversy in participatory
design when majority’s choice dominates
minority’s expectations (Wulz,
1986/1990, pp. 41-44). In NYC case,
city’s final choice that paying no attention
to citizens’ decision is beyond
disturbing for both parties. Although
there may be many different reasons
on the selection of the Nissan’s design,
NYC’s decisions reminds the challenge
of “what happens when the most favourite
design is not approved as the
good design?”
4. Potential outcomes and critical
comparison of both cases
In NYC the designer companies
have been technically briefed prior to
making their bids. However in Istanbul,
IMM purposely let the designers
free for encouraging original ideas in
the first phase and briefed the shortlisted
entries on technical details in the
second phase of the competition (IBB-
Rec3, 2011). People in NYC expressed
their feelings for each design entry in
5 different ways from “like it” to “take
it or leave it” while in Istanbul, people
have only been asked to choose their
favourite design out of four finalist
entries. This paper considers the ratio
of “love it” votes in NYC as an equivalent
parameter to the ratio of “favourite”
votes in Istanbul’s poll. Other four
feelings for each of the three finalists’
design proposals in NYC are valuable
and yet might be considered as data for
another case study.
Post-competition agendas of Istanbul
and NYC were slightly different.
NYC authorities openly expressed that
it was a purpose built design competition
while City of Istanbul stated that
the winner design proposal could partially
or fully be implemented or considered
as a capacity building activity
for better taxi service standards for the
future (nyc.gov, 2011) (IBB_Design-
Brief, 2011). In addition to that, City
authority of Istanbul also required the
entrants to contest, free from their
corporate attachments, as independent
designers. These methodological
differences affected the profile of the
entrants in both competitions. Due
to differently articulated purposes
of the competitions, corporates and
manufacturers such as Nissan, Ford
and Karsan entered the competition
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219
in NYC while designers participated
in the competition in Istanbul as independent
contenders. From this point
of view Istanbul’s design competition
aims at involving the citizens in this
design experience as independent designers
while in NYC companies are in
charge of design and citizens are only
getting involved in the process via online
voting. The backbone of the participative
process of NYC design case
is mainly structured on getting people’s
feedback on the features of each design
proposal. Istanbul in this respect
is programming the entire competition
with a concern for promoting the citizen
involvement as much as possible
for different designer profiles and different
design themes (IBB_Design-
Brief, 2011, p. 5).
Both processes had different methodological
characteristics. Even though
NYC had three design proposals with
complete R&D backgrounds developed
by the manufacturers, the entire
process was finalized by the “least
loved” design (NYCTLC, 2011). On
the other hand, Istanbul’s design competition
for taxi and its system pieces
have promised to be multidisciplinary
design opportunities for the independent
designers and design teams. Even
though Istanbul’s method seems more
risky and challenging especially for the
post-competition progress and the industrialization
of the designs, the high
calibration between people’s favourite
designs and jury selections have
proved the success of the participation.
Istanbul’s design competition in
Wulz’s (1986/1990, pp. 44-45) terms is
a co-decision participation model that
mostly occurred as a balanced decision
making process. Likewise influencing
population had a direct influence on
the final decisions in Istanbul’s competition.
Jury showed highest effort to get
in line with people’s favourite designs
in all themes (IBB-Rec5, 2011). As an
exception, although one of the finalist
design proposals on “taxi stop/service
point” category was the most favourite
one by the poll, due to a considerable
amount of objection emails from the
public against it, the jury approved the
second most favourite design as the
winner (IBB-Rec5, 2011).
Putting the manufacturers or designers
at the very centre in the process
and encouraging them for new design
concepts for the city’s new taxi design
is somehow a serious task and a heavy
responsibility. Considering the vital
claims of “taxi is a design object” and
“taxi is not a car but a moving public
space,” its comfort, security, and
urban identity issues are respectfully
vital. Thus design of a taxicab may
become an even more complex issue.
When this sort of responsibility is programmed
as a step by step interactive
design process between city authority,
designers and citizens genuinely, then
the new design ideas inevitably may
have the chance to emerge from the inside
of the city. That is to say, the collective
taste of design may appear on the
stage. The good potential of the pluralism
in the society may activate a fruitful
discussion for the different design
ideas. However, academia emphasizes
that good design does not always have
to mirror the users’ wishes and tastes.
Users’ tastes, desires and interests on a
particular design object do not always
imply the success of it (nyc.gov, 2011).
One can say that the politicians behind
both Istanbul’s and NYC’s processes
did not only disregard this claim but
also the question of “is publicly favourite
design enough?” (Maile, 2012).
Numerous similar experiences exist
between the cases of NYC and Istanbul.
One of the design proposals in
both cases had clearly been highlighted
by significant public support. The city
authorities would have never felt better
about the results had they not consulted
with the broader society. Apparently
none of the political figures in both
cities would disagree on these clear
outcomes. Thanks to the well-organized
propaganda which is one of the
greatest weapons of pluralist western
democracies, missions in both cities
created successful PR processes out of
taxi and design issues. Yet the results
evolved differently.
Leading political authorities’ final
decisions in both cities had vital role
on the results of both processes. There
existed a respectful amount of a public
support for one particular design
idea, and the rejection of that design
for concerns of avoiding failures, and
continuing with a “least loved” de-
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220
sign proposal, triggered enormous
controversy in NYC. Avoiding the institutional
failures but faced with unpleasant
critics may be defined as the
unforeseen risk of the game. According
to McGrath “most organizations
are profoundly biased against failure
and make no systematic effort to study
it. Executives hide mistakes or pretend
they were always part of the master
plan. Failures become undiscussable,
and people grow so afraid of hurting
their career prospects that they eventually
stop taking risks” (McGrath, 2011).
This is, more or less, what happened
in NYC where the process was barely
supported by the civic society until the
politicians decided to continue with
the “least loved” design concept of the
competition (nyc.gov, 2011). This situation
had increased a public tension
especially at intellectuals’ side of the
city. They all raised the same question:
Is the taxi of tomorrow the least loved
design idea? Where is the vision in it?
The fact is that the visions may be revised.
Lootsma states “let us define our
terms” and continues: “revisionism is a
tendency where in general politics take
position (Lootsma, 2011). This is a tendency
to conserve what once existed
and still aims at radical change in the
present system. Revisionism is a path
between revolution and conservatism.
Needless to say that this is the route
and the tension of post-modernism
(Lootsma, 2011). Apparently this tension
was the major struggle that politicians
in both cities have faced.
Relatively Istanbul’s experience is
no more different in this respect. The
Istanbulites’ favourite design and the
common taste of design of the public
majority was awarded as the winner
design which had a support of 41,2%
amongst all (IBB-Rec5, 2011).To this
end, Istanbul’s competition did not
only award the designers but also to
the public opinion and its common
taste. Due to no prior commitment for
the production of the winning design,
designers had no concrete expectation
for the production. Following the city’s
responsible authorities decided not to
produce the winner design but considering
and implementing its high
service and design standards for the
different type of taxicabs that will provide
service within the city in the near
future (hurriyet, 2011). Being different
from NYC, Istanbul’s design competition
and its following process, with 4
major design cases, 3 major designer
profiles and online voting to search
for a public consensus, was a city wide
capacity building process. Istanbul has
never committed the production of the
winning design concepts as a whole as
New York did. To this end public discomfort
against to all process in public
opinion in Istanbul is much harmless
when comparing to the opposition
voices in New York.
When considering the controversial
topic on the post-competition progress
of NYC’s “taxi of tomorrow” project,
one can say that NYC does not have
a publicly-supported new taxi design
concept as Istanbul achieved at the end
of the whole competition. Differently
from Istanbul, NYC wanted to develop
the new design concept for the
city’s new taxicabs through a process
that invited and included manufacturers.
Similarly, both NYC and Istanbul
made the citizens to vote online for the
shortlisted design ideas. Istanbul and
NYC political authorities’ enthusiasm
to consider public reactions for taxi
and its system design made both processes
into a popular design activity.
4.1. Comparative and theoretical discussions:
The challenge of plurality in
design
The Reagan and Thatcher era of the
1980s was characterized by an array of
new public management reforms that
were, if not global, then at least very
widespread in geographical scope. Although
there is no agreed upon definition
of new public management, most
observers seem to agree that it entails
at least seven aspects transferred from
private sector management principles
to the public sector, such as handsoff,
professional management, explicit
standards and measures of performance,
managing by result and value
for money, privatization, agentification,
competition, decentralization
and citizen empowerment (Kjaer, 2009,
p. 138). However, a new paradox appeared:
challenge of pluralism. Needless
to stay, discussions in open and
pluralist platforms are far more chal-
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221
lenging than those happening behind
the doors.
According to Bellamy, such pluralism
gets into modern societies, the
mixed blessing of their differentiation
and openness (Bellamy, 1999, p. 1).
When the associated diversity enhances
one’s everyday life’s efficiency, it may
also reason many of its troubles being
obliged to choose between conflicting
constraints, purposes, rules and considerations.
The theory and practice
of politics are no less stable in a world
of rapidly growing social and value
pluralism. Due to a trend of becoming
more and more heterogeneous, citizens
hold ever more atypical and often contrary
identities, ideologies and interests
in western developed societies. Not
only private but also public life may encounter
problematic and occasionally
even tragic choices. However these circumstances
place contemporary orders
in a dilemma: can they respect plurality
yet produce collective contracts that
govern an unobligated loyalty?
When reconsidering the concepts of
the popularity of design and the power
of plurality in the same pot, Istanbul’s
taxi design competition is inspiringly
convincing to develop inquisitorial
analogies about the tension between
popularity of design objects and the
search of good design. Both cases
suggest that crediting the majority’s
“good” as “good” without experiencing
it, emerges to be a paradoxical issue.
5. Discussion and conclusion
Populist Politicians react with a postmodern,
but confused, way (Lootsma,
2011). Confusion may appear in any
way that the politician would not prefer
to be a part of, especially after all his attempts
to reach to the pluralist creative
opinion of the society via a well-organized
process. A dilemma between
public opinion and some technical or
legal concerns may put the politician in
an opposite position in comparison to
overall mission of the process.
Beyond a doubt this kind of change
in expression and in mind setting
might result by a decrease in his or her
public support. Looking for innovation
to upgrade the urban life may be energized
through populism from a political
point of view. However, possible
conflicts between populism and real
world constraints especially for design
ideas obtained via open public processes
may naturally bring up some unexpected
concerns on public stage. One
can say that developing creative ideas
for design objects for wide public use
throughout an open and participatory
process has its own rules.
This may imply a shift in literal and
technical definition of governance in
design issues. Evidence gained from
both metropolitan cities’ participatory
design processes suggests that when
the deal is design, populism does not
always take us to good design and the
political promoter may somehow be
harmed through the process. Instead of
making generalizations on the issue of
good design versus the popular one and
its relation to participatory approach,
two concrete competitions with similarities
depicted a fruitful platform to
engage critical review. Is the most popular
design always the good design? or
“Is publicly favourite design enough?”
Design thinkers and academia suggest
that the answer might just be “no”
(Maile, 2012) (McGrath, 2011). Experience
revealed from both of the different
approaches of NYC’s and Istanbul’s
design competitions and post-competition
discussion and decisions inform
us that the design preferred by the
public on paper may not always be the
good design unless it is produced, used
and proved. On the other hand a good
design as defined and agreed by the experts
may not always be the most popular
design for people who may have
different criteria and taste from those
who determine what the good design
is.
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İyi tasarımı “favori tasarım” yoluyla
aramak: İstanbul ve New
York taksi tasarım yarışmaları
Son bir kaç on yıldır ulusal ve kentsel
bürokraside yaşanan değişimler
“Yönetimden” “Yönetişime” veya “Eski
Yönetim” biçiminden “Yeni Yönetişim”
biçimine geçiş olarak tanımlanmaktadır
(Kjaer, 2009). Bu aynı zamanda
çeşitli ortak özel amaçlar için bir araya
gelen yerel yöneticiler, kamu idarecileri,
akademisyenler veya kar amacı
gütmeyen sivil aktörlerden oluşan bir
ağ yapısının hedeflenen belli bir amaca
dönük tanımlanan bir organizasyon
yapısı olarak kurulmasıdır. Literatürde
bu şekilde özel bir amaca dönük yatay
ve dikey hiyerarşileri olmayan esnek
ve çoğulcu örgütlenme biçimi “Yerel
Yönetim” den, “Toplumsal Yönetişim”e
geçiş olarak da tariflenmektedir. Yönetişim
teorisi bunu kamu, özel ve sivil
toplum arasındaki kesin çizgilerin bulanıklaşması
olarak da tanımlarken söz
konusu ağ yapılanmasının başarısını;
ilgili tüm aktörleri dahil edebilmesi ve
hedeflenen amacı gerçekleştirmeye dönük
kurduğu ilişkileri ile de orantılar
(Kjaer, 2009, p. 138). 1960’larda Christopher
Jones, Christopher Alexander,
Tom Markus ve Ray Studer gibi rasyonalist
düşünce temsilcisi mimarlar bir
takım matematiksel modellerin tasarımcıları
daha iyi karar alma süreçlerine
götürebileceğini savunmaktaydı
(Broadbent, 1980). Ancak 1970’lerde
oldukça rasyonalist bu önerilerin aslında
muazzam bir değerler ve öncelikler
çeşitliliğini içinde barındıran bir dünyaya
ait problemleri doğru tanımlamada
yetersiz kaldığı görüşü önem kazandı
(Comeiro, 1990). Günümüz çok
sesli ve çok katmanlı modern toplumları
için kent hayatına dair karmaşık
Does favorite design lead to good design?: Taxi design competitions in Istanbul and New York City

224
sorunlara çözüm üretmede geleneksel
yukarıdan-aşağı tek yönlü karar alma
süreçleri yetersiz kalmaktadır. Bu yetersizlik
kendini en çok geniş halk kitlelerini
ve kent hayatını doğrudan ilgilendiren
tasarım problemlerinin doğru
tanımlanması ve iyi tasarım önerileri
geliştirilmesi ihtiyacında göstermektedir.
Bu ihtiyacın beraberinde getirdiği
sorunsallardan en önemlisi ise “çesitlilik”
olarak kendini göstermektedir.
Toplumsal yapı farklı sosyal, kültürel,
antropolojik ve duygusal bağları olan
yüksek bir çeşitliliği bünyesinde barındırmaktadır.
Hepimizin farklı estetik
ve ahlak/etik kodları bulunmaktadır.
Bu nedenledir ki; kamu çalışmalarında
eski kamu yönetiminden yeni
kamu yönetimi anlayışına kayış; çoğulcu
ve tartışmalara açık platformların
kamu geleneği içinde kendini göstermesiyle
birlikte yeni bir paradoksu tetikledi:
Çoğulculuk Meselesi. Çoğulculuk
katılım için olmazsa olmaz bir girdi
olmasına rağmen bir takım zorlukları
da beraberinde getirmektedir. Kendi
içinde yüksek bir çeşitlilik ve çok seslilik
barındıran bir kent toplumunun
günlük yaşam standartlarını ilgilendiren
tasarım problemlerine çözüm ararken
genel-geçer doğru ve yanlışlardan
söz etmek ve herkes için işleyen bir çözüm
geliştirmek güç bir durum halini
almaktadır. Çünkü toplumsal çeşitlilik
ve farklılıkların tasarımdaki karşılığı
yaklaşımların, fikirlerin ve önerilerin
çeşitliliği olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır.
Bizler tasarım fikirlerimizi yarıştırırken
diğer yandan değerlerimizi ve
toplumsal, sosyal ve mekansal yorumlarımızı
da yarıştırmaktayız. Tüm bu
gerilimi, eğitimin, ideolojinin, etnik
yapının, toplumsal cinsiyetin, dinin ve
yerelliğin birbiriyle örtüşmeyen, rekabet
eden veya çelişen kabulleri içinde
teşhis etmekteyiz (Bellamy, 1999, p.
1). Bu makalede “iyi tasarım arayışı”
ile “popülerlik / favori olma durumu”
ya da daha anlaşılır bir ifadeyle “halk
tarafından belirlenme ve benimsenme”
olgusu arasındaki gerilim, İstanbul ve
New York kentlerinin taksi tasarım yarışmalarının
yöntemleri ve sonuçları
üzerinden sorgulanmaktadır.
Tasarım yarışmaları bu çesitliliği
tasarıma girdi olarak değerlendirirken
halk oylamaları herkesi kapsamayı hedefleyen
çoğulcu bir karar alma yöntemi
olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu
açıdan değerlendirildiğinde katılımcı
tasarım kuramlarına göre tasarım yarışmaları
ve halk oylamaları “birlikte
karar alma/co-decision” modeli olarak
tanımlanmaktadır (Wulz, 1986/1990,
p. 41). Bu makalede anlamlı benzerlikleri
olan iki örnek olay olarak, “İstanbul
için Taksi Tasarım Sistemi Yarışması”
ve “New York için Geleceğin Taksisi /
Taxi of Tomorrow for New York”, tasarım
yarışmaları ve halk oylamaları
yukarıda tanımlanan “birlikte karar
verme” katılımcı tasarım uygulamaları
örnekleri olarak incelenmiştir. Her iki
tasarım yarışması kendine özgü farklılıklara
sahip olmakla birlikte özellikle
katılımcı tasarım uygulamaları
açısından benzerlikler arz etmektedir.
İki yarışmanın birbirinden ayrılan en
belirgin özelliği, yarışmaya katılabilecek
kişilerin nasıl tanımlandığıdır. İstanbul’un
yarışması özgün fikirleriyle
katkı sunabilecek her kesimden insanı
-orta öğretim öğrencileri, üniversite
ekipleri, profesyonel tasarımcılar kategorileriyle
- bağımsız tasarımcılar
olarak tasarım sürecine dahil ederken;
New York yarışma komitesi, tasarım
sürecini davet ettiği otomotiv sektörünün
temsilcileri, Nissan, Ford, Karsan
gibi profesyonel tasarım oluşumlarıyla
sürdürmektedir. Her iki yarışmada
finalist tasarım önerilerinin yarışma
web siteleriyle halk oyuna sunulması
izlenen temel ortak katılım yöntemidir.
Makalenin argümanı İstanbul’un
halk oylamasında profesyonel kategoride
genel amaçlı taksi tasarımı için
en yüksek oyu alan, diğer bir deyişle
“en favori” tasarım, New York’un halk
oylamasında ise en beğenilen, yani en
yüksek oranda “love it” oyunu alan, tasarım
önerileri ve bu tasarımlara dair
tartışmalar üzerine kurulmuştur.
Her iki örnek olayda ortaya çıkan
durum şöyle özetlenebilir: Popüler beğeni
ile iyi tasarım arayışı arasındaki
mücadelenin, temelde aynı amaca dönük
arayışlar gibi gözükseler de, farklı
kaygıları bulunabilmektedir. Daha
konforlu, daha “modern” ya da “güncel”,
daha güvenli ve kent kimliğine katkıda
bulunacak başarılı taksi tasarımlarının
kent yaşamının standartlarını yükseltmeye
dönük, katılım boyutu ön planda
olan bir “iyi tasarım arayışı” sürecinin
veya yarışmasının toplum tarafındaki
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algılanışı ile hedeflenen amaca dönük
ağ yapısını kurgulayan ve yöneten yerel
yönetim tarafındaki algılar, kaygılar ve
anlayışlar farklılık arz edebilmektedir.
Bu makalede incelenen örnek olaylar
şu ilişkiyi açıklamaktadır; kullanıcının
tasarım sürecine katılım şansı ve süreci
etkileyebilme yetisi, onun süreçten
beklentisini doğru orantılı olarak etkilemektedir.
Bir diğeri de kentsel yaşam
kalitesini ilgilendiren tasarım problemlerinde
tasarım sürecine, tasarımcı
veya en beğendiği tasarım için oy kullanan
kullanıcı olarak katılım sağlayan
aktör ile süreci kurgulayan ve yöneten
aktörün süreçten beklentisi arasındaki
farklılık ne denli fazla ise de, elde edilen
sonuçların toplam başarıya etkisinin
o denli az olduğu görülmektedir.
Bir diğer deyişle; iyi tasarım arayışını
“en favori veya en popüler olan tasarım”
üzerinden kurgulayan süreçlerin
yukarıda sayılan nedenlerden dolayı
bazen ne hedeflenen tasarımın kendisini
ne de süreci başlatan, ağ yapısını
oluşturan ve organize eden aktörü yüceltmeyebileceğini
göstermektedir.
Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma ile irdelenen
argüman ve örnek olay incelemeleri,
hedeflenen şey geniş kitleleri
ve kent yaşamını ilgilendiren tasarım
konuları olduğunda, yönetişim olgusunun
teorik ve teknik tanımının yetersiz
kaldığına işaret etmektedir. Her iki
örnek olaydan elde edilen çıkarımlar,
ulaşılmak istenen amaç iyi tasarım olduğunda,
“popüler olan” veya “en beğenilen”
tasarımların bizi her zaman
iyi tasarıma götürmeyebileceği gibi,
süreci kurgulayan ve yöneten aktörün/
ağ yapısının süreçten olumsuz etkilenmesine
de yol açabildiğidir. “En beğenilen”
veya “herkesçe en popüler olan
tasarım” her zaman iyi tasarım mıdır?
sorusuna cevap ise “hayır” olmaktadır
(Maile, 2012) (McGrath, 2011). Makalede
karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenen iki
örnek olay da buna işaret etmektedir.
Sorgulanan argüman özelinde incelenen
örnek olaylar ile şu sonucun olumlandığı
görülmektedir: Çoğunluğun
beğendiği ancak henüz üretilmemiş ve
deneyimlenmemiş tasarım her zaman
iyi tasarım olmayabilir. Öte yandan uzmanlarca
iyi tasarım olarak tanımlanmış
ve üzerinde uzlaşılmış tasarımlar
ise farklı kriter, beğeni ve deneyimlere
sahip kullanıcılarca en beğenilen veya
en favori olan tasarım olarak kabul
görmeyebilir.
Does favorite design lead to good design?: Taxi design competitions in Istanbul and New York City

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 227-247
Continuity of architectural
traditions in the megaroid
buildings of rural Anatolia: The
case of Highlands of Phrygia
Alev ERARSLAN
aleverarslan@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Aydın University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: May 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
Rural architecture has grown over time, exhibiting continuities as well as adaptations
to the different social and economic conditions of each period. Continuity
in rural architecture is related to time, tradition and materiality, involving
structural, typological, functional and social issues that are subject to multiple
interpretations.
This fieldwork was conducted in an area encompassing the villages of the districts
of today’s Eskişehir Seyitgazi and Afyon İhsaniye districts, the part of the
landscape known as the Highlands of Phrygia. The purpose of the fieldwork was
to explore the traces of the tradition of “megaron type” buildings in the villages of
this part of the Phrygian Valley with an eye to pointing out the “architectural continuity”
that can be identified in the rural architecture of the region. The methodology
employed was to document the structures found in the villages using
architectural measuring techniques and photography. The buildings were examined
in terms of plan type, spatial organization, construction technique, materials
and records evidencing the age of the structure. The study will attempt to produce
evidence of our postulation of architectural continuity in the historical megara of
the region in an effort to shed some light on the region’s rural architecture.
The study results revealed megaroid structures that bear similarity to the plan
archetypes, construction systems and building materials of historical megarons
in the region of the Phrygian Highlands. These structures were classified in a typology
that evidenced the existence of an architectural continuity of megaroid
building tradition, which this study seeks to present.
Keywords
Megaron, Megariod buildings, Architectural continuity, Rural architecture.

228
1. Introduction
Rural architecture is a type of architecture
that is based on local needs and
construction materials, and it reflects
local traditions at the same time. The
general characteristics of rural architecture
are traditionality, functionality,
adaptation to environmental conditions
and local materials.
Rural houses are important elements
of heritage that have historical
and cultural continuity. They are less
liable to be affected by rapid cultural
changes and has grown over time, exhibiting
continuities as well as adaptations
to the different social and economic
conditions of each period. Some
part of Turkish communities preserved
their nomadic lifestyle until the end of
the 19 th century when they began to
abandon their yörük tents to build permanent
houses during their transition
from a nomadic existence into a settled
lifestyle. It is believed that it was in this
period that they must have adopted the
housing plans used by the local populations
in the places in which they settled.
2. The aim and the methodology of
the research
The process of exploring Anatolia’s
rural settlements is still in its beginning
stages. There is still controversy over
which parameters were influential in
the choice of the house plans, materials
and building systems used in the transition
of the Turks into permanent settlements.
The general belief is that the
nomads adapted to the housing culture
of indigenous societies in that period.
It is for this reason that research on
Anatolian rural architecture is of great
importance.
This fieldwork was conducted in
the area encompassing all villages of
the districts of Eskişehir Seyitgazi and
Afyon İhsaniye, referred to in history
as the “Highlands of Phrygia” (Figures.
1, 2). The main goal of this research is
to reveal the similarities between the
megaroid structures in the Highlands
of Phrygia and the plan, spatial organization,
building systems and materials
used in the historical megara, and to
uncover any architectural continuity
as is believed to exist in the area. This
will shed some light on the question
Figure 1. Eskişehir Seyitgazi. Researched villages (drawn by Uğur
Süleymanoğlu).
Figure 2. Afyon Ihsaniye. Researched villages (drawn by Uğur
Süleymanoğlu).
of whether there is in fact cultural and
architectural continuity in Anatolian
rural architecture.
To reach our goals, we investigated
all of the villages in the region. All the
houses were examined in terms of the
plan type, spatial organization, materials,
construction systems and records
evidencing the age of the buildings.
The samples chosen were documented
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • A. Erarslan

229
using architectural measuring methods
and photography. In addition, interviews
were held with the members
of the households living in the houses
and with village elders to learn about
the age of the buildings, the history of
the villages, the daily lifestyle and the
use of space.
3. The historical background of the
megaron
Megaron (plural megara) refers to
an elongated rectangular building with
an entrance on one of the short sides,
provided with a porch. In Homer, the
megaron refers to the great halls of the
Mycenean palaces (Knox, 1973). Homer
regards the function of the megaron
as “the hall of the men”. Heredotus
holds it equal to the sacred room of
the adyton of the temple dedicated to
Helen (Işık, 1998). According to Deroy,
“megaron” is a word in Sanskrit that
means “a room with a hearth” (Deroy,
1948).
Dörpfeld, Schliemann and Blegen
were the first to apply the term “megaron”
to prehistoric remains, in the palace
at Tiryns in 1885 and later for the
large buildings of Troy II (Dörpfeld,
1902); Schliemann, 1885). They used
the term “megaron” in the Homeric
sense of a large hall or a main hall in a
palace (Ivanova, 2013). In his 1953 excavation
report, Blegen described the
megaron as “a room of great size, the
principal apartment of the palace”. It is
referred to as a megaron of the classic
mainland type, consisting of a great
hall, a vestibule, and a two-columned
portico fronting a court, in most respects
similar to corresponding suites
at Mycenae and Tiryns (Blegen, 1953).
The term has subsequently been used
to refer to other buildings in Greece
and elsewhere that contain a long hall
fronted by a porch, as well as freestanding
buildings with this alignment of
rooms (Warner, 1994).
There are different views about the
roots of the megaron. The simplest
type, namely an isolated rectangle, is
attested for Thrace, Macedonia and
Thessaly in Neolithic (Müller, 1944).
Buildings of this type consist of a single
room without porch or anteroom.
They have pitched roofs, flat roof or the
barrel roof.
Other early examples can be seen in
Sesklo and Dhimini in Eastern Thessaly
in the late Neolithic (Bintliff, 2012).
Sesklo has in fact been named the earliest
“megaroid-style building” in the
middle of the acropolis. The structure
is made up of a porch, a main chamber
and a back room. In the same way, the
acropolis at Dhimini boasts a megaron
larger than others that stands in the
middle of the circular walls. These are
centrally-located structures and protected
by fortification walls. They have
been interpreted as the rulers’s residences
or the temples (Bintliff, 2012).
Poliochni and Thermi had row-houses
of megaroid character during EBI.
These long and narrow buildings are
composed of a closed antechamber and
of a main chamber. These structures
have been placed on the street perpendicularly.
They were constructed
as row houses with common side walls
(Warner, 1994). Mellink presumes that
these long houses are the ancestors of
the megaron (Mellink, 1986).
Lerna IV (Early Helladic II) is a
small one-room megaron of classical
form facing east onto a large courtyard
(Warner, 1994). In the Middle and Late
Helladic, the megaron plan continued
to develop and a number of new types
emerged, particularly in houses. In the
Peloponesus, the Mycenaean palaces
of ruler forts of Late Helladic III, Mycenae,
Tiryns and Pylos exhibit structures
of the megaron type. The most
well-known is Nestor’s palace at Pylos,
of which we hear much in Homer’s
Odyssey. It consists of a hall, a forehall,
and a porch with two columns in antis
to support the roof. The main hall contains
a large circular hearth at center,
surrounded by four columns (Blegen,
Rawson, 1966).
Looking at Anatolian examples of
megaron-type, Hacilar IIA from the
Early Chalcolithic presents buildings
of megaroid character. These contiguous
buildings of one or two stories
have features similar to megaron type
because they display a forecourt of
a sort. The houses are arranged with
their backs to the defensive wall. Each
consists of a main room with a hearth
set in the middle of the floor and an anteroom
(Mellart, 1970).
Another precurser of the mega-
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230
ron-like structure in Anatolia can be
seen in Yümüktepe XVI. Here stand a
series of houses of megaroid character
adjoining the city walls, all with a
closed porch and a main room in back
(Garstang, 1953).
At the start of 4000 BC in the Late
Chalcolithic, in Beycesultan XXIV,
appeared a structure that may be said
to be a precursor to the megaron type
in Anatolia. Here, at the west end of a
building, projecting walls created an
open porch; from this, one entered
through a doorway with a raised step
into the main chamber, which had a
circular hearth in the center (Lloyd,
Mellaart, 1962).
An increase in megaron-type buildings
appeared in Anatolia by the EB.
Troia I consisted of parallel rows of
long buildings of megaroid character.
House 102 has one room and a porch
and without rear antae. It had a hearth
at the center (Blegen, 1937, Ivanova,
2013). At Troia II, large houses of the
megaron-type have been brought to
light on the citadel. Megaron IIA with
a central hearth probably served as an
assembly room or an audience-hall,
and maybe in its last phase (Ilh), it was
a place of cultic activity (Mellart, 1959).
The long-room units arranged in
rows were very common in the western
part of Anatolia in the EB. The coastal
communities along the Anatolian littoral
at Beşiktepe, Bakla Tepe and Liman
Tepe VI, and on the eastern Aegean
islands at Yeni Bademli, built mainly
long-room dwellings arranged in a row
(Ivanova, 2013). Some of these long
houses may be defined as of megaroid-style
because of their side wall extensions
(Erkanal, 1996).
The most numerous examples of the
megaron plan were uncovered in an EB
village at Karataş-Semayük. The basic
characteristics of these freestanding
rectangular structures are two structural
long walls with cross-walls inserted
to form a main room and a front
porch which are entered axially on the
short side. The long walls end in antae
at the front; the rear cross-wall is often
set back from the ends of the long
walls, which thus project as rear antae
(Warner, 1979, 1994). Each is entered
through a door centrally located in the
front cross wall between the porch and
the main room. The roofing sytem is
the gabled roof.
In all of the occupation levels dated
to the EB at Beycesultan, megaroid
houses and shrines are quite prevalent.
They have main rooms with hearths,
sometimes with small rooms in the
back and with a porch. This continued
to be a feature of megaron-type buildings
right up to the end of the LB at site
(Lloyd, Mellaart, 1962).
The Antalya Bademağacı, Eskişehir
Küllüoba, Demircihöyük and
Keçiçayırı settlements of the EB had
two-roomed structures in the megaron
style. They contained a central open
area around which there were examples
on a radial plan adjoining the city
walls. In Bademağacı, the EBA II town
were megaron-like houses with openporched
and with rear rooms (Duru,
2003; Korfmann, 1983). Küllüoba in
Early Bronze II consists of an upper
city, at the center of which there are
two megara complexes that have public
functions. Surrounding these structures
on three sides are long houses
and two- or three-roomed houses in
megaroid shape, their rear rooms abutting
against the fortification wall (Efe,
Ay-Efe, 2001; Efe et al. 2011).
The megaron-type in Marmara however
can be seen at the end of the EB.
The acropolis of Kanlıgeçit has three
adjacent large megara arranged linearly.
These buildings are observed to be
of the type that has a single main room
with an open porch in front with rear
antae (Özdoğan, 2002).
Phrygian architecture represents
the period in which the megaron plan
prevails as the most characteristic
plan type. The buildings in the citadel
in Gordion are freestanding and each
consisted of a large hall with central
hearth and a porch and anteroom,
and with a flat or double pitched roof
(Young, 1960).
The megaron-type can also be established
in central Anatolia. In the period
of Phrygian expansion to the east, the
Iron Age of Büyükkale, small megaron
houses are typically of Phrygian construction
and plan. The most frequent
type displayed an open entrance hall/
porch in antis. There are also other
variations with semi- or completely
closed porches (Neve, 1996).
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At Kültepe in the EBIII, a megaron-shaped
architectural complex is a
temple. In the middle of a large room
lies a round hearth, surrounded by
four posts. Smaller rooms are grouped
around this central hall (Özgüç, 1963).
A megaron-shaped architectural complex
was also found on Stratum IIa in
Kaman Kalehöyük. The structure was
surrounded by corridors (Omura,
1999).
At Kerkenes Dağ, some structures
that can be identified as megaron have
been uncovered. They are freestanding
buildings that have one main room
with a central hearth and an open
porch (Summers et al., 2004). They
have double-pitched roofs and served
some special public function or the
residences for the ruling elite (Summers
et al., 2004).
Tell Tayi’nat Building XVI was a long
room divided into a portico, a main
hall and a shrine. It is a temple complex
and its plan is in antis style (Harrison,
Osbourne, 2012).
Besides these examples, some researchers
assert that there are buildings
of the megaroid character in the
Near East as well. Some have named
the long-axis corridor house/pierhouse
type of house found to be widespread
in the southern Levant in Middle
PPNB “megaron” (Wright, 1985;
Garstang, Garstang, 1940). A central
hearth is a common feature of the plan.
Wright states that the PPNB temple
at Jericho E is a megaron since the flank
walls project as antae (Wright, 1985).
Wright also claims that the Langbau
type of temples in the Near East in the
LB and Iron Ages are of the megaron
style (Wright, 1985; Davey, 1980). They
have a single long room and a shallow
entrance porch designed in antis (Hundley,
2013).
4. A history of the settlement of the
region
The Highlands Phrygia cover the
whole of the districts of Afyonkarahisar
and the districts of Ihsaniye,
Işcehisar and Bayat as well as a part
of Bolvadin and Seyitgazi and Han in
Eskişehir, and a part of central Kütahya
and Tavşanlı (Aşılıoğlu, Memlük,
2010; Haspels, 1971; Kortanoğlu, 2011)
(Figure 3). The region has been named
Figure 3. The Highlands Phrygia (https://
www.academia.edu/1670748/Highlands_
of_Phrygia-Map).
after the Phrygians. Ancient Phrygia
was a neighbor to Cappadocia to the
east and later to Galatia, the regions of
Lykaonia, Pisidia Kabalis, Milyas Kibyratis
in the south, and Mysia, Lydia,
Karia to the west and the regions of
Bithynia and Paphlagonia to the north
(Sevin, 2007). The capital Gordion,
Pessinous, Mideon, Dorylaeum, Laodikeia
and Kolossai may be mentioned
as the most important cities of ancient
Phrygia (Sevin, 2007).
The oldest name for Afyon was
Akronio. In the period of the Hittite
Empire, Afyon gained importance because
of the campaigns of Murshilish II
against the kingdom of Arzava. It was
after the fall of the Hittite Empire and
following the ensuing Dark Ages that
the Phyrgians entered the scene. The
region was known as Phyrgia thereafter
up until the end of the Byzantine
Era (Ilaslı, 2004).
As a result of the Cimmerian attacks,
dominion over Central Anatolia
passed from the Phyrgians to the Lydians
(Akurgal, 2000). From the middle
of the sixth century BC, the Persians
captured sovereignty over the Afyon
region. From 30 BC onward, Anatolia
was under the leadership of Rome.
During the Roman Era, new towns and
cities were established in the region.
The city of Amorium gained importance
in the Byzantine Era and Phyrgia
was divided in two, one part becoming
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232
annexed to Galatia, the other remaining
as Phrygia Salutaris.
During 1275-1343, Sahipataoğulları
was established in Afyonkarahisar
(Karazeybek, 2004). Yıldırım Beyazıt
annexed the region to the Ottoman
lands in 1390. After WWI, Afyon too
was invaded by the Greeks. The city
was liberated on August 27, 1922 in the
Great Offensive.
Seyitgazi is a small district of Eskişehir,
4 km. to its south. The oldest
settlements in the area dates back to
the EB (Altınsapan, 1999). The region
was conquered by the Hittites in the
fifteenth century BC and the Phyrgians
entered the area around 1200 BC, establishing
a strong kingdom in the environs
of Eskişehir. In the eighth century
BC however, with pressures from
the Lydians, and because of the steady
loss of strength as a result of the the
Assyrian invasions, the Phrygian kingdom
was destroyed by the Cimmerians,
remaining under Lydian rule until
the Persian invasion in 546 BC. In the
Hellenistic Era, Rome began to reign in
Anatolia and Seyitgazi, named “Nacolea”,
became an important guard post
of Rome (Aşılıoğlu, Memlük, 2010).
After 395 AD, many Byzantine cities
were established in the region.
In the period of the Seljuks, Nacolea
was conquered by the Danişments and
the Seljuk tribes. Seyitgazi was annexed
to Ottoman lands during the reign of
Murat I. Seyitgazi participated in the
War of Liberation with a special battalion;
the troops were partially incapacitated
in the Greek invasion and on
1922, with the coming of the Turkish
armies, it became a part of the Turkish
Republic (Altınsapan, 1999).
5. Plan typologies and general characteristics
of the structures in the region
In this work, the term “megaron”
has been used to signify structures
with 2 long walls ending in antae at the
front, a front porch which is entered
axially on the short side, and a rectangular
single main room. However, to
be precise, these structures have also
been described as megaroid buildings,
megaroid-style buildings, megaroid-shaped
buildings, megaron-like
buildings and the like.
The region’s megaroid buildings
have a main room and a front porch,
comprised thus of two structural archetypes.
They constitute a longitudinal
mass. The buildings vary in size.
The main rooms are almost square or
in the form of a longitudinal rectangle
and form the core of the building.
They are used for sleeping, eating and
for most domestic activities. The main
room sizes vary. They are usually of
the size 3x3 m. None of the examples
exhibit a central hearth. The hearth
would occupy the wall across from the
door. There are niches in the walls of
the main room. The buildings can be
directly accessed from the main room.
In none of the examples is the door of
the main room on the central axis, but
either to the right or the left.
The term “porch” is used to refer to
the roofed area between the extensions
of the long walls of the main room. The
two long walls of the main room extended
beyond the short front and constituted
a porch at the front. The roof
extended over the porch and provided
additional working space. The porches
are shallow in general. On the average,
the depth of the porches is 1 m. In
only a few examples, the porches are
deep. The people of the region refer to
the ground level porch as the “ev önü”
(front of the house), and to the porch
on top of the barns as the “hayat”. In
no example are the porches paved with
a special floor covering. None of the
houses had a rear anta/rear porch.
While most structures are one-storied,
some buildings rise above a barn.
Examples rising above a barn are few
in the area. Some of the single-storied
structures are built on ground level
while some have been built on a stone
basement. In this case, the structure
has a raised porch with stairs leading
to a porch. The stairs can be at the
center of the house or on one side of
the porch. The stairways open to the
porch. The people in the region call
the houses on ground level as “Yer Ev”
(Ground House).
The region has six types of megaroid
structure. This typology was attained
from a total of 33 buildings among
the houses scanned for the research
throughout the region (Figure 4, 5).
Some of them are in ruins. Of those
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Figure 4. Graph showing the dispersion of the plan types according to villages in Eskişehir Seyitgazi.
Figure 5. Graph showing the dispersion of theplan types according to villages in Afyon Ihsaniye.
Figure 6. Plan type 1 (Drawn by Salih
Ceylan).
Figure 7. The megaroid building built in
type 1A.
surviving, some have either been abandoned
or converted into storage space.
Rebuilding has occurred in some houses.
The full age range of the houses is
not known exactly. However, the average
age of all of the examples, according
to the testimony of the villagers, is
120-140 years.
1. Type with 2 antae: This is the most
widespread plan in the region (Figures
4, 5). This type consists of a main room
and a porch at the front (Figures 6-8).
The side walls of the main room extend
to form a porch at the front. They
are antae walls. The antae form a solid
wall. A building is built on a stone
basement. In this case, the structure
has a raised porch with stairs leading
to a porch (Figures 6: B, 8). In general,
these types of structures are freestanding
on a road.
2. Type in antis: This is the second
widespread plan (Figures 4, 5). In this
type, the structures are single-roomed
with an open porch and one, two or
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234
Figure 12. The megaroid building built in
type 2B.
Figure 8. The megaroid building built in
type 1B.
Figure 13. The megaroid building built in
type 2C.
Figure 9. Plan type 2 (Drawn by Salih
Ceylan).
Figure 10. The megaroid building built in
type 2A.
Figure 14. Plan type 3 (Drawn by Salih Ceylan).
Figure 11. Inside of the same house. The
hearth.
three wooden posts placed between
antae (Figure 9). In this form, the
structures appear to be monostyle
in antis, distyle in antis and tristyle
in antis (Figures. 9-13). The monostyle
in antis is the simplest form. The
porches are very shallow and there are
Figure 15. The megaroid building built in
type 3A.
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Figure 16. The megaroid building built in
type 3B.
Figure 21. Plan type 4 (Drawn by Salih
Ceylan).
Figure 17. The megaroid building built in
type 3C.
Figure 22. The megaroid building built in
type 4A.
Figure 18. The megaroid building built in
type 3D.
Figure 19. The megaroid building built in
type 3E.
Figure 20. The megaroid building built in
type 3F.
Figure 23. The megaroid building built in
type 4B.
no rear antae. In only one example of
these buildings, which are generally on
ground level, is the structure accessed
with stairs consisting of a few steps
(Figure 9: C, 13). While the structures
are generally freestanding on a road,
one of the buildings is attached parallel
to the courtyard wall (Figure 10).
3. Type with a single anta: This is the
third plan type in the region (Figures
4, 5). In this type, there is a single anta
wall of the building. One of the antae
forms the solid long side of the main
room and one or more wooden post/
columns are found at the other end
(Figure 14). Generally this type appears
as a single wooden post/column
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236
Figure 24. The megaroid building built in
type 4C.
Figure 25. Inside of the same house. The
hearth.
Figure 26. The megaroid building built in
type 4D.
on the other end of a solid long side
wall which is one of the antae walls
(Figures 14: A-D, 15-18). Sometimes
2 or 4 wooden posts may be found in
front of the porch (Figures 14: E-F, 19-
20). In applications with a single post/
column, sometimes a wooden door
opened to the courtyard is built on the
post/column side of the porch (Figures
14: B-C, 16-17). Both freestanding
and attached structures parallel to the
courtyard wall structures can be seen
at the location. In the structure on the
location attached parallel to the courtyard
wall, the courtyard wall forms the
single anta (Figure 18).
4. Prostyle type: This is the other
type in the region (Figures 4, 5). Prostyle
is a term defining freestanding
columns across the front of the building
and refers to a building having
posts only along the front side. This
type of building does not possess antae.
The prostyle porch has been used
in the region in the distyle and tristyle
prostyle (Figure 21). In the distyle prostyle,
a wooden post/column is found
at each end of the porch in front of the
structure (Figures 21: A-B, 22-23). In
the tristyle prostyle, the structure has
3 wooden posts/columns in front (Figures
21: C-D, 24-26). In general, the
prostyle type has been implemented
in examples built on a high sub-basement
or barn and these structures are
accessed by stairs. The structures are
freestanding on a road.
5. Closed porch type: This type of
plan, which is only encountered in a
single example in the region, comprises
a main room with a double entrance
and a closed porch/anteroom in front
(Figures 4, 27: A, 28). It is without rear
antae. The building is freestanding on
a road.
6. Type with a rear room: In this
plan, which is only uncovered in a single
example, the main room is subdivided
by a wall to create a back room
(Figure 4). A partition wall divides the
interior into two rooms. Thus, a small
rear room is formed in back of the main
room of the structure (Figures 27: B,
29), the long main room being flanked
by the smaller room at the back. There
is a deep porch with a single anta in
front of the structure. The building is
attached parallel to the courtyard wall.
While the courtyard wall forms the
single anta of the structure, in the other
direction, 3 wooden posts stand in
front of the porch (Figure 29).
These megaroid-style buildings are
characterized in three locations; freestanding
on a road or on a courtyard,
adjacent or abutting another structure
and attached to parallel to the courtyard
wall.
In the first type of location, the
structures are freestanding and
self-contained structures on a road or
on a courtyard. They are single unit
structures. Their porticos have been
built to face the south. Their orientation
is looking out toward open spaces
and streets (Figures 8, 17, 23, 24, 26).
In the second type of location, the
structures are buildings where a few
families live together and which also
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have a barn, a hayloft and stand in a
courtyard along with other houses.
These buildings are either freestanding
inside the courtyard, looking out
toward the road, or they have been
built attached to parallel to the courtyard
wall. In this case, one wall of the
house is also the wall of the courtyard
(Figures 10, 18, 29). In other words, the
courtyard wall forms one of the antae
of the building.
In the third type of location, the
structure is leaning on another structure
at the back. The building usually
leans on another structure (an annex),
most likely a barn or hayloft. Only
in very few examples, this annex is a
house (Figure 17). The annex is not entered
from the main building. It is separately
roofed. There is only one example
of an annex added to the long side
of the building, but the construction of
this indicates that the annex was built
later (Figure 20).
The organization of the façades of
the buildings is made up of a door and
one adjacent window opening out into
the main room. With this arrangement,
the buildings have a two-element
structure on their façades. Only
in some examples were the windows
on the façades closed off afterwards.
Figure 27. Plan type 5 and 6 (Drawn by
Salih Ceylan).
The side walls of the buildings too have
windows but some structures remain
windowless. The rear façades of the
buildings however are without windows.
All of the megaroid structures in
the region have a roof that is one of 3
types—flat roof, low-pitched roof or
gabled—but all of the types are wooden.
In all the types of roof, the roof
extends over the porch. In the case of
the flat roof, some of these are sometimes
tiled with bricks but sometimes
covered with earth. The low-pitched
roof and the gabled roof however are
tiled with brick. Because the rooms
are small, no internal wooden posts or
a central post carrying the roof in the
main room have been encountered.
Two types of wall technique have
been used on the walls of the structures-
stone wall construction and
timber-reinforced stone construction.
In the timber-frame supported stone
wall, walls were supported by a wooden
framework of horizontal, transverse
and vertial timbers. While rubble stone
was generally used as material for the
walls, it can also be seen that both rubble
stone and finely cut stones were
used together. In some buildings, mudbrick
was used along with the stone. In
addition to this mixed material, mixed
wall construction can also be observed.
In very few examples, timber-frame
stone and mud-brick construction can
be seen together in a mixed wall construction
system. In one example, bağdadi
(lath and plaster) was used on one
anta wall of the structure (Figure 7).
Sometimes the walls were covered with
clay and straw plaster.
None of the houses have toilets. All
of the toilets are outside. In one corner
of the main room stands a wooden
platform that serves as a bath.
Figure 28. The megaroid building built in
type 5.
Figure 29. The megaroid building built in
type 6.
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238
6. Comparison of the historical megara
When the megaroid buildings in the
region are compared with historical
megarons of ancient Anatolia and Near
East, it can be noticed that the plan
types, construction systems, building
materials and roofing sytems display
some common elements.
The first plan type in the region is
the “type with 2 antae”. This type consists
of an almost square or longitudinally
rectangular main room and a
porch at the front (Figure 6). There are
no rear antae. Similar types of this plan
can be seen in ancient Anatolia in Troia
I (House 102), Troia II, Karataş-Semayük,
Bademağacı, Büyükkale, Beycesultan
X-IX, Keçiçayırı, Gözlükule
Tarsus and Kerkenes. All have megaroid
structures that are single-roomed,
with an open porch and without rear
antae. The side walls of the main room
extend to form a porch at the front
and they constitute the antae walls. So,
the antae walls of the buildings are the
solid side walls of the main room. In
general, these types of buildings are
freestanding. Some of the buildings are
attached to each other because of the
“Anatolian settlement siedlungschema”
(Blegen, 1937; Neve, 1996; Summers
et al., 2004; Efe et al, 2011; Lloyd, Mellaart,
1962; Warner, 1979; Naumann,
1998; Duru, 2003).
Another plan in the region is the
“type in antis”. In this type, one, two
or three wooden posts are placed between
antae (Figure 9). The porch is
very shallow and there are no rear antae.
These structures display a porch
arrangment of monostyle, distyle and
tristyle in antis type. This type porch
arragement resembles the façades of
Phrygian rock-cut shrines and Phrygian,
Lycian, Hellenistic and Roman
periods rock-cut tombs (Kortanoğlu,
2011). It was Ch. Fellows and later
Benndorf and Niemann who asserted
that these tombs might have been influenced
by wooden houses in ancient
Lycia (Işık, Yılmaz, 1996). The façades
of the tombs resembled house façades
because the tombs were considered the
residences of the dead (Ambrossini,
2011). Thus houses began to be seen
as the precursers of the Lycian rock
tombs and Phrygian rock-cut shrines
and tombs (Kjelden, Zahle, 1975). In
the book he wrote in 1853, “Ein Ausflug
nach Kleinasien und Entdeckungen
in Lycien”, Ch. Fellows drew pictures of
the Turkish houses and storehouses he
saw in the Xanthos plains and he called
attention to the resemblance between
these houses and the wooden house
architecture of ancient Lycia and the
Lycian rock tombs (Figure 30) (Işık,
Yılmaz, 1996). These house tombs imitated
the appearance of wooden Lycian
houses, with their stone reproductions
of wooden architectural features
(Metzger , Coupel, 1963). These tombs
have the same shape, all small temples
with pediments supported by columns.
Their façades have a pediment and columns
between the projecting side walls
(antae). They generally have façades
with an arrangement of 1, 2, 3 or 4 columns
between antae (in antis). Besides
having gabled roofs, there are also examples
of flat roofs.
The Phrygian rock-cut façades provide
a clue about the megaron façade
arrangements at Gordion. Some of
them consist of a façade, varying in
size, generally depicting the front of a
house. The most prominent feature of
the Phrygian rock-cut façades is a focal
niche with a surrounding façade decorated
with geometrical motifs. They
are thought to have imitated the front
of a building of public importance.
The appearance of Phrygian houses
may be gauged from the carved rocks
representing the façades of buildings,
probably temples, illustrated in stone
in Arslankaya, Bahşayiş, Demirkale
or Midas City (Barnett, 1967). Berndt-Ersöz
assert that the rock-cut
façades are not true copies of Phrygian
houses, but may be imitations (Berndt-Ersöz,
1998; 2006).
The porch in antis is also reminis-
Figure 30. 19th century houses and
storehouses in the plain of Xanthos from Ch.
Fellows (Işık, Yılmaz 1996: 178).
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239
cent of Greek temples. Greek temples
generally made use of the “distyle in antis”
plan. The houses in the region with
the in antis plan also resembled the
columned prostas house of the classical
Greek period. Here, in front of the
oikos was a columned porch (prostas)
which opened out onto the courtyard.
House plans with prostas were derived
from megaron. Other similar examples
of porch in antis can be seen in
Ain Dara and Tell Tayinat Building II .
These temples are buildings where the
lateral walls of the main hall of worship
are continued on the façade with a vestibule/porch
on either side. Both have
two columns between antae.
Another plan encountered in the
region is the “prostyle type”. This type
does not possess antae. There is a
wooden columned porch in front of
the main room. This type has been
used in the region in distyle and tristyle
prostyle (Figure 21). In distyle prostyle
porch, a wooden post/column is found
at each end of the porch in front of the
building. The distyle prostyle is reminiscent
of the rock-cut tombs façade
of the Hellenistic and Roman in Highlands
of Phrygia (Kortanoğlu, 2011).
The façade of Ayazini and Yapıldak,
there is a distyle prostyle porch arragement
(Figure 31). Here, a column is
placed in each end of the porch.
The prostyle porch is also reminiscent
of prostyle Greek temples. A
Greek prostyle temple has a colonnaded
porch in front of the cella. There are
however generally 4 columned porches
in front of the cella. Besides in the
Greek temples, the prostyle porch is
encountered in the Neolithic wooden
houses of the Cucuteni-Tripolye-Ariuşd
cultural groups. In the houses
of these cultures, a porch made up
of wooden posts stands in front of
the main room (Figure 32: A) (Laszlo,
2000). A shrine in Jericho, dated
to the PPNP, is the other resemble of
this type. Here on level XI, in front of
a building that Garstang believes to
be a shrine is a veranda-like vestibule
supported by six wooden pillars (Figure
32: B). Garstang describes it as a
prostyle porch (Garstang, Garstang,
1940; Banning, Byrd, 1988). However,
both Cucuteni-Tripolye-Ariuşd and
the shrine in Jericho have semi-antae,
a feature that is different from the prostyle
types in our field of study.
The other plan in the region is the
closed porch type. This plan is only
encountered in a single example. The
building is without rear antae. It consists
of a main room with a double entrance
and a closed porch/anteroom in
front (Figure 27: A). The closed porch
is very widely used in the megaron style
of buildings in Anatolia. Examples of
a single-entrance main room and a
closed porch/anteroom can be seen
in Gordion, Küllüoba, Demircihöyük,
Mersin, Hacılar IIA and Büyükkale.
The main room with a double entrance
is seen in Anatolia at Karataş-Semayük
V-VI and in Bademağacı. At
Bademağacı, in the EBII settlement,
there are megaron-style buildings with
a main room having double entrances
with open porches (Figure 32: C, D).
There is also a building with a double
entrance and a closed porch/anteroom
in front (Figure 32: E). At Semayük
Karataş V-VI, although the main room
in the megaron structures have a double
entrance, these have open porches
(Figure 32: F) (Warner, 1979). These
buildings have no rear antae, but a rear
room.
Another type of megaroid structure
in the region is the plan type that has
a rear room. In this plan, the main
room is subdivided by a wall to create a
back room. Thus, a small rear room is
formed in back of the main room (Figure
27: B). In front of the main room is
an open porch. At Bademağacı, House
30 is a building with a rear room (Figure
32: G). At Karataş-Semayük V-VI,
rear rooms are found in several houses.
There are megaroid structures at
Küllüoba with a closed porch and rear
Figure 31. Afyon Ayazini
(http://www.webrehberi.net/yerel/
afyonkarahisar/#!prettyPhoto[gallery2]/1/).
Continuity of architectural traditions in the megaroid buildings of rural Anatolia: The case of
Highlands of Phrygia

240
room. These rear/back rooms are used
as storage facilities.
The other type of plan in the region
was the “type with a single anta”. In
this type, one of the antae forms the
solid long side of the main room and
one or more wooden posts/columns
are found at the other end (Figure 14).
This type with a single anta wall is not
encountered in the historical megara
and appears to be a local characteristic
completely unique to the region.
The porches in the megaroid structures
in the region are shallow in
general. This type porch resembles
the Anatolian megarons of Küllüoba,
Semayük-Karataş and Bademağacı.
These structures all have porches in
front that are not very deep. However,
there is some example of a considerably
deep porch in the region; this example
brings to mind a pronaos (Figure
14: D-E; 27: B). Megarons with deep
porches in Anatolia are seen at Troia I
(House 102), Troia II, Bademağacı, and
Küllüoba.
None of the megaroid structures in
the region have rear antae. They have
front antae only. Examples of megarons
without rear antae are found in Anatolia
at Karataş-Semayük, Bademağacı,
Gordion, Küllüoba, Troia I (House
102) and the Troia II, VI.
Three types of roof have been used
in the region—a wooden flat roof, a
low pitched roof and a gabled roof. In
all of the roof types, the roof extended
over the porch. Of the historical megarons,
Gordion exhibits the use of 3 distinct
groups of roof systems—the gabled
roof, the pitched roof and the flat
roof (Berndt-Ersöz, 2006). The megara
at Gordion probably had gabled roofs,
as indicated by a completely preserved
poros akroterion whose lower parts
follow the outline of a pitched roof,
and three double-pitched poros blocks
found at Gordion. Gabled buildings are
also seen in the drawings incised on the
exterior walls of Megaron 2, inscribed
on potsherds from Midas City, and
represented by three building models
(Roller, 2009). In Troia, the roofs are
flat. At Küllüoba too, because of the
“Anatolian settlement siedlungschema”
and since the houses are laid out in
a row, it is hard to use a gabled roof.
For this reason, the megarons in the
Figure 32. The comparision of the historical megaroid structures.
A: A house of Cucuteni-Tripolye-Ariuşd culture. B: A shrine in
Jericho. C, D, E: Bademağacı. F: Semayük Karataş. G: Bademağacı,
House 30 (drawn by Salih Ceylan).
settlement are covered with flat roofs.
The long houses built as independent
structures, however, may have used
the gabled roof form (Fidan, 2012). In
Bademağacı for the same reason, the
megaroid buildings are flat roof-covered.
In freestanding buildings at
Karataş Semayük too there is evidence
that the gabled roof was used (Warner,
1994). In all of these historical examples,
the roof extended over the porch.
In the structures of the region, two
types of wall technique are observed—
stone wall construction and timber-reinforced
stone construction. The wall
materials were generally rubble stone
but there are also examples of rubble
stone and finely cut stone used together.
In some buildings, a smooth mudbrick
was used together with the stone.
Besides these mixed materials, some
examples also display a mixed wall
construction. There are very few examples
of timber-frame stone and mudbrick
construction mixed together in a
wall construction system. At Troia, the
superstructure of the walls is mudbrick
and supported by a wooden framework.
At Bademağacı, the buildings are
built on a stone foundation and mudbrick
superstructures. Houses at Gordion
are built of stone or crude brick,
using a half-timber structure (Barnett,
1967). At Gordion, the walls are put
together with a wooden framework
and filled in-between with masonry
screens, forming a skeleton for the construction
(Young, 1962). Timber-reinforced
mud walling construction can
also be seen at Karataş Semayük (Warner,
1994). At Küllüoba, the remnants
of wooden planks have been found
between the stone foundations and the
mudbrick wall above.
The megaroid buildings in the region
are generally one-storied. Some
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241
are on ground level but some rise above
a sub-basement. A few have megaroid
structures rising above a barn. The
structures built on top of sub-basements
are accessed with a few steps of
stairs. At Tell Tayinat Building II and
XVI, although the structures are on
ground level, entrance was gained by
means of a stepped porch, flanked by
two columns in antis (Harrison, 2012).
The annexes used as barns or haylofts
in the megaroid buildings in the
region are generally attached to the
short side of the structure in the back
but in only one example, an annex
has been added to the long side of the
building (Figure 20). In the historical
megara, House 66 is the only example
in Karataş-Semayük of an annex
added to the long side of the building
(Warner, 1979). The annex was probably
built later both in Karataş and in
the region. The annex was not entered
from the main building and is separately
roofed (Warner, 1979).
The megaroid buildings in the region
are located in three locations;
freestanding, adjacent or abutting another
structure and attached parallel to
the courtyard wall. But, the historical
megara (except the Anatolian settlement
siedlungschema) were freestanding
structures.
7. Conclusion
As can be seen, the megaroid structures
in the Phrygian highlands share
with the historical megara, the similarities
in their plan types, construction
systems and materials, point to the
existence of this type in the regional
memory of rural architecture and to an
architectural continuity in the region.
How do we explain these similarities
exhibited by the historical megaras and
those existing in the houses used today
by Turkmen groups in the area after
all this time has passed? The nomadic
Turkmen tribes entered Anatolia in
the 11 th century. They transitioned into
their settled lifestyle only at the end of
the 19 th century after a long period of
living as nomads (Ögel, 1991; Kavas,
2012). With the start of their settled
inhabitation, the Turkmen tribes who
had made use of yörük tents during
their nomadic and semi-nomadic periods
were inevitably influenced by indigenous
Anatolian cultures (Tanyeli,
1996; Köse 2005). They chose the existing
house plans of the indigenous people
in the region when the time came
for them to meet their need for permanent
housing. This choice, which is the
result of cultural adaptation, creates
natural architectural continuity.
A look into the plan types, materials
and constructions systems Turkish
populations preferred in their transition
to a settled lifestyle reveal a close
similarity with the traditional housing
patterns of the regions that they
settled in (Tanyeli, 1996; Köse, 2005).
The Anatolian culture is not homogeneous.
Each subregion contained various
cultural traditions. It was because
of this that displayed different regional
plan types. At the same time, new
environmental conditions such as climate,
geography and topography, as
well as cultural interaction were also
influential in this choice. They were
however adapted to particular needs.
We found the megaroid buildings in
the region reflecting the regional taste
in that the local house plans in the
region appear both socially and functionally
suitable for the newly migrating
nomadic Turks.
Many historical house types are still
being used in the rural architecture of
Anatolia and the Near East can be seen
in other plan types as well. Researchers
Klinhott, Ragette, Yagi, Cerasi, Kobychev
and Robakidze have reported that
rural houses constructed in the style of
historical plan types such as megaron,
bit-hilani, tarma house, riwaq house,
iwan house, houses with inner courtyards
and houses with a front sofa, are
still used in Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan,
Daghistan and the Caucasion
region, among other areas (Klinhott,
1978; Ragetta, 1974; Yagi, 1983; Cerasi,
2014; Kobychev, Robakidze, 1969).
This is because traditional rural architecture
is less prone to the impact of
rapid cultural change and has evolved
as a result of cultural continuity.
Anatolian traditional rural architecture
also has a very rich cultural heritage
related to the past. With this as
its starting point, research conducted
about Anatolia rural architecture constitutes
an important resource that will
shed light on studies into comparative
Continuity of architectural traditions in the megaroid buildings of rural Anatolia: The case of
Highlands of Phrygia

242
evaluations of the housing architecture
to be found in the layers of history hidden
in any particular region. The concept
of the Anatolian Turkish house has
been in interaction for centuries with
the Anatolian cultures that have been a
part of this region, and has accordingly
matured and reached a synthesis.
Acknowledgements
Firstly, I extend my deepest respects
and gratitude to the distinguished
scientist Prof. Dr. Jak Yakar, who has
contributed extensively to Anatolian
archeology and guided me in my work
with his most valuable viewpoint and
comments. I am also thankful for the
kind contributions of Prof. Dr. Timothy
P. Harrison in helping me to access
some sources that I could not reach.
I am strongly indebted to Dr. Caner
Göçer, who accompanied me to the
district. I am very grateful to Salih Ceylan,
who took on the task of drawing
up all plans. My deep gratitude goes
to Uğur Süleymanoğlu, who drew the
maps. I extend a special thank you to
all the residents of the villages in Seyitgazi
and Ihsaniye, who showered me
with warm hospitality and assistance.
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Kırsal Anadolu’nun megarorid yapılarındaki
mimari geleneğin sürekliliği:
Dağlık Frigya örneği
Megaron, ortasında ocak bulunan
uzun dikdörtgen şeklindeki bir ana
oda ile bu odanın yan duvarlarının
(ante duvarları) uzaltılmasıyla yapının
önünde oluşturulan üzeri örtülü bir
portikodan/ante odasından (sundurma)
oluşan yapıdır. Planın erken evrelerinde
megaron, portikosuz/ante odasız
tek bir oda iken ilerleyen evrelerde
plana bazen ana odanın yan duvarlarının
arkaya doğru uzatılmasıyla oluşturulmuş
bir arka portiko/arka ante
(sundurma) eklenir. Megaron planlı
yapılarda örtü genelde beşik çatı iken
düz çatı da kullanılmıştır.
Dörpfeld, Tiryns ve Pylos daki Miken
sarayları için megaron terimini
kullanan ilk araştırmacıdır. Megaron
türü yapıların kökenine dair farklı görüşler
bulunmakla birlikte araştırmacılar
en erken megaron türü yapılarla
Neolitik Çağ’da Trakya, Makedonya ve
Tesselya ovasındaki konutlarda rastlanıldığı
konusunda hem fikirdirler.
Megaron planın bu ilk örnekleri izole
şekilde konumlandırılmış, uzun dikdörtgen
şeklinde tek odalı, bazıları düz
bazıları ise beşik çatılı yapılardır. Tunç
Çağı, megaron planın en yaygın kullanıldığı
dönemdir. Bu dönemde Poliochni,
Thermi ve Miken saraylarında
megaron planlı saray ve bey konutlarına
rastlanılır.
Megaron plan Anadolu’da da sevilerek
kullanılmış bir plandır. Erken
örneği Kalkolitik Çağ’da Hacılar II, Yümüktepe
XVI ve Beycesultan XXIV da,
Tunç Çağları’nda ise Troia I-II kalelerinde,
kıyı Ege’de Beşiktepe, Bakla Tepe
ve Liman Tepe VI yerleşmelerindeki
uuzn evler, Beycesultan’da ev ve kutsal
yapılar, Antalya Bademağacı ve Karataş-Semayük,
Eskişehir Küllüoba, Demircihöyük
ve Keçiçayırı yerleşmeleri
ile Marmara Bölgesi’ndeki Kanlegeçit
megaron planın ünlü temsilcileridir.
Frig mimarisi ise megaron planla özdeşleştirilmiş
durumdadır. Megaron
plan Anadolu’da orta Anadolu’ya kadar
yayılmış olup bu bölgelerdeki Büyükkale,
Kültepe ve Kerkenes dağı yerleşmeleri
Geç Tunç ve Demir Çağları’nda
megaron planlı yapılar içerir (Neve,
1996; Özgüç, 1963; Summers et al.,
2004).
Bu alan araştırması, Frigya vadisinin
Dağlık Frigya olarak bilinen bölümünün
günümüzde kapladığı alan olan
Eskişehir Seyitgazi and Afyon İhsaniye
ilçelerinin köylerini kapsayan alanda
gerçekleştirilmiştir. 2014 yılı Ağustos
ayında gerçekleştirilen bu çalışmanın
amacı, Frigya vadisinin bu bölgesindeki
köylerinde “megaron türü” yapı
geleneğinin izlerini arayarak, bölgede
kırsal mimaride var olduğu tarafımızca
ileri sürülen “yapısal sürekliliğe” işaret
etmektir.
Bölgede bu amaçla gerçekleştirilen
arazi çalışmasında megaron özelliği
gösteren, bir ana oda ve önünde
portikodan (sundurma) oluşan, düz
ve beşik çatılı yapılara rastlanmış ve
temkinli olmak amacıyla bu yapılar
“megaronumsu”, “megaron benzeri”
ve “megaron özellikli” yapılar olarak
tanımlanmıştır. Bölgenin mimari kim-
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247
liğini oluşturmada önemli payı olduğu
gözlenen bu yapıların bugün bir kısmı
yıkıktır. Ayakta olanların bir kısmı ise
ya terkedilmiş ya da depoya dönüştürülmüştür.
Bölgede bugün in use
durumunda hiçbir yapıya rastlanmamıştır.
Yapıların kesin yaşları bilinmemekle
birlikte kullanıcılarından alınan
bilgilere göre ortalama yaş aralıkları
120-140 yıl arasındadır. Bölgede 2 anteli,
in antis, tek anteli, prostyle, kapalı
portikolu ve arka odalı, olmak üzere 6
megaron özellikli plan tipi tespit edilmiştir.
Bu yapılar Anadolu ve Yakın Doğu’daki
tarihsel megaronlarla karşılaştırıldığında
plan, yapım tekniği, yapı
malzemesi ve çatı sistemi açısından
bazı benzerlikler taşıdıkları görülmektedir.
Bu durum bölgede megaron
benzeri yapılar açısından kesintisiz bir
mimari sürekliliğe işaret etmektedir.
Tarihsel megaronlarla bölgedeki megaron
tarzı yapılar arasındaki benzerlik
açıklanmaya çalışıldığında ise bu
durum, bölgeye 11. yüzyıldan itibaren
gelmeye başlayan Türkmen grupların
yerleşik düzene geçiş sürecinde, göçebe
ve yarı göçebe dönemin yörük çadırını
terkederek bölgedeki yerli halktan gördükleri
bu planı kalıcı konut planı olarak
tercih ettikleri şeklinde düşünülmektedir
(Tanyeli, 1996; Ögel, 1991;
Kavas, 2012).
Continuity of architectural traditions in the megaroid buildings of rural Anatolia: The case of
Highlands of Phrygia

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 249-265
The reflection of religious diversity
and socio-cultural meaning on the
spatial configuration of Traditional
Kayseri Houses
Özlem ATAK 1 , Gülen ÇAĞDAŞ 2
1
ozlematak@erciyes.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Erciyes University, Kayseri, Turkey
2
cagdas@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: December 2014 Final Acceptance: August 2015
Abstract
Recent studies on domestic spaces have demonstrated that social meaning and
cultural values are mostly reflected by means of spatial organizations of houses,
thus, in that way, different cultures express themselves through different spatial
models. In this respect, space syntax and visibility graph analyses arise as the
computational approaches to discover the interactions between space and culture.
These methods have essentially been constructed through the relationships
of permeability based on movement and visibility based on the perception of a
moving observer. In the examination of the entire house or it’s certain spaces in
the context of introversion and extroversion, they are effective methods which are
used to understand the privacy related to spaces, control mechanisms, the level of
the internal relations of the household and the relations between the household
and the visitors.
In this study, domestic space was examined through twenty-seven traditional
houses of Kayseri in Central Anatolia, Turkey, where people from different religious
beliefs have lived for long years, within the contexts of space syntax and
visibility graph analyses. The houses were analyzed by using the Depthmap-UCL
software developed by Alasdair Turner.
After the permeability and visibility analyses, the study focuses on how socio-cultural
meanings are reflected on the spatial configuration of traditional
Kayseri houses, what common and/or different characteristics are demonstrated
by the houses in terms of the spatial configuration and visibility structure, and the
importance of permeability and visibility structures in the spatial configuration
of houses.
Keywords
Traditional Kayseri Houses, Space syntax, Visibility.

250
1. Introduction
One of the important research fields
in the relationship between spatial organization
and social structure is the
domestic space. Studies conducted on
the domestic space demonstrate that
social meaning and cultural values are
mostly reflected by means of spatial organizations
of houses, thus, in that way,
different cultures express themselves
through different spatial models. In
this respect, the space syntax claims its
place in researches as a computational
architectural theory and a morphological
analysis method that examines the
interactions between the society and
all kinds of spatial configurations.
The space syntax, proposed by Hillier
and Hanson in 1984, implies that
the socio-cultural structure and processes
exhibit themselves in the space
with spatial configuration. According
to the theory, the social structure and
the space mutually interact with each
other. The most essential strategy is to
attempt to discover several stable aspects
in the spatial configuration and
to transform them into cultural human-interaction
patterns. This theory,
through the departure point that there
exists a direct relationship between
the spatial organization and the social
structure, attempts to explore the ways
how people perceive and use the space,
depending on permeability in spatial
organization and visual fields. A number
of computational analysis technique
and tool have been developed
for the configurational analysis of the
space, and they analyze spatial organizations
by configurationally defining
the entire structure.
In addition, Turner proposes the
visibility graph analysis method that
is based on Benedikt’s isovist concept
and the space syntax, and develops the
Depthmap-UCL software that is able to
carry out this and other spatial analyses
within the context of space syntax.
İsovist concept initially introduced by
Tandy (1967), and was formalized by
Benedikt (1979). İsovist is the set of
all points visible from a point in the
space. The shape and size of the isovist
differ according to the observer’s
point of view and stance (Benedikt,
1979). According to this method, visibility
structure of spaces based on the
perception of a moving observer, along
with the spatial characteristics of spaces
based on permeability relations, play
important roles in the presentation of
spatial configuration. The information
provided by visual field in the urban
environment and in buildings might
help the user find his/her way. In addition,
it is possible through visual fields
to control the information provided to
the user within the system.
Therefore, permeability and visibility
relations reveal the spatial organization
of all spatial systems including
houses, and the ways the household
and visitors perceive the house. In addition,
the level of the internal relations
of the household and the relations between
the household and the visitors
are arranged through permeability and
visibility structures. The level of privacy
(interpersonal interaction) within
the house can be determined by defining
physical or invisible boundaries.
While physical boundaries are the ones
that control the visibility, that is to say,
the movement, invisible boundaries
are the control of the visual knowledge
provided through physical boundaries
such as the prevention of eye contact.
Moreover, the level of privacy
differs between different societies and
cultures. This difference is shaped according
primarily to the family’s social
structure and its relations with visitors.
Therefore, analyzing the permeability
and visibility structures in houses will
help us to understand the level of privacy
in that culture and, thus, the interactions
within the family and between
the family and visitors, and the statuses
of the functions that belong to the domestic
space within the permeability
and visibility structures.
Space syntax and visibility methods,
which enable the determination of
permeability and visibility structures,
lead us to results concerning the relationship
between the space and the
socio-cultural structure by considering
the space and its configuration through
the user’s movement within the space
and his/her visual perception. In this
study, these two methods will be used
in order to demonstrate how social
and cultural meanings are reflected
on the spatial configuration of traditional
Kayseri houses in Central Ana-
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251
tolia where people from different religion
and cultures coexisted for long
years.
2. Traditional Kayseri Houses
Kayseri one of the few Anatolian
cities in which a substantial Christian
minority lived. Towards the end of the
sixteen-century there were fifty Muslim,
thirteen Christian and nine-mixed
town-quarters (Jennings, 1976). In the
seventeen-century Muslim quarters
declined to thirty-five, the number of
Christian quarters was fourteen, while
mixed population town-quarters was
twelve (Faroqhi,1987). The proportion
of Christian population remained
more or less the same until the establishment
of the Republic. Two groups,
Gregorian Armenians and Orthodox
Greeks, lived with the Muslims in a
friendly and cooperative way (İmamoğlu,
2006).
‘The traditional Kayseri house until
the twentieth century was a living entity,
a process, a natural phenomenon, not a
finished product on going organic process
within a family lot over several generations.
Continuous additions or alterations
of room or service spaces on the
ground or upper levels were considered
natural. As a result, overlapping and intermingled
volumes, and superimposed
walls and planes were common. Houses
were divided among brothers and sisters
after their parents passed away, independent
units being added at the expense of
smaller gardens or courtyards. Nothing
stopped this organic process in any period.
This flexible and dynamic attitude
towards buildings has undergone some
changes in the 20 th century with practices
borrowed from Europe, generally
by the Christian community, who built
complete and finished rectangular houses.
Even these houses, too, were altered
either by adding rooms or service spaces,
or changing their functions. In short,
spaces grew and spaces died just like
their owners, but the family lots were
continuously in use. Evolution or change
within continuity, perhaps reflecting the
essence of life, was implicit principles.’
(İmamoğlu, 2006).
In general, a traditional Kayseri
house is the outcome of a natural
and unpretentious building process,
inward looking and asymmetrically
growing a courtyard or a garden.
Houses were generally designed and
built by masons, according to custom,
as well as, requirements and desires of
the owner. Many daily activities of the
house are carried out in the courtyard
except cold days, rooms are oriented
towards the courtyard and they have
windows looking at the courtyard.
Each room generally carries out more
than one function; however, the main
function of a room is clear. In rooms,
especially in halls (sofa), there exist
room-entrances called “seki altı”. “Seki
altı” is lower than the main floor (seki).
Hall has a different meaning in these
houses. Its function to direct the house
arrangement and as a space of distribution
stays in the background. It has
many functions such as being the entrance
of the house, a reception place,
a guest room, a living room, a prayer
place and a bedroom for elders. “Tokana”
is a space used as kitchen, winter
room and storeroom. A cooker is located
in the seki altı part of the tokana.
“Harem room” is a private place where
strangers are not desired to enter. Family
members -especially women and
children- spend most of the house time
Figure 1. Examples from Traditional Kayseri Houses and Streets (İmamoğlu, 2006).
The reflection of religious diversity and socio-cultural meaning on the spatial configuration of
Traditional Kayseri Houses

252
Figure 2. Examples from Traditional Kayseri Houses, ground floor plan and east elevation of House Öztaşcı House,
19th Century, Muslim house example (İmamoğlu, 2006).
Figure 3. Examples from Traditional Kayseri Houses, ground floor plan and section of İmamoğlu House, late 19th
Century, Christian house example (İmamoğlu, 2006).
in the harem room. Kiosks (köşk) are
designed as semi-closed sitting units
around the garden or courtyard (İmamoğlu,
2006).
Traditional houses are generally one
or two storied. Generally, upper storey
started to be seen in examples from the
19th Century. It is stated in the literature
that all units of a house have been
rendered private by closing the house
to other houses and to the street by
surrounding it with high courtyard or
building walls. It is of high importance
especially for Muslim families to protect
privacy within the house and the
courtyard. It is apparent that security
concerns too, along with privacy, play
important roles in this attitude. Another
reason to shelter houses is the fact
that people leave the city in the summer
and go to vineyards. Security concerns
are in the foreground in houses
built before the last century, however,
such measures started to be loosened.
Traditional houses generally have few
and small windows. Basically, stone,
wood and iron have been used in the
construction of houses (İmamoğlu,
2006).
It is observed that low- and middle-income
families in Kayseri live in
similar small houses, regardless of their
religion. Among high-income families,
on the other hand, houses of Muslim
families have a simple plan. One of the
important features desired in Muslim
houses is the privacy provided to women.
High walls surrounding the courtyard,
low number of windows on the
ground floor and the distant position
of the living room from the street can
be considered to be a set of design rules
in order not only to ensure security but
also to distinct women from men. In the
19th Century, the Christian minority
started to lead a bourgeois lifestyle. In
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253
this period, Christian houses are twotwo
and a half storied, and have very
small gardens or green areas. According
to the literature, the plan of these
houses started to transform from being
inward-looking to outward-looking.
In early this century, while well to do
Muslim houses continued to have incomplete
organic constructs, Christian
house plans started to become more
organized, symmetric, inclusive of all
functions and complete rectangles.
Rooms are situated around a courtyard
or a central hall. All rooms have
been constructed in similar manners
without considering or highlighting
an order of importance. While Muslim
houses have two different entrances
and courtyards as harem room and selamlık
(private and public), Christian
houses do not have such a distinction.
However, after the establishment of
the Republic, Muslim’s understanding
of privacy started to change gradually,
and modern values both in privacy
and interactions with the opposite sex
have been mostly embraced (İmamoğlu,
2006).
İmamoğlu (2006) explains the difficulty
to classify Traditional Kayseri
Houses in terms of religion as follows;
‘First of all, since Muslims were in a
majority, remaining houses are mostly
Muslim houses and the number of
Christian examples are limited. This
limitedness is more explicit for the period
before the 1835 earthquake, because
the small number of houses that remain
from that time belongs only to Muslims.
Another reason is the distribution of
population according to income. The
majority of Kayseri natives, regardless
of their religion, were of low and middle
income type, living in modest houses,
most probably of similar, if not identical
character and layout. However, careful
researcher with additional information
from the community may be able to distinguish
between the houses of well-todo
people of different religions.
3. Spatial and visual analyses of Traditional
Kayseri Houses
Most of traditional Kayseri houses
have been destroyed or ruined although
they were certified and included
in urban protected areas. In this
study, a total of twenty-seven houses
- seven houses (House 3, 5, 6, 7, 14,
17, 18) included in Vacit İmamoğlu’s
book (2006) and twenty houses included
in Gonca Gündoğdu’s master thesis
(1986)- were considered. Most of these
houses belong to the 19th and early
20th centuries, and only a house from
18th century. Except some of them,
religious beliefs of the constructors or
owners of these houses remain unclear.
Classification of these houses in terms
of religion based on information from
İmamoğlu’s book (2006) and his book
review (2006) on Büyükmıhçı’s book
(2005) (Table 1). Most of the examined
houses are courtyard-type houses frequently
observed among traditional
Kayseri houses. However, three of these
houses do not have courtyards (House
1, 5, 9). Three of them exhibit a similar
spatial configuration: single-storied,
symmetrically designed and having a
central hall surrounded by rooms. Also
these houses are examples of Christian
houses. In houses with courtyards,
on the other hand, the shape of the
courtyard, its size and place within the
house differ. Some of the houses with
courtyards are single-storied, some
have a semi second storey and some
are two-storied completely (Table 1).
The analyses were carried out on
the models of the houses abstracted
through the principles of the Depthmap
UCL software developed by Turner.
In addition, by researching several
spatial features of traditional houses,
their users, and the era’s cultural, social
and economic characteristics; the
interaction between space configurations
and the socio-cultural structure
was explored by establishing relations
of causality through these data. In order
to display and interpret the depth
of social and cultural knowledge on the
domestic space, two types of analyses
were carried out for all houses in the
study.
The first type of analysis is convex
space analysis that is based on accessibility
relations depending essentially
on human movement. In this analysis,
all spaces are represented as convex
spaces in order to see how various
functions relate to each other and their
positions within the whole. Each house
is reduced to fewest and largest convex
spaces. Then, convex spaces are related
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254
Table 1. Traditional Kayseri houses which examined in this study – house names, century of
built, religion of owners- R (Muslim – M, Christian-C) and plans of houses.
House
name
century
R
plans
plans
House
century R
ground floor Upper floor name
ground floor upper floor
House 1
Ahmet
Karaca
House
… C -
House 15
Hoca Haser
House
…..
…
House 2
Körükçüoğlu
House
late 19 th … -
House 16
Haci
İbrahim G.
House
19 th
/second
h.
…
House 3
Öztaşcı
House
19 th
/second
h.
M -
House 17
Bezircioğlu
House
19 th 20 th M
House 4
Muhittin
Gürbaz
House
….
…
House 18
Camcıoğlu
House
Late 19 th
C
House 5
İmamoğlu
House
Late
19 th
C -
House 19
Şükrü
Karaca
House
…..
…
House 6
Gavremoğl
u House
18 th
/second
h.
M -
House 20
Yapıkçılar
House
…...
…
House 7
Baldöktü
House
19 th
/second
h.
M -
House 21
D. İzzet
House
…...
C
House 8
Hüseyin Kış
House
….
…
House 22
H. Ali
Yapaner
House
19 th
/second
h.
…
House 9
Müftü House
late 19 th C -
House 23
A.
Bakkaloğlu
House
….
…
House 10
Hacı Ahmet
Ağa H.
early
20 th M -
House 24
Efendi
Ağalar
House
…..
C
House 11
Mustafa
Hızırel
House
19 th
/second
h. C -
House 25
Hacı
Türkaslan
House
early 20 th
…
House 12
A.
Pastırmacı_
oğlu H.
early
20 th
…
House 26
Gazioğlu
House
19 th
/second
h.
C
House 13
Nuri Sezer
House
…..
…
House 27
Selçukoğlu
Osman
early 20 th
…
House 14
Çalıka
House
early
20 th
M
to each other depending on the permeability
principles among them. After
all these stages, the software creates
various measurements and maps of
these measurements. Obtained measurements
are the measurements of the
system such as connection, integration,
mean depth and controllability.
This analysis was carried out in two
different types in this study: internal
relations of the house were focused in
the first analysis without including the
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outer space and the relationship of the
house with the outer space and changes
taking place in its internal structure
were focused in the second one by including
the outer space. In order to be
able to read these results and changes
clearly, integration maps of all houses
with and without the outer space were
obtained and compared. In this map,
spaces are colored up from red to dark
blue according to their integration
levels. Red color represents the most
integrated space, while dark blue represents
the most nonintegrated space.
The second type of analysis is visibility
graph analysis. Through visibility
graph analysis, houses were compared
according to the spaces they include
and visual areas they have, to the visual
integration scores obtained from visual
area maps, and to the integration scores
obtained from convex space maps. In
addition, their visual perception and
movement relations were investigated.
This analysis is based on the visual
perception of the moving observer.
With this analysis conducted from the
eye level, measurements and maps of a
space such as visual integration, connection,
visual mean depth and visual
controllability were obtained. In this
type of analysis, as is the case in the
convex space analysis, a color interval
ranging from red to dark blue is used.
While red represents the most visually
integrated areas, dark blue represents
the most visually non-integrated areas.
Measurements and maps obtained
from these two types of analysis based
on human movement and the perception
of the moving observer were firstly
evaluated individually, and then by
making comparisons within each type
of analysis and between each other. In
this way, based on the houses’ permeability-visibility
structures and relationships
with each other; it was attempted
to understand the interaction between
the spatial configuration of Traditional
Kayseri Houses and the socio-cultural
structure.
3.1. Spatial analysis findings
Hillier and Hanson conceptually
define buildings as the regulation of
different human categories through
a control mechanism. In domestic
space, these categories are defined as
the household living in the house and
visitors. The domestic space, according
to this definition, regulates both the
internal relations of the household and
the relations between the household
and visitors through the control and
permeability relations between the internal
and external parts of the house
(Hillier and Hanson, 1984). In this way,
the domestic space is essentially related
to the regulation of two types of spatial
relations in terms of the domestic
space accessibility relations. These are
the internal relations of the house and
the relations between the internal and
external parts of the house. In this respect,
in order to understand the internal
relations of the house and the
relations between the internal and external
parts of the house, convex space
analyses were first carried out without
including the outer space and then repeated
by including the outer space.
Table 2 demonstrates the ranking of
the average integration scores obtained
without including the outer space,
from the most integrated house to the
non-integrated house. In the convex
space analysis carried out without including
the outer space, the House 1 is
the most integrated house with an integration
score of 1,192. It is followed
by the House 2 and House 3 with integration
scores of 1,152 and 1,040,
respectively. House 1 exhibits an integrated
structure with its integration
score within the integration-separation
distinction that is based on permeability
relations. House 2 and House 3 are
situated on the frontier within this distinction.
Other houses have non-integrated
structures. Therefore, it is possible
to conclude that all houses except
the first three of them have more tendencies
to non-integrated in terms of
the composition of their spaces. The
first three houses that have integrated
structures have completely different
spatial compositions. House 1 is one
of three houses that have a central hall.
House 2 is a double-storied house with
a central courtyard, and House 3 is a
single-storied house with an organic
structure and a fragmented courtyard.
Among the other houses, there are
examples similar to these three houses.
For example, House 5 and House 9
exhibit a spatial composition similar to
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256
Table 2. Convex space analysis results (House names, century, religion of house owners(R), integration without the
outer space, integration including the outer space, controllability-C,) (Atak, 2009).
them have outward-looking structures.
Two of three houses that have halls exhibit
a more inward-looking structure;
the third one has an outward-looking
structure and most of the houses with
courtyard exhibit outward-looking
structures.
If a place has a large visual area that
is composed of numerous points, the
environment can be controlled easily.
This measurement in convex space
analysis is based on permeability relations.
The minimum controllability
among the examined examples belongs
to House 14 with a controllability score
of 0,106 in Table 2, and the maximum
controllability score belongs to House
7 with a score of 0,176. It means that
House 14 has a weaker composition
while House 7 exhibits a stronger structure
in terms of controllability. However,
it should be noted that there is not a
big difference between these minimum
and maximum scores. For House 14, it
can be stated that the upper storey of
this house is used as extensively as the
ground floor and, therefore, the connr
House Nr. Houses Century R
Integration (HH) Integration-outer space C
Averag Min. Max. Average Min. Max.
1 House 1 Ahmet Karaca H. ….. C 1,192 0,616 2,157 1,183 0,619 2,177 0,118
2 House 2 Körükçüoğlu House late 19 th … 1,152 0,653 2,611 1,056 0,562 2,312 0,135
3 House 3 Öztaşcı House 19 th /second h. M 1,040 0,592 2,045 1,021 0,597 2,015 0,152
4 House 4 Muhittin Gürbaz …. … 0,963 0,469 1,875 0,969 0,475 1,917 0,133
5 House 5 İmamoğlu House Late 19 th C 0,931 0,419 1,679 0,907 0,420 1,610 0,117
6 House 6 Gavremoğlu House 18 th /second h. M 0,922 0,480 1,811 0,940 0,488 1,883 0,117
7 House 7 Baldöktü House 19 th /second h. M 0,914 0,551 1,653 1,088 0,650 1,734 0,176
8 House 8 Hüseyin Kış House …. … 0,907 0,597 2,091 0,976 0,631 2,079 0,114
9 House 9 Müftü House late 19 th C 0,889 0,468 1,579 0,928 0,484 1,686 0,129
10 House 10 Hacı Ahmet Ağa H. early 20 th M 0,873 0,533 1,782 0,849 0,493 1,693 0,175
11 House 11 Mustafa Hızırel H. 19 th /second h. C 0,857 0,507 1,610 0,878 0,521 1,530 0,121
12 House 12 A. Pastırmacıoğlu H early 20 th … 0,853 0,408 1,470 0,849 0,408 1,485 0,156
13 House 13 Nuri Sezer House ….. … 0,843 0,514 1,148 0,856 0,520 1,210 0,135
14 House 14 Çalıka House early 20 th M 0,824 0,559 1,210 0,808 0,521 1,214 0,106
15 House 15 Hoca Haser House ….. … 0,804 0,532 1,335 0,807 0,529 1,332 0,126
16 House 16 Haci İbrahim G. H. 19 th /second h. … 0,802 0,584 1,286 0,812 0,576 1,343 0,160
17 House 17 Bezircioğlu House 19 th 20 th M 0,771 0,413 1,347 0,790 0,425 1,367 0,119
18 House 18 Camcıoğlu House Late 19 th C 0,768 0,534 1,278 0,781 0,538 1,299 0,140
19 House 19 Şükrü Karaca House ….. … 0,757 0,489 1,152 0,785 0,498 1,219 0,135
20 House 20 Yapıkçılar House …... … 0,702 0,396 1,166 0,721 0,401 1,223 0,158
21 House 21 D. İzzet House …... C 0,692 0,341 1,125 0,731 0,350 1,175 0,144
22 House 22 H. Ali Yapaner H. 19 th /second h. … 0,691 0,391 1,042 0,695 0,397 1,040 0,164
23 House 23 A. Bakkaloğlu H. …. … 0,671 0,381 1,125 0,679 0,400 1,125 0,145
24 House 24 Efendi Ağalar H. ….. C 0,630 0,387 1,007 0,653 0,389 1,083 0,137
25 House 25 Hacı Türkaslan H. early 20 th … 0,619 0,404 0,827 0,640 0,402 0,948 0,140
26 House 26 Gazioğlu House 19 th /second h. C 0,612 0,360 1,033 0,622 0,363 1,060 0,142
27 House 27 Selçukoğlu Osman early 20 th … 0,548 0,351 0,800 0,552 0,349 0,814 0,166
that of House 1. Although these houses
exhibit a similar spatial composition,
they have non-integrated structures.
Therefore, it is apparent that it is not
possible to draw general conclusion on
whether these houses have integrated
or non-integrated structures departing
from differences such as having courtyards
or central halls, having complete
or incomplete geometrical forms.
As Table 2 demonstrates, in the convex
space analysis, integration scores
of houses differ when the street -that
is considered to be the outer space- is
included. Integrated ones among these
houses (House 1, House 2 and House
3) show a tendency to non-integrated
when the outer space is included in the
analysis. Therefore, it can be argued
that these houses have inward-looking
structures. While the integration scores
of seven houses decreased after the inclusion
of the outer space to the analysis,
those of twenty houses increased.
Hence, less than one-third of the examined
houses have inward-looking
structures, and more than two-third of
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Table 3. Convex space integration maps and visibility integration maps (Atak, 2009).
trollability between storeys becomes
difficult to achieve. Although House
7 is a house non-integrated as harem
room-selamlık and the selamlık part
has low integration and -thus- controllability
scores, there exist alternative
passageways to the other spaces of the
house. It can be argued that this situation
caused the house to get a high
controllability score in terms of accessibility.
What is important here is the
role of multiple alternative transitions
in the controllability measurement that
is based on accessibility. In this respect,
high controllability scores of the courtyard
and central hall are associated
with the existence of transitions from
many other spaces to these spaces.
Table 3 demonstrates the houses’
convex maps from the most integrat-
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258
ed to the non-integrated and visibility
integration maps. The most integrated
space is the central hall in houses with
central halls (House 1, 5, 9), and the
whole or some parts of the courtyard
in almost all houses with courtyards.
The general conclusion obtained from
the spatial analysis based on accessibility
relations is that the courtyard plays
a key role that holds together all units
of the house and connects them to the
outer space. In other words, the house
that is intensively used is of a character
that controls the movement and activities
or various spaces in it, and structures
these relations. It is observed
that this function is carried out by the
central hall in houses that have central
halls.
As indicated before, this measurement
in convex space analysis is based
on permeability relations. However,
visible areas play significant roles for
the controllability of a space. When
inner spaces have a composition that
does not allow them to see each other,
it is possible for the controllability
score obtained in convex space analysis
to yield similar results with the
score obtained in visibility measurement.
However, it is not clear whether
the same results will be obtained
or not with the controllability score
obtained in convex space analysis in
the existence of permeable units such
as windows and glass walls as well as
doors that allow spaces to see each other.
In the examined houses, there exist
windows in inner spaces opening to
the courtyard or to each other. In this
respect, it is expected to obtain significant
results by comparing the integration
and controllability scores of houses
obtained through convex space and
visibility graph analyses.
3.2. Visibility graph analysis findings
In revealing the social logic lying
behind houses, visibility relations
play roles as significant as those of
accessibility relations. The visibility
graph analysis carried out by using the
Depthmap UCL software provides several
special measurements representing
local and global visual characteristics
of houses. The measurement scores
of traditional Kayseri houses obtained
through visibility graph analysis are
presented in Table 4. The table demonstrates
the ranking of the houses, from
the most visually integrated house to
the non-integrated one. It is evident
that the visual integration ranking is
different from the integration ranking
obtained through permeability analysis.
The most visually integrated houses
are those that have a big courtyard
and/or a garden, which can easily be
seen from other spaces. Another factor
is the existence of high numbers of
windows opening from spaces to each
other and especially to the courtyard.
In addition, the upper storey, if any,
of the house has a visual relation with
the yard as well. Houses having central
halls (House 1, House 5, and House 9)
occupy lower ranks in terms of visual
integration. These three houses are
Christian house samples. This situation
stems from the lack of numerous
windows in inner spaces of houses that
make visual connection, as it is the case
in houses with courtyards.
Most of the houses have outward-looking
structures in terms
of permeability relations and inward-looking
structures visually. Facades
of houses, especially of Muslim
houses, do not have many windows
and courtyard walls are very high.
However, these houses have sides looking
at the courtyard and these sides
have many windows. Therefore, spaces
within the house for the common use
such as courtyards have significance in
terms of visibility. Therefore, houses’
visual integration scores might yield
more sensitive and different results
than the integration scores based on
permeability. Moreover, while spaces
other than doors such as windows are
not important in permeability relations,
these spaces and their sizes are
important in visibility analysis.
The visual controllability measurement
differentiates the spaces that can
be visually controlled easily. If a place
has a large visual area that is composed
of numerous points, it is possible to define
the environment as controllable.
The controllable amount of the space
decreases towards points with fewer
spaces and especially towards doorsides
in corridors. On the other hand,
controllable spaces are spaces that cannot
see other spaces much, but can eas-
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Table 4. Visibility analysis results (House Names, Century, Religion of house owners –R,Visual Integration, Visual
Controllability-VC, Visual Coefficient Clustering -VCC) (Atak, 2009).
Nr
House
Visual Integration (int.HH)
Houses Century R
Nr.
Average Min. Max.
VC VCC
1 House 13 Nuri Sezer House ….. … 34,290 5,625 50,958 0,711 0,855
2 House 17 Bezircioğlu House 19 th 20 th M 24,867 6,711 43,980 0,599 0,765
3 House 20 Yapıkçılar House …... … 20,647 7,195 30,195 0,563 0,767
4 House 15 Hoca Haser House ….. … 20,546 4,815 31,670 0,560 0,798
5 House 2 Körükçüoğlu House late 19 th … 17,125 5,763 27,967 0,370 0,645
6 House 22 H. Ali Yapaner H. 19 th /second … 17,031 5,305 27,685 0,521 0,750
7 House 3 Öztaşcı House 19 th /second M 16,152 5,828 27,009 0,423 0,764
8 House 12 A.Pastırmacıoğlu H. early 20 th … 15,113 4,862 24,490 0,458 0,685
9 House 23 A. Bakkaloğlu …. … 14,820 5,315 27,215 0,491 0,756
10 House 19 Şükrü Karaca House ….. … 14,600 5,600 23,410 0,430 0,762
11 House 21 D. İzzet Efendi …... C 13,760 5,417 30,416 0,468 0,716
12 House 8 Hüseyin Kış House …. … 13,676 5,031 20,844 0,435 0,714
13 House 10 Hacı Ahmet Ağa H. early 20 th M 13,488 4,733 24,540 0,345 0,696
14 House 4 Muhittin Gürbaz H. …. … 13,342 4,866 24,119 0,372 0,687
15 House 24 Efendi Ağalar …. C 13,132 6,456 21,155 0,440 0,648
16 House 16 Hacı İbrahim G. H. 19 th /second … 13,076 5,458 21,866 0,403 0,741
17 House 27 Selçukoğlu Osm. H. early 20 th … 12,477 5,465 25,703 0,407 0,725
18 House 9 Müftü House late 19 th C 11,399 5,066 18,488 0,249 0,602
19 House 25 Hacı Türkaslan H. early 20 th … 11,210 3,834 19,153 0,449 0,715
20 House 7 Baldöktü House 19 th /second M 10,948 4,849 17,188 0,259 0,680
21 House 14 Çalıka House early 20 th M 10,835 3,637 20,090 0,346 0,665
22 House 18 Camcıoğlu House Late 19 th C 10,684 6,067 17,386 0,365 0,599
23 House 6 Gavremoğlu House 18 th /second M 10,634 4,677 16,742 0,341 0,711
24 House 1 Ahmet Karaca … C 10,466 1,886 18,108 0,227 0,663
25 House 11 Mustafa Hızırel 19 th /second C 9,681 4,050 16,190 0,333 0,691
26 House 5 İmamoğlu House Late 19 th C 9,162 3,185 16,796 0,318 0,752
27 House 26 Gazioğlu House 19 th /second C 8,728 3,130 14,459 0,495 0,772
ily be seen from other spaces. House 13
has the highest controllability in terms
of the visual integration score. The
lowest score belongs to House 1 with a
score of 0,227, which has a central hall
and which is ranked first in the integration
ranking based on permeability relations.
It is seen that other houses that
have central halls have low controllability
scores (House 5, 9). In short, it is
possible to conclude that visually integrated
houses and spaces have high visual
controllability scores. Coefficient
clustering measurement, on the other
hand, shows how long the visual area
of an observer will remain the same
and to what degree the spatial perception
of the observer will change at the
end of his/her movement from a point
to a more distant point. If there will occur
a big loss of visual knowledge after
the observer becomes distant, the coefficient
clustering score becomes low.
The highest score (0,855) belongs to
House 13, which has the highest visual
integration and controllability scores,
while the lowest score (0,599) belongs
to House 18.
The visual integration maps in Table
3, while the most visually integrated
points are represented in red on the
map, the most non-integrated points
are represented in dark blue. It is observed
that courtyards, gardens and
central halls are mostly more integrated
spaces. These spaces are followed
by spaces for common use such as
halls and kiosks. Spaces such as toilets,
storerooms, upper-storey rooms
and kitchen (tokana) are more visually
non-integrated spaces. Another important
situation is that the selamlık
part of houses that are non-integrated
as harem room and selamlık is rendered
visually different from the other units
of the house. This situation is also seen
in convex space analyses based on permeability
relations. In addition, it is
observed that more visually integrated
spaces have higher visual controllability
scores.
In addition, isovists were produced
from points determined in several
spaces within houses. Isovist defines
the visual knowledge that an observer
obtains by rotating 360 degrees on
a vantage point. Firstly, isovists were
produced from entrances of all hous-
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260
Table 5. İsovists, (a) from entrance of houses and (b) the center of these spaces (Atak, 2009).
(a)
es in order to determine what kind of
a visual knowledge is obtained and
what spaces are seen as one enters the
house. Then, they were produced from
the central points of these spaces in
order to determine the visual knowledge
that is obtained as one arrives at
the centers of entrances (Table 5). Isovists
obtained from house entrances
demonstrated that the first person who
enters the house perceives the whole or
a large part of the entrance space seen
as a courtyard or a central hall. In addition,
other spaces can also be seen,
although to limited degrees, through
openings on their surfaces looking
at the entrance. However, this visual
knowledge provided through door
and window openings in spaces such
as rooms is a controllable knowledge.
In houses having harem room-selamlık
distinction, isovists obtained from the
entrances of these parts show that they
have a very limited visual relationship
with each other. This might be an example
of a deliberate visual distinction.
Isovists obtained from the centers of
(b)
entrances indicate that the whole entrance
space and large parts of other
spaces are perceived from this space,
although to limited degrees. While
spaces open to public use such as halls
and kiosks are spaces that can easily
be seen from this space, spaces such as
rooms and kitchen allow a limited and
controllable vision through their openings.
4. Discussion and conclusions
Space syntax and visibility graph
analyses are the methods effectively
used in the examination of a house or
some parts of a house in terms of inwardness-outwardness,
and the determination
of spatial privacy, control,
social hierarchy within the household
and the degree of relations between the
household and visitors. These methods
have essentially been constructed
through the relations of permeability
based on movement and visibility
based on the perception of a moving
observer.
Permeability and visibility relations
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261
reveal the spatial mechanisms of houses
and the ways the household and
visitors experience these systems. In
addition, the level of the internal relations
of the household and the relations
between the household and the
visitors are arranged through these
relations. The level of privacy within a
house can be determined by defining
physical or invisible boundaries. While
physical boundaries are the ones that
control the visibility, that is, the movement;
invisible boundaries are the control
of the visual knowledge provided
through physical boundaries such as
the prevention of eye contact. However,
the level of privacy ensured through
the control of these knowledge areas
differs between different societies and
cultures. In this respect, in the fieldwork,
in order to reveal the spatial configuration
of traditional Kayseri houses
and the social and cultural knowledge
lying behind this configuration, both of
these analyses were carried out together;
and the houses’ spatial and visibility
structures’ characteristics that support
each other and their differences were
explored.
In the sample, the dominant presence
of the courtyard-integrated spatial
theme is clearly apparent. In two
groups from different religious, common
house type is courtyard-house
type. Courtyard still remains the importance
in these centuries for two
groups. However in early 20 th century,
while well to do Muslim houses continued
to have incomplete organic constructs,
Christian house plans started
to become more organized, symmetric,
inclusive of all functions and complete
rectangles. Rooms are situated around
a courtyard or a central hall.
The general conclusion obtained
from the spatial analysis based on accessibility
relations is that the courtyard
plays a key role by not only connecting
all units of the house to the
outer space by holding them together,
but also structuring the main spaces of
the house. Central halls play this role
in a small number of examples having
central halls. However, the central
hall does not have a function similar
to that of the courtyard. Almost all of
the examined houses show a tendency
of separation in terms of the ways their
spaces come together. In addition,
while two-third of the houses exhibit
outward-looking structures, only onethird
of them exhibit inward-looking
structures. This finding demonstrates
that traditional Kayseri houses, which
are defined as inward-looking houses,
actually exhibit an outward-looking
structure in terms of accessibility relations.
This finding might be correlated
with the extroversion trend observed
in the social structure in the 19 th and
20 th Centuries. However, the information
that is essentially needed is about
the question of in what terms the houses
will be characterized as inward looking.
In spatial analysis; ground-floor
rooms, upper-storey rooms in houses
that have upper-storey, kitchens, toilets,
storerooms and the outer space are
predominantly located in the “non-integrated”
side of houses’ integration
averages and, on the other hand, courtyards,
central halls, arcades, kiosks,
entrance halls, halls and seki altı parts
of kitchens are located in the “integrated”
side. However, it is seen in most
of outward-looking houses that the
outer space gets a score very close to
the integration average and it is sometimes
located in the integrated side of
the average. It is known that almost
all daily functions of traditional Kayseri
houses except sleeping are carried
out in the courtyard especially when
the weather is good. This is a fact that
renders meaningful the position of the
courtyard as the most integrated space
within the system. In addition, hall and
kiosk are the other spaces where visitors
are received and the daily time is
spent. Moreover, doorstep and street
are social spaces where relationships
are established with neighbors.
In revealing the social logic lying
behind houses, it is apparent that visibility
relations that are based on the
perception of the moving observer play
roles as significant as those of permeability
relations. It was observed that the
houses were ranked according to their
integration scores obtained in visibility
analyses in a manner different than
that in the spatial analysis. The ranking
demonstrated that houses that have
large courtyards, windows looking at
the courtyard or at other inner spaces,
The reflection of religious diversity and socio-cultural meaning on the spatial configuration of
Traditional Kayseri Houses

262
and alternative passageways in the inner
space are more visually integrated,
while houses that have central halls and
contain more than one dwelling are
more visually non-integrated. Courtyards,
gardens and central halls are
predominantly more visually integrated
spaces. These spaces are followed by
spaces for common use such as halls
and kiosks, while spaces such as toilets,
storerooms, upper-storey rooms and
kitchens are more visually non-integrated
spaces. However, the point that
needs to be emphasized is that while
most of ground-floor rooms exhibit
a more non-integrated structure in
terms of permeability, they exhibit a
more integrated structure in terms of
visual integration. However, it is necessary
to note that this information
can be controlled by closing doors and
windows that render rooms more visually
integrated, that is, privacy can be
established by visually separating spaces.
Numbers of windows on the façades
of traditional Kayseri houses are not
high even though they increased in the
19 th and 20 th Centuries. However, there
exist many windows and doors opening
to the courtyard. Taking this situation
and houses’ visible area structures
into consideration, it is concluded that
houses are indeed inward-looking in
terms of their visibility structures.
As indicated before, houses’ integration
and visual integration rankings
are not in parallel with each other. This
situation essentially stems from the
fronts and windows that houses have
in their inner spaces. In spatial analysis,
surfaces that allow visibility but
are not permeable are considered no
different than other frontiers; however,
these openings are included in the
analysis in visibility analysis. These two
analyses are expected to yield similar
results when houses do not have windows
in their inner spaces. However,
the situation in the sample is different.
As a result of this characteristic of
the houses, it is apparent that drawing
conclusions about the spatial configurations
of houses on the basis of only
the accessibility relations will be inadequate.
It is important to demonstrate
the visibility structures of these houses
due to the window openings they have
in the inner space. Although the spatial
and visual integration rankings do not
support each other, it is seen that spatially
and visually integrated spaces fit
into each other. This situation indicates
that the permeability and visibility
structures of the inner spaces of houses
function together.
In conclusion, this study examined
the accessibility and visibility structures
of the traditional Kayseri houses.
It was seen that visibility analyses
are more sensitive than permeability
analyses since they yield significant results
by considering variables such as
the openings other than the openings
that makes transition possible between
spaces and sizes of these openings. As
the knowledge obtained through the
permeability and visibility analyses
demonstrate, in traditional Kayseri
houses in particular and in courtyard-type
houses in general, exploring
the spatial configurations of houses on
the basis of only the permeability relations
will yield limited and inadequate
results. In this respect, it is apparent
that visibility analyses have important
roles in such studies. It is expected that
this study will be a guide to studies to
be conducted on similar spatial organizations
and to new designs.
References
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Houses in the context of Space Syntax
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Kayseri Houses In The Context
Of Space Syntax And Visibility Graph
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on Housing Science “Design,
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Anıtları, Translation: A. Akif Tütenk,
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Hanson, J. (1998). Decoding Homes
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A Configurational Theory of
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Kayseri Houses, Kayseri Municipality
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in Anatolian Sixteenth Century:
A Study of Kayseri, Karaman, Amasya,
Trabzon and Erzurum, International
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Kırşan, Ç. ve Çağdaş, G., (2004).
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Etnik Kimlik ve Evsel Mekan), A
Symposium on House Evaluation, İstanbul
Technical University Faculty of
Architecture, İstanbul.
Tandy, C. R. (1967). The İsovist
Method of Landscape Survey, in Methods
of Landscape Analysis Ed. H.C.
Murray, London: Landscape Research
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Turner, A., Doxa, M., O’Sullivan, D.
And Penn., A. (2001), From Isovists
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Turner, A., (2003). Depthmap: A
Program to Perform Visibility Graph
Analysis, 4th International Space Syntax
Symposium, London.
Dinsel çeşitlilik ve sosyo-kültürel
anlamların Geleneksel Kayseri
Evleri’nin mekân organizasyonuna
yansıması
Kentleşmenin ve kentlerde nüfusun
ar Mekân organizasyonu ve sosyal
yapı arasındaki ilişkinin en belirgin
görüldüğü çalışma alanlarından biri,
evsel mekândır. Evsel mekân üzerine
yapılan birçok araştırma, sosyal anlam
ve kültürel değerlerin büyük ölçüde
konutların, mekân organizasyonları
aracılığıyla yansıtıldığını böylece farklı
kültürlerin farklı mekânsal modellerle
kendini ifade ettiğini ortaya koymaktadır.
Bu noktada, mekân dizimi ve görünür
alan analizleri bina ölçeğinden
kent ölçeğine varan her türlü mekân
organizasyonu ile toplum arasındaki
etkileşimi inceleyen hesaplamalı yöntemler
olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
Bu yöntemler temel olarak harekete
dayalı erişim ve hareketli gözlemcinin
algısına dayalı görünürlük ilişkileri
üzerinden ortaya konulmuştur.
Hillier ve Hanson tarafından 1984’de
ortaya konan mekân dizimi, sosyo-kültürel
yapının ve süreçlerin, tek başına
olmasada mekânsal düzenleyim ile
kendilerini mekânda ortaya koyduklarını;
sosyal yapı ve mekânın karşılıklı
etkileşim içinde olduğunu ifade
etmektedir. Bu anlamda mekân dizimi
yönteminin en temel stratejisi, mekân
örüntüsündeki bir takım değişmezleri
keşfederek bunları kültüre özgü insan
etkileşim örüntülerine dönüştürmeye
çalışmaktır.
Bunun yanı sıra Turner 2001’de, temeli
Benedikt’in isovist tanımlaması ve
mekân dizimine dayanan görünür alan
analiz yöntemini ortaya koyar. Görünür
alan mekânda belirlenen bir noktadan
görünen bütün noktaların takımıdır
(Benedikt,1979). Bu yönteme
göre mekân organizasyonunun ortaya
konulmasında, mekânların erişim ilişkilerine
dayanan mekânsal tanımlamalarının
yanı sıra hareketli gözlemcinin
algısına dayanan görünürlük ilişkileri
de önemli rol oynar. Kentsel çevrede
ve binalarda görsel alanlarla sağlanan
bilgi, kullanıcının yol bulmasına yardımcı
olabildiği gibi görsel alanlarla
The reflection of religious diversity and socio-cultural meaning on the spatial configuration of
Traditional Kayseri Houses

264
kullanıcıya sağlanan bilginin kontrolü
de mümkündür.
Dolayısıyla mekân dizimi ve görünür
alan analizleri, tüm mekânsal
sistemlerin ve özel olarak konutların
mekânsal olarak işleyiş ve kullanıcılar
yani hane halkı ve ziyaretçiler tarafından
deneyimlenme biçimini erişebilirlik
ve görünürlük ilişkileri üzerinden
ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır. Konutun
tamamının veya belirli mekânlarının
içe kapalılık - dışa dönüklük bağlamında
incelenmesinde, sosyal anlamda
mekâna ilişkin mahremiyet, kontrol,
hane halkı ve hane halkı ile ziyaretçiler
arasındaki ilişkilerin düzeyini kavramada
kullanılan etkin yöntemlerdir.
Mahremiyet seviyesi (kişiler arası
etkileşim) fiziksel veya görünmez sınırların
tanımlanması ile belirlenebilir.
Fiziksel sınırlar, erişilebilirliği yani
hareketi kontrol eden sınırlar olurken,
görünmez sınırlar göz temasından kaçındırma
gibi fiziksel sınırlar aracılığı
ile sağlanan görsel bilginin kontrolüdür.
Ayrıca mahremiyet düzeyi her
toplum ve kültürde farklılık gösterir.
Bu farklılık başta ailenin ve ait olduğu
toplumun sosyal yapısı ve ziyaretçileri
ile olan ilişkilerine göre şekillenmektedir.
Bu yüzden, özellikle geleneksel
evlerde erişebilirlik ve görünürlük yapılarını
incelemek, o kültüre ait mahremiyet
seviyesini anlamaya, böylelikle
aile içi ve ziyaretçilerle olan etkileşimi,
evsel mekâna ait işlevlerin erişilebilirlik
ve görünürlük yapıları içindeki
durumunu ortaya koymaya yardımcı
olacaktır.
Çalışma kapsamında evsel mekân,
uzun yıllar farklı dini inanışlara sahip
halkın bir arada yaşadığı Kayseri kent
merkezinde yer alan 27 geleneksel ev
üzerinden ele alınmıştır. Bu evlerin
sadece 14 tanesinin sahiplerinin hangi
dini inanışa sahip olduğuna ilişkin
bilgi elde edilebilmiş diğerlerine ilişkin
ise bilgi elde etmek mümkün olmamıştır.
Ele alınan evlerden Müslüman evi
olarak bilinen evlerin birçoğu avlulu
ve daha organik bir yapı sergilerken,
Gayrimüslim evi olarak bilinen evlerin
birçoğu merkezi hollü evlerdir. Ancak
bunu bir genellemeye dönüştürmek
doğru olmayacaktır; çünkü bu genellemeyi
bozacak bazı örnekler bulunmaktadır
ve ele alınan evlerin ancak
yarısına ilişkin bu anlamda bilgi elde
edilebilmiştir.
Evlerin analizinde Turner tarafından
geliştirilen Depthmap yazılımı
kullanılarak her iki analiz türü birden
gerçekleştirilmiş, evlerin mekânsal
ve görünür alan yapılarının birbirini
destekleyen özellikleri ve farklılıkları
ortaya konulmuştur. Bu analizler sonucu
avlu-bütünleşik mekânsal temanın
baskın varlığı net bir şekilde görülmektedir.
Geçirgenlik ilişkilerine dayanılarak
avlunun, güçlü bir merkezi kontrol
noktası olarak konuttaki ana ve yardımcı
mekânları bir arada tutarak dış
mekâna bağlayan ve bir taraftan da
konutun ana mekânlarını yapılandıran
kilit rolü üstlenmekte olduğu sonucuna
ulaşılmıştır. Merkezi hollü örneklerde
ise merkezi hol bu görevi görmektedir.
Ancak merkezi hol işlev bakımından
avlu gibi bir işleyişe ve kullanıma sahip
değildir. Ele alınan evlerin hemen hemen
hepsi, mekânlarının bir araya geliş
biçimi açısından ayrışma eğilimi gösterir.
Ayrıca evlerin üçte ikisi dışa dönük
bir yapı sergilerken sadece üçte biri
içe dönük bir yapı sergilemektedir. Bu
durum çoğunlukla içe dönük bir yapıya
sahip olduğu sıklıkla vurgulanan
Geleneksel Kayseri Evleri’nin özellikle
avlulu evlerin (çoğunluğunun Müslüman
ailelere ait olmasından ötürü de
daha içe dönük olarak değerlendirilen
evlerin), aslında erişebilirlik ilişkileri
açısından bakıldığında dışa dönük bir
yapı sergilediğini ortaya koymaktadır.
Bu durum, evlerin tarihlendiği geç 19.
ve 20. yy.’larda, sosyal yapıda görülen
dışa dönüş ile ilişkilendirilebilir. Ancak
temel ulaşılması gereken bilgi, evlerin
hangi açıdan içe veya dışa dönük olarak
nitelendirileceğidir.
Evlerin, görünürlük analizlerinde
elde edilen bütünleşme dereceleri açısından,
diğer analizden farklı bir sıralamaya
sahip olduğu görülmüştür. Sıralamada,
büyük avlulu ve avluda ve iç
mekânda pencereleri ve alternatif geçişleri
olan evlerin görsel açıdan daha
bütünleşik sırada yer aldığı, merkezi
hollü evlerin ise daha ayrışık sırada olduğu
görülmüştür. Baskın eğilim olarak
avlu, bahçe ve merkezi holler görsel
açıdan daha bütünleşik mekânlardır.
Üstünde durulması gereken önemli bir
nokta zemin kat odalarının büyük bir
kısmının erişilebilirlik açısından daha
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265
ayrışık bir yapı sergilerken görsel bütünleşme
açısından daha bütünleşik
bir yapı sergilediğidir. Ancak odaların
görsel açıdan daha bütünleşik olmasını
sağlayan pencerelerin ve kapıların
kapatılarak bu bilginin kontrol edilebileceğini
yani istendiği takdirde görsel
olarak da daha ayrıştırılarak mahremiyetin
sağlanabileceğini belirtmek
gerekir. Geleneksel Kayseri Evleri’nin
dış cephelerinde yer alan pencere sayıları,
19. ve 20. yy. da artış göstermesine
rağmen yine de sayı olarak çok fazla
değildir. Ancak avluya açılan pencere
ve kapılar çok sayıdadır. Bu durum
göz önünde bulundurulduğunda ve
görünür alan yapılarına bakıldığında,
evlerin aslında görünürlük yapıları
açısından içe dönük olduğu sonucuna
ulaşılmaktadır. Daha önce belirtildiği
gibi evlerin bütünleşme ve görsel bütünleşme
sıralamaları birbiriyle paralel
değildir; ancak mekânsal ve görsel açıdan
bütünleşik mekânlara bakıldığında,
bu mekânların birbirleri ile örtüştüğü
görülmektedir. Bu durum, evlerin
iç mekânlarının erişilebilirlik ve görünürlük
yapılarının beraber işlediğine
işaret eder.
Bu çalışma mekân dizimi analiz
sonuçlarını, geleneksel Kayseri evlerine
ilişkin elde edilen tüm bilgilerle
yorumlamaya çalışarak sosyo-kültürel
anlamların, evlerin mekân kurgusuna
nasıl yansıdığını ortaya koymaya çalışmaktadır.
The reflection of religious diversity and socio-cultural meaning on the spatial configuration of
Traditional Kayseri Houses

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 267-283
Cross border cooperation in
Edirne-Kırklareli border region:
New institutionalist perspectives 1
Ervin SEZGİN 1 , Gülden ERKUT 2
1
ervinsezgin@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty
of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
gerkut@itu.edu.tr • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of
Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: February 2015 Final Acceptance: September 2015
Abstract
This article aims to elaborate the current stage of institutionalization of cross
border cooperation programme between Turkey and Bulgaria using the theoretical
tools of new institutionalism. The geographical focus is on the Edirne- Kırklareli
border region on the Turkish side of the border. It is argued that new institutionalist
approaches provide different perspectives that shade light on different aspects
of cross border cooperation and at the final stage they help to establish a coherent
framework for understanding the institutionalization of cross border cooperation
in the region. Drawing on interviews conducted with 49 cross border cooperation
related people including public officials, civil society and business representatives
and civil servants; this study conducts an institutional ethnographic analysis with
a new institutionalist perspective to grasp the institutionalization process of cross
border cooperation in the region. The literature review part of the article consists
of two chapters: first new institutionalism theory and the different perspectives
its three strands, rational choice, sociological and historical institutionalism provide;
and second the scientific literature on new institutionalism in the field of
cross border cooperation and border regions are elaborated. After the literature
review, the article analyses the current condition of cross border cooperation in
the Edirne- Kırklareli border region by using the tools new institutionalism theory
provides. Finally the conclusion chapter discusses how the three strands of new
institutionalism can be brought together to develop a comprehensive understanding
of the institutional structure of cross border cooperation in the region.
Keywords
Cross border cooperation, New institutionalism, Edirne-Kırklareli border
region.

268
1. Introduction
“Well, they are good, but people
rarely see their results. They are
much more like a game played by
some elites in the region” (Personal
Interview, 2013).
“They are playing neighbourliness”
would be a good title for the summary
of 40 minutes long interview with one
of the administrative officers in the Edirne-
Kırklareli border region. The subject
of the discussion was cross border
cooperation (CBC), a phenomenon
existing since 1950’ies in Europe and
intensely finding place in the Turkish-
Bulgarian border regions over a period
of one decade, thanks to Turkey’s official
candidacy for the European Union
(EU) membership.
The basic premise of CBC in the
EU context is to contribute to the regional
development of border regions
while establishing neighbourly relations
among border societies (Ricq,
2006). The expanding scholarly interest
on border regions emphasizes their
changing condition from “barriers to
bridges” by stressing the increasing
porosity of borders in the course of
globalization that allows establishing
economic, social and political links
between local communities across borders
(Church and Reid, 1999; Niebuhr,
2006; O’Dowd, 2003). Critiques have
provided powerful arguments that a
“borderless world” is rather a myth
than a reality, especially in Europe,
where, while internal borders are arguably
diminishing, external ones are
erected to fortify the “Fortress Europe”
that now resembles a gated community
(Johnson et al, 2011; Van Houtum,
2007). Nevertheless, cross border interactions
among local border communities
are not only expanding but also
finding political and financial support
in the EU that enables them to institutionalize
and make CBC a hot topic
on the local agenda (Perkman, 1999;
Van der Veen and Boot, 1995). Several
projects ranging from infrastructure
building to people-to-people relations
have been realized albeit with some
scholarly and practical criticism, such
as those above.
The interviewed official’s criticism
was a common one. During the field
research on which this study is based,
49 interviews were conducted with actors
related to CBC, including public
officials, mayors, and NGO and business
representatives. The aim was to
understand the existing situation and
the emerging institutional structure of
CBC in the Edirne-Kırklareli border
region after having more than a decade
of experience. The official’s criticism
was shared by many interlocutors, who
in general have argued that the European
money coming for such projects
contributed for the amusement of a
small part of the society instead of local
development. Although criticism
was plenty, the majority of interlocutors
have argued that CBC has created
a significant financial resource for
local, public and civil society actors
and contributed to increasing social
interactions between societies among
two sides of the border. Moreover with
the intensification of CBC and with the
involvement of the EU and the central
government; a multi-layered governance
mechanism unprecedented to
the local community has emerged in
the region. Now there is room for local
actors to engage in international politics
and search and compete for financial
resources in the European arena.
Local administrations as well as civil
society organizations are succeeding in
raising funds for projects that are not
subsidised by the national budget.
The context of CBC; the achievements
realized through it; the involved
and excluded actors and their critiques,
from the perspective of this article, are
a part of the institutionalization process
of CBC. This institutionalization
process is not independent from the
social- political context in which it
takes place, but it is also a place bound
phenomenon, directly related to the
local social dynamics and power relations.
This article uses the tools that different
strands of new institutionalism
theory provide, to perform a mind
exercise for understanding the institutionalization
process of CBC. It is
argued that this process is a complex
structure that cannot be grasped completely
by a single- dimensional perspective.
Therefore different and sometimes
contradicting approaches have
to be adopted for apprehending this
1
This research is
financially and
institutionally
supported by the
ITU- Scientific
Research Support
Programme;
TÜBİTAK- Science
Fellowships and
Grant Programmes
Department; and
Radboud University
Nijmegen- Centre
for Border
Research to which
the authors are
thankful.
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269
Table 1. List of interviewed organizations.
complexity; and the new institutionalism
theory allows swinging across a
variety of perspectives and establishing
a more coherent view of institutionalisation
of CBC. The three strands of
new institutionalism, historical, sociological
and rational choice institutionalism
are adapted to the CBC context
to grasp these multiple perspectives.
They are used to approach, observe and
interpret the same issue from different
viewpoints and reach a comprehensive
understanding of this newly emerging
institutional structure.
The methodological approach of
the research is institutional ethnography,
which aims to “discover the social,
rather than theorizing it, beginning
with actual people, their doings,
and how their doings are coordinated”
to formulate an institutional regime
(Smith, 2008, p. 433). This method allows
the researcher to establish links
between interviewed individuals and
their interpretations of institutions and
the institutional structure in general.
This approach enables mapping a given
institutional setting with respect to
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270
its constituent actors, however the impacts
of the wider social and political
factors remains latent in the interpretations
of institutional actors and has
to be re-interpreted by the researcher.
For this purpose the institutional ethnographic
approach needs to be tuned
to include a “thick description” (Paasi,
1996) that establishes links, this time
with the social and political factors that
affect the institutional setting and also
with the ways of its interpretation by
the institutional actors. As mentioned
above, the field research of the study
is based on 49 interviews with people
related to CBC in the region. The list of
interviewed organizations is presented
in Table 1. For the sake of confidentiality,
the names of persons interviewed
are identified neither on the table, nor
on the citations in the remainder of this
paper. The geographical context of the
study was set to cover the north-western
border provinces of Turkey, namely
Edirne and Kırklareli. Although not
every district of these provinces is attached
to the border, and even some of
them have denser interactions with the
internal regions of Turkey, all of these
districts are taking part in CBC and
contribute to its institutionalization.
The remainder of this paper will
have the task of exploring the institutional
structure of CBC in the Edirne-
Kırklareli border region using three
different perspectives of new institutionalism
theory. The structure of the
paper will be as following: Chapter
2 describes the new institutionalism
theory and the different perspectives
the three main strands bring. This is
followed by a literature review on new
institutionalist approaches in CBC and
border regions context in Chapter 3.
The 4 th Chapter focuses on CBC in Edirne-
Kırklareli border region and explores
the existing situation by looking
through the different lenses of new institutionalism.
The concluding chapter
summarizes the discussion and comments
on how these three strands can
describe the same picture from different
perspectives.
2. New institutional theory- A
literature review
The organization of social life is done
through institutions. The development
of a social order and the evolution of
societies, ranging from everyday practices
to the highest levels of organization
are born of various institutional
arrangements; and the evolution
of societies is shaped by institutions
and their transformation over time.
As North (1990, p. 22) argues, 90% of
“daily life” activities are made possible
by being routinized and regularized by
institutions.
Institutions are seen as both results
of historical processes and powerful
subjects capable of influencing the
evolution of human society at the same
time. As Putnam (1993, p. 7) argues,
institutions are shaped by history and
yet work to shape politics. This duality
has been problematized under the
structure and agency dichotomy. From
the first point of view, the historical
evolution of societies with its various
aspects - including norms, practices
and power struggles – determines the
formation of institutions, since they
have emerged as a result of this evolution
in order to give a shape to it in a
way that reflects these social dynamics.
The contrasting approach pays most
credit to individuals motivated by rational
choice, who use and transform
institutions (or create new ones) in
order to achieve desired ends. In this
respect, institutions are considered to
be aggregated outcomes of individual
behaviour that serve to reduce uncertainty
and limit the choices of individuals
in order to enable them to calculate
accurately their goals and actions.
Contrary to the structuralist approach,
this point of view partially neglects
the constraining role of structure on
the choices of individuals and assumes
that any rational behaviour would be
repeated in the same way in any kind
of structural context.
New Institutionalism emerges as
a third option in this context, which
ascribes a more autonomous power
to institutions in contrast to both
the structure and agency perspectives
(March and Olsen, 1984). Without
neglecting both aspects of social life,
new institutionalists recognize that
institutions move in both directions
by imposing structural constraints on
the preferences of individual actors on
the one hand, and giving access to par-
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ticular actors and collective actions to
transform the social structure on the
other (Lowndes and Roberts, 2013).
The political and social problems in a
given setting can be viewed as part of
the social structure that also influences
institutions themselves. However, the
perception of these problems by political
actors and the methods chosen
to solve problems (i.e. the preferences
of institutional actors) affect the future
of the public realm and its institutional
structure (March and Olsen, 1994).
Lowndes and Roberts (2013, p. 28) argue
that the distinctive characteristic
of New Institutionalism is to avoid the
superficial and taken for granted understanding
of institutions (as well as
structure and agency), and to critically
look “at the way in which they embody
values and power relationships”.
Although the key role of institutions
in forming social practices is commonly
accepted, New Institutionalism
cannot be accepted as a stand-alone
theory capable of conceptualizing institutions.
Using the basic points of
the structure and agency dichotomy,
new institutionalists have developed
several strands of institutionalism,
three of which have grasped the three
most common positions regarding the
roles of agency, structure and society
in institutional contexts. These are not
mutually exclusive aspects, separately
conceptualizing their own institutional
realities; rather, they complementarily
square the circle of the agency-institutions-structure
triad that allows one to
fully grasp the origins of social interactions,
their role in the formation of
institutions and the emergence of the
social structure as something more
than the sum of actors’, individual and
institutional practices. The study of institutions
also enables the adoption of
a multidimensional perspective while
investigating the institutionalization of
a particular policy field.
The three dominant schools of
new institutionalism are commonly
referred to as rational choice institutionalism,
historical institutionalism
and sociological institutionalism (Hall
and Taylor, 1996; Immergut, 1998;
Lowndes and Roberts, 2013). These
three strands represent the three main
streams of institutionalisms, but also
are complemented by various other approaches
such as normative, empirical,
international, network, discursive and
feminist institutionalisms (Lowndes
and Roberts, 2013).
Rational Choice Institutionalism
has emerged from behaviourism and
rests on the basic premise that humans
are rational beings who act with the
aim of maximizing their self-interest
through careful cost-benefit analysis.
From this perspective institutions
are accepted to reflect the desires and
habits of the individuals who establish
them. Informal relations, political leaders
and their followers, interest groups,
and ideologies (instead of formal
modes of organizations) are among the
interest areas of this type of institutionalism
(Bolat and Seymen, 2006).
The role of institutions according
to rational choice institutionalists is
to reduce transaction costs in social
and economic interactions by avoiding
uncertainty and reducing risks in social
relations, especially those arising
from trust problems (North, 1990, Ostrom
2005). As Lowndes and Roberts
(2013, p. 23) explain, from the rational
choice point of view, the existence of
institutions is a result of cost-benefit
analysis. An institution can only exist
when the costs of maintaining it do not
exceed the benefits gained with it. So,
larger institutions, such as the state,
represent a more complicated form of
social organization that has emerged
from the continuous efforts to reduce
transaction costs in social interactions.
As North (1990) argues, by regulating
the exchange relationship between two
parties, institutions provide the basis of
political/economic systems.
Although rational choice institutionalists
consider rules that set a
wider framework as well, these rules
are usually either accepted as given or
elaborated at a micro-level only to include
those that are set by individuals
or groups for the regulation of a particular
situation (see for example Ostrom,
2011). Another shortfall of rational
choice institutionalism is argued to be
the neglect of long-term targets and
calculations of actors when taking action,
and assuming that the short-term
interest is the dominant source of motivation
in their actions (Lowndes and
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272
Roberts, 2013, p. 37).
Sociological institutionalism,
which is almost opposed to rational
choice institutionalism, presumes that
behaviours of actors are context-driven;
in other words, social structures
(e.g. cultural conventions, norms and
cognitive frames of reference) determine
not only the options and choices
of actors, but also actors’ ways of thinking
and perceiving the world. Hence
individuals’ actions are not shaped
by their own decisions taken independently
to reach their desired ends,
but are dependent on the prevailing
social context (DiMaggio and Powell,
1991). Therefore, an actor’s choices
related to the same subject will vary
greatly under different circumstances,
which depend on the social structure
in play (Immergut, 1998). Institutions
constitute an “infrastructure” for society,
providing the reference points
for actions of actors (Lowndes and
Roberts, 2013). From this perspective,
individual choices are socially determined
by institutions, which are also
bound by practices emerging from the
wider social structure. Actors, whether
individuals or organizations, are “embedded”
in the social structure (Amin
and Thrift, 1994, p. 12) which provides
a “frame of meaning” that guides their
actions (Hall and Taylor, 1996, p. 947).
According to March and Olsen (1984,
p. 741), sociological institutionalism
differs from rational choice institutionalism
by conceptualizing actions of
individuals as the “fulfilment of duties
and obligations” instead of “individual
values and expectations”. As DiMaggio
and Powell (1991, p. 28) argue, “cultural
frames establish approved means
and define desired outcomes, leading
business people to pursue profits, bureaucrats
to seek budgetary growth,
and scholars to strive for publication”.
Historical institutionalism is related
to the long-term evolution of institutions
in a wider context. Instead of
focusing on individuals or organizations
as rational choice and sociological
institutionalisms do, the historical
institutionalist approach investigates
the wider institutional structure (i.e.
the nation state or the world system)
and its long term, historical dynamics
(Hall and Taylor, 1996; Lowndes and
Roberts, 2013). Immergut (1998, p.
16) points to the difference between
sociological and historical institutionalism
by arguing that while the former
is interested in “the ways in which organizational
rules and procedures coordinate
the action of independent individuals”,
the latter focuses on themes
related to power and interest. Hall and
Taylor (1996, p. 941) stress that historical
institutionalism is interested
in the uneven distribution of power,
and argues that “institutions give some
groups or interests disproportionate
access to the decision-making process”.
The term “path dependence” takes
a key role in explaining the historical
institutionalist approach. Path dependence
argument presumes that when
policymakers choose a particular path;
the aggregate impact of actions taken
in the aftermath produces a snowball
effect, which is difficult to roll back
or alter in terms of direction. Consequently,
a “powerful cycle of self-reinforcing
activity” is created that strongly
influences the decisions of actors within
institutions (Lowndes and Roberts,
2013, p. 39). Putnam (1993) refers to
path dependency in his work in the
following way:
…what comes first (even if it was
in some sense “accidental”) conditions
what comes later. Individuals may
“choose” their institutions, but they do
not choose them under circumstances
of their own making, and their choices
in turn influence the rules within
which their successors choose. (Putnam,
1993, p.7).
However, the intentional change or
transformation of institutions and institutional
structure is not accepted as
totally impossible. Institutional change
can and does occur throughout revolutionary
moments of history, in which
the “periods of continuity [are] punctuated
by ‘critical junctures’, i.e., moments
when substantial institutional
change takes place thereby creating a
‘branching point’ from which historical
development moves onto a new
path” (Hall and Taylor, 1996, p.942).
Immergut (1998) stresses that,
from a historical institutionalist point
of view, particular events during the
course of history originate from the
free choice of powerful individuals;
these choices, however, always bear
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the burden of individual and social
histories. The establishment of particular
institutions in a specific moment
of time, such as recognizing the right
to private property during monarchical
rule, is a result of other social and
historical processes that motivate the
transformation of the whole institutional
structure.
Despite their diversified departure
points, these three strands intersect
in some common points in their approach
to institutions. These intersections
consolidate and establish a
common ground of new institutionalism
that, according to Lowndes and
Roberts (2013), represents the “third
phase” of New Institutionalism Theory.
Lowndes and Roberts (2013) summarize
this consolidation under five main
topics:
(1) It is commonly accepted that
structure and agency have a dialectical
relationship, in which neither
one, nor the other is determinative
on the other or on the institutional
structure in general. Instead they
are in continuous interaction that
transforms both of them throughout
the course of history.
(2) An institutional structure is a
complex system that enables institutions
to operate through three
main modes: rules, practices and
narratives.
(3) Whether in short or long run,
institutions are subjects and objects
of social change. Reflecting the dialectical
relationship between structure
and agency, they can trigger
social change or can be affected by
the structural forces that either impose
or require institutional continuity.
(4) Institutions are designed social
phenomena and their design process
reflects the power relations in
society.
(5) Even among institutions of the
same social domain an institutional
diversity always exists. This is a
result of different social/ structural
dynamics that prevail in the society
as well as the influential agents that
are in a position to take critical decisions
for institutions.
These five topics do not only form
the common ground of the three
strands, but also offer an exclusive conceptualization
of the role of institutions
in social life from a new institutionalist
perspective.
3. CBC and new institutionalism
This section evaluates the scientific
literature related to CBC, cross border
regionalism and new institutional theory.
The aim is to provide examples on
the use of new institutionalism in CBC,
as well as to establish a ground for discussion
the CBC experience in the Edirne-
Kırklareli border region with this
perspective. Studies that are not directly
related to CBC but are coming from
regional science related disciplines are
also included to extend the scope of the
evaluation and provide background for
further discussion.
A similar new institutionalist analysis
approach previously was adopted by
Helena Ekelund (2014), who demonstrated
the applicability of the new institutional
theory in the EU context by
discussing the establishment of Frontex,
the border patrol agency of the
Union. According to her, “the timing
of establishment; the decision on the
agency’s tasks, role and mission; [and]
the decision on a specific institutional
design and management” (Ekelund,
2014, p. 110) can be explained by using
different new institutionalist strands.
From a rational choice perspective,
the coordination of border-related activities
of member states and the use
of expert knowledge can be viewed as
transaction cost-reducing activities.
On the other hand, the emergence of
Frontex cannot be understood solely as
a cost-cutting solution. The social and
historical contexts are highly influential
in the institutional design process.
This context is the enlargement of the
EU, which requires its own institutional
structure to manage the extensive
functional areas of the Union. For
Ekelund (2014), the enlargement waves
that included southern and eastern European
states are critical junctures in
which crucial decisions were taken to
pave the way for the establishment of
Frontex.
Implications of rational choice institutionalism
are most easily observed
at the local and regional levels, from
which Elinor Ostrom (2005) developed
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the Institutional Analysis and Development
Framework, which was based
on a large number of local case studies
across the world. Through these case
studies, Ostrom and her colleagues
extensively elaborate how local actors
organize around institutions and use
institutional practices to overcome
trust problems. Extending this debate
to the regional scale, Rodriguez-Pose
(2013, p. 1037) argues that local institutional
arrangements prove to be
more effective in generating economic
development than nation state governments,
since “the national scale can be
too distant, remote and detached in
order to be effective in mobilizing organizations”.
Rodriguez- Pose’s (2013,
p. 1042) conclusion is that regional development
strategies should be “specifically
tailored to the potential of placebounded
institutions” in order to make
significant interventions for development.
However, as a result of the rational
choice institutionalist thinking,
Rodriguez-Pose’s focus on institutions
from a regional development perspective
suggests looking away from the
institutional characteristics of a region,
focusing instead on “institutional arrangements,
which represent barriers
for the efficiency of other factors influencing
economic development” (p.
1043).
The management of common-pool
resources and transaction cost-reducing
roles of institutions provides
considerable explanation for the role
of institutions during the institutionalization
process of CBC. Although
in the context of inter-municipal cooperation,
which does not include a
cross-border aspect, Hilvert and Swindell
(2013), Carr and Hawkins (2013),
and Delabbio and Zeemering (2013)
conceptualize cooperation as common-pool
resource management. According
to them, cooperation activities
emerge from the need to reduce transaction
costs, especially in urban management,
by sharing and coordinating
the joint use of resources, collaborating
in infrastructure construction and
creating joint institutions for providing
services. This is also the case in
cross-border regionalism, where grass
roots, cross-border initiatives emerge
to mobilize common endogenous resources
to solve problems and generate
regional development.
Delabbio and Zeemering (2013)
argue that institutional context is a
determining factor for collective action.
In addition, local officials prefer
to take part in collective action when
a cost-benefit analysis reveals different
aspects of the institutional structure,
such as career risks, public resistance,
expected outcomes of collaboration
and transaction costs. Hilvert and
Swindell (2013) also argue that inter-local
cooperation becomes satisfactory
for decision-makers only when
transaction costs arising from cooperation
are exceeded by the benefits of
collaboration.
One of the scholars who first interpreted
CBC using a new institutionalist
approach is Markus Perkmann. He
argues that
… CBC has to be seen as an aggregate
outcome of various relatively
decentralized processes of institution
building with strong involvement by
non-local actors. Cross-border initiatives
cannot be assumed to have single
and coherent objectives. Rather, a multiplicity
of actors operates in an institutional
context of opportunities and
constraints that is not predominantly
of their own making. As a consequence
of their actions, the institutional setting
itself undergoes continuous changes
resulting in irreversible and historically
specific trajectories. Such ideas about
the building and evolution of institutions
can be extrapolated from a more
sociologically inflected `new institutionalism’
recently emerging as a supra-disciplinary
paradigm in a range of
fields. (Perkmann, 1999, p. 660)
Perkmann departs from rational
choice institutionalism and aligns his
arguments with a historical institutionalist
approach that links institutional
change with “strategic action
(path shaping) and evolution (path dependence)”.
Perkmann (1999, p. 660),
rejects the argument of the neutrality
of institutions and argues that “they
privilege certain actors, certain time
and space horizons, and certain strategic
agendas over others”. Institutional
structure is also influential over the
behaviours of CBC actors and since it
is predominantly formed within the
nation state framework, it remains inefficient
in supplying actors with the
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necessary tools for cross-border governance.
In tandem with Perkmann (1999),
Church and Reid (1999) attempt to
conceptualize the institutional framework
of CBC between England and
France using the new institutional theory.
Rather than focusing on the relationship
between institutions and CBC
in general, they focus on two specific
aspects of the institutional structure:
its thickness and territorial embeddedness.
Their findings suggest that
although intensifying CBC activities
contributes to increasing institutional
thickness, the lack of genuine cooperation
results in more intervention on
behalf of the EU and national governments
in the facilitation and supervision
of CBC. With regard to territorial
embeddedness, Church and Reid
(1999) make two distinct observations.
First, cross- border spaces mostly remain
imaginary spaces, as wishful
thoughts of politicians, perhaps as an
impact of external influence without
being supported by “economic and
cultural transfrontier links”. Second,
spaces of CBC usually have a “flexible
territorial characteristic” that releases
the boundedness of administrative
divisions and scales and constitutes its
own spatial framework.
These two studies align with sociological
and historical institutionalisms
and evaluate CBC processes as context-bounded
phenomena emerging
from the historical conditions that
both necessitate and constrain it.
Putnam’s (1993) longitudinal and
extensive study of Italian regional governance
institutions reaches the conclusion
that mirrors sociological institutionalism,
though it also includes
elements from historical institutionalism.
Putnam (1993) investigates the
establishment of local governments in
Italy with a longitudinal survey. Within
a period of 14 years after their establishment,
regional governments in Italy
displayed a diversified path of governance,
which resulted in success for
some and failure for others. Focusing
on the reasons of that diversification
and by conducting two surveys with a
10 years interval, Putnam argues that
democratic traditions are among the
most significant factors in determining
institutional success. According
to him, “the practical performance of
institutions… [is] shaped by the social
context within which they operate” (p.
8).
These studies demonstrate that new
institutionalism theory provides efficient
tools to understand the complexity
of CBC. However, most of them do
not intend to provide a coherent picture
of the institutional structure of the
subject they investigate and rather remain
focused on the interpretation and
critique of their problematic, usually
by adopting the approach of one of the
three different strands. The remainder
of this study aims to choose the first
path and comprehensively evaluate
CBC in Edirne- Kırklareli border region
from the perspectives of the three
strands of new institutionalism. While
doing so, abovementioned five topics
in which the three strands converge
will be used as reference points for interpretation
and for providing a coherent
view of the institutional structure
of CBC in Edirne- Kırklareli border
region.
4. CBC in Edirne Kırklareli border
region: New institutionalist
perspectives
The administrative regions of Bulgaria
and Turkey that take part in CBC
were part of the Thracian region under
the rule of the Ottoman Empire for
four centuries. Thrace was inhabited
by a heterogeneous society of Muslims,
Christians and Jews. The division of
geographical units into administrative
territories was conducted very vaguely
along religious lines, also a major
source of identity among inhabitants
of the region. Nonetheless, cultural interaction,
population movement and
economic interaction were also considered
a general characteristic of the
region (Manos, 2005; Mazower, 2001).
The Greek and Bulgarian revolutions
resulting in independence in 1832 and
1909 respectively were the roots of the
tripartite hostility between these two
nation-states and the Ottoman Empire.
Modern Turkey, established in 1923,
inherited its part of that enmity from
the Ottoman Empire, although no war
has been fought since the establishment
of these nation states. A part of
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276
that enmity lies in the self-perception
of the Turkish nation state as the heir
of the Ottoman Empire. In addition,
Turks were identified with Islam, which
was the source of religious enmity and
accompanied political disputes that
have made Turkey a “negative point
of reference for [the] symbolic construction
of the local political communit[ies]”
(Gkintidis, 2013). The refugee
exchanges between Turkey and Greece
and Greece and Bulgaria have caused
the homogenization of the previously
heterogeneous region (Karakasidou,
1997). After the establishment of new
nation states, the long standing hostilities
and the exchange of minorities
between them, the basic characteristic
of the border regions in the Thrace region
during the 20 th century could be
described as alienation, since the dominant
narrative of the respective nation
states was nationalism accompanied
by strong political and administrative
dependence on the centre in combination
with military fortification along
the borders (Gkintidis, 2013; Mazower,
2001).
With the end of the Cold War the
border milieu started to change slowly
but significantly. First, trade liberalization
in Bulgaria has increased the
volume of trade as well as the cultural
contacts between the two countries
and bordering provinces. Second, with
the official EU candidacy of two countries
and Bulgaria’s membership in
2007, the EU has become an important
facilitator of bilateral relations. The
EU’s external, enlargement, integration
and regional policies, programmes and
funds have reshaped the context in
which the border region is defined. The
pre-accession instrument in general
and CBC in particular have contributed
to this change significantly. Regional
policies of the EU and the new regionalist
turn in national politics provided
new opportunities and perspectives for
regional development, and also forced
the regions to rely less and less on decreasing
central state investments and
to look more towards utilizing endogenous
resources. The CBC programmes
of the EU emerged as one of these opportunities
that encouraged border regions
to turn toward the other side of
the border instead to their capital cities
(Sezgin and Erkut, 2014).
The historical institutionalist approach
allows interpreting CBC as a
part of Turkey’s alignment with EU’s
policies as well as a part of the wider
economic and political dynamics prevailing
within the EU. From the historical-
institutionalist lens CBC in
Edirne- Kırklareli border region collides
with the EU candidacy of Turkey,
which can be considered as a critical
juncture in country’s history. Although
Turkey’s orientation towards EU membership
dates back to 1960’s, the official
candidacy status granted in 2005
marks a considerable change in Turkey-
EU relations, including the rise
in the EU funds. CBC in the EU is a
part of the Union’s European integration
and regional development goals.
Turkey’s regional policies also have
changed in accordance, shifting from
redistribution of resources at national
level until 1990’s to entrepreneurialism
and competition in 2000’s (Bayırbağ,
2013; Dulupçu, 2005). In the context
of border regions, this entrepreneurial
position necessitated a transformation
in the perception of the other side of
the border, particularly at the local level.
Enmity and alienation had to be replaced
with a partnership perspective,
since the neighbouring country and
region were no longer negative reference
point for national identity but an
endogenous resource that holds the
potential to enlarge the existing market
and compete internationally.
The structure within which CBC
projects are realized can best be defined
with its constituting rules and regulations.
The Procurement and Grants for
European Union External Actions tendering
procedure (PRAG) is the main
EU-originated law, which affects CBC
processes in the Edirne- Kırklareli border
region. This law is a set of rules that
define grant and procurement mechanisms
of EU funds (EC, 2014). The
contents of these rules are outside the
scope of this study. Rather, particular
importance is given to the contradictory,
dual structure that has emerged
over the course of the CBC projects’
implementation process. Grants are allocated
according to PRAG rules and
the use of these grants is also subject
to tendering procedures put in place
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by the same rules. More concretely,
spending money within a CBC project
can only be done in accordance
with PRAG procedures. However, local
actors, particularly from the public
sector, are also obliged to obey the
national procurement law. In the event
that PRAG rules and the national procurement
law contradict each other, it
is not clear how project beneficiaries
should act.
During the field study, it was observed
that across the board, all public
project beneficiaries were under stress
during the tendering process because
of this contradiction. On the one hand,
complying with PRAG procedures
is necessary to ensure project payment,
as project spending is done in
advance and reimbursement of funds
is completed only after inspection by
independent controllers. On the other
hand, public organizations can be audited
anytime by national authorities,
looking to ensure that expenditures are
in compliance with the relevant public
procurement law despite the fact that
some items of which contradict PRAG
tendering procedures. As a temporary
solution, the Ministry of EU Affairs authorities
have written official letters to
the Ministry of the Interior explaining
the situation and asking for the necessary
understanding for project beneficiaries
(Personal Interview, 2013).
Despite informal efforts at the central
state level, the absence of legal clarity
for some interlocutors is one of the
most discouraging factors in terms of
participation in CBC
Independent from the legal transformation
aspect, tendering procedures
have complied with PRAG criteria
without a significant problem
until now, and have had transformative
effects at the local scale, even if not always
in a positive way. Various interlocutors
have described their way of
doing business, the “Turkish style”, as
focusing on the things that have to be
done instead of the procedures themselves.
They rely on informal networks
and trust to accomplish their missions,
and rate legal procedures as being of
secondary importance. Therefore, for
the sake of efficiency, even in the public
sector, they are used to completing the
practical work first and setting out to
“filling out the necessary paperwork”
later. This is an informal relationship
based on personal relations and trust
in which local public and private actors
openly credit each other and believe
that they will act in a way that will not
cause any problem in the future. Yet the
procedures of CBC do not leave room
for the Turkish style of doing business,
which, according to most of the project
beneficiaries, leads to inefficiency and
an increase in the costs of projects.
Despite the legal difficulties described
above, theoretically, the process
of applying for CBC funding is
open to any institution located in the
border region. However, the laws and
regulations defined by both the EU
and the Turkish government constrain
a large number of organizations that
would otherwise participate in CBC.
The constraints include first the IPA
procedures that allocate 20% of the
project budget as an advance and allow
for reimbursement only after tenders
are completed. This is a process that
practically eliminates organizations
with low budgets. Second national regulations
restrict organizations seeking
CBC funding that owe tax and social
insurance debts to the state. Third, for
many public organizations, such as
schools, legally it is impossible to apply
for CBC funding, since their annual
budget is centrally planned to cover
only substantial costs such as salaries
and maintenance. However, CBC procedures
necessitate the allocation of
internal resources, even if only temporarily.
During this field study, it was observed
that most project beneficiaries
have participated in more than one
project and regularly apply for CBC
funding. These organizations also
constitute a considerable share of institutions
with sufficient financial and
human resources to both prepare and
implement projects. Consequently,
CBC remains in the hands of a limited
number of people and it is difficult for
a newcomer to enter the club. Organizations
in the region are constrained by
laws, regulations and the level of socioeconomic
development of the region,
and only the forerunners in terms of
financial and human resources manage
to benefit from CBC funding.
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278
The legal structure constituted by
the EU and Turkish laws and legislations
limits the institutional framework
of CBC. And its interpretation
necessitates the use of the sociological
institutionalist lens. Accordingly
CBC practices that take place in the
Edirne- Kırklareli border region are
constrained by the various multi-scalar
factors that stretch from the EU to
the national levels. At the EU level the
PRAG procedures impose their own
way of doing business, which interrupts
the “Turkish Style” and attempts
to change it according to predefined
standards. This institutional change
also faces considerable resistance as the
Turkish national authorities hesitate to
take necessary steps for harmonizing
PRAG procedures and national legislation.
In a similar manner, constrains arising
from the national legislation also
restrict the CBC actors in the region.
At this scale restriction appears as setting
the legal limits that while enable
some actors to participate in CBC, restrict
others. Within this context, sociological
institutionalism’s perspective
allows interpreting CBC as a limited
institutional structure in which only
selected actors are allowed to take part.
This perspective opposes the rational
choice institutionalism by arguing that
a particular institutional context is not
created by and through the participation
of all rationally behaving actors
but by only a limited part of them. The
legal system in this context represents
the social structure that from the sociological
institutionalist perspective
determines the institutional framework
of CBC. However motivations of
CBC actors and the practices they have
established during their personal CBC
histories still contains room for rational
choice institutionalist interpretation.
It is possible to conceptualize CBC as
an imaginary common-pool resource
where actors compete and cooperate
to use and manage EU funds. Cooperation
between partners displays behaviours
based on trust relationships.
A typical example is the partner choosing
process, where organizations prefer
to participate in CBC with partners
they already know. Moreover, among
project beneficiaries who have managed
more than one CBC project, it is
common to cooperate with the same
partner because of trust relationships
based on previous experience. Another
common practice among partners is to
apply simultaneously to two projects,
where one partner becomes leader in
one project and the second in the other.
This allows them to use their resources
more efficiently, reduce the risks of not
being awarded by funding and increase
their share taken from the pool.
There is a general agreement that
CBC funding, particularly in terms of
infrastructure projects, provides opportunities
for municipalities. However,
not all of them can be involved
in CBC and use EU funding. As mentioned
above, any institution that
would like to participate in CBC must
not owe taxes or social insurance debts
to the state. This precondition reduces
the number of municipalities participating
in CBC. Some of them have no
choice but to abstain from CBC, since
it is impossible for them to pay their
debts. For the others, they face the dilemma
of locating enough capital to
pay their debts in order to participate
in CBC (and also other programmes,
such as those of RDAs) or opt out altogether.
Usually officials perform a
cost and benefit analysis prior to making
a final decision. If they see that the
benefit from participating in a project
exceeds their debts they chose the
first option. Moreover, the tendency
towards participating in infrastructure-related
CBC projects can also be
(partially) explained by the same argument,
since these projects are argued
to be more cost effective than soft projects,
which according to some interlocutors,
were considered a “waste of time
and money”.
5. Conclusion
The new institutionalist strands provide
explanations for the institutional
structure of CBC from their own perspectives.
In general this study argues
that CBC has emerged as a result of
several socio- economic dynamics that
have affected the social and institutional
organizations of human societies
along with CBC. The enlargement,
integration and regional policies of the
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • E. Sezgin, G. Erkut

279
EU as well as their preconditioning dynamics
such as globalization and the
end of the cold war, from a historical
institutionalist perspective, have created
a path dependent process resulting
with CBC.
CBC should be understood as an
integral part of the social structure
of the border region in which it takes
place. Although historical dynamics
are influential in the formation of the
social structure, the place and context
based conditions vary from one border
region to the other, necessitating
developing a unique conceptualization
for each case. The sociological institutionalist
perspective allows positioning
CBC in the Edirne- Kırklareli border
region within its context by providing
links to the EU and national laws, the
contradictions between them, the given
bureaucratic structure of the Turkish
nation state and CBC practices.
This strand of institutionalism allows
interpreting CBC as a context bound
phenomena reflecting the established
social structure in the region.
Independent from the social context,
however, CBC actors have some
common motivations and expectations
that the rational choice strand of new
institutionalism allows to grasp. Especially
the profit maximizing behaviour
of CBC participants that orients them
to prefer infrastructure projects over
the soft ones, and to tend to cooperate
with the same partners because of trust
related issues are among the best examples
of the rational choice point of view
in CBC.
Apart from the explanations the
three strands of new institutionalism
individually provide, new institutionalist
theory also proves to be useful
in understanding the ongoing social
change in the region through the
five consolidation points of the three
strands. The tension between the national
laws and EU regulations, for
example, reflects the duality between
continuity and change. If a separation
between the three layers of CBC governance,
the supranational, the national
and the regional, would be done for
analytical purposes, then the national
level can be defined as the one that
stands for continuity against the tendency
to change imposed by the supranational
and the regional levels. Here
change is imposed mainly by global
dynamics that necessitate a structural
transformation of the economic and
political system. This transformation is
capitalist in nature, hence strongly related
to the global dynamics of capital
accumulation. Accordingly, the concentration
of political power is shifting
from nation states; upwards towards
global and supranational institutions
and downwards towards subnational
regions (Jessop, 2003; Swyngedouw,
1997). Within this context change appears
as result of the path dependent
processes of capital accumulation. And
the resistance of nation state’s institutions
is related to taking control over
the newly emerging policy fields, such
as CBC and their related institutions.
The continuity-change dichotomy is
also observed in the design of institutions.
In the case of CBC, the conflict
between the national and the EU regulations
is a reflection of this dichotomy.
On the one hand CBC in Edirne- Kırklareli
has been initiated by the financial
and institutional support of the EU;
hence it is designed in accordance to its
institutional framework, which is also
applied with almost the same procedures
to other candidate countries. On
the other hand, a radical institutional
change triggered by CBC is not possible
because of the already established
national administrative structure that
has its own agenda and the lack of institutional
capacity in the region. Instead
regulation, supervision and even participation
to CBC are done by existing
public and civil society organizations
within the national institutional framework.
In this context, from a sociological
institutionalist perspective CBC is
representing one of the various aspects
of public administration, in which existing
regulations and resources, especially
in terms of human capital are
used; and established ways of doing
business are applied. Hence actors involved
in CBC are constrained by the
national institutional structure which
imposes its own conditions against the
external pressure for change coming
from the EU. As a result, although a variety
of organizations are involved, an
institutional diversity is hardly observable
due the structural constrains that
Cross border cooperation in Edirne-Kırklareli border region: New institutionalist perspectives

280
limit and shape the general framework
of CBC in the region.
However, through CBC practices a
change, albeit slow in pace is initiated
in the region. This change is partly a response
to new regionalist policies that
reduce the amount of investments of
the central state and force regional/ local
authorities to compete for resources
necessary for their basic service provisions.
In the lack of the central state
investments local institutions tend
to increase their profits and perceive
CBC as an endogenous resource that
contributes to their competitiveness in
front of the internal regions and they
invent methods for bypassing the institutional
factors that constrain them
from using it. These methods become
the institutionalized practices of CBC
in the region.
Change is also partly initiated by
the will of local society, as a result of
reduced central state control and increasing
interactions among the two
sides of the border. The existence of the
border has become a resource, the efficiency
of which can be maximized only
through its mutual management. CBC,
although invented and developed by
the EU’s institutional framework, is being
used as a catalyser for that purpose.
In this sense, as Elinor Ostrom (2005)
has pointed out from a rational choice
point of view, cooperation, rather than
competition emerges as the most efficient
way of dealing with the changing
political and economic conditions.
Practices of cooperation and competition
shape the institutionalization process
of CBC in the Edirne- Kırklareli
border region by large, but they also
have emerged as a response to the central
state’s control mechanisms of CBC,
which in turn are a response to the EU
policies that intervene to the established
national institutional structure.
The institutionalization of CBC in
this way comes full circle: CBC has
emerged within a global and international
context as a result of various
economic and political dynamics.
Especially at the national scale, it has
been applied within the framework of
existing legal structure and institutional
context established for different purposes;
and finally has been shaped by
the institutional practices that are most
creatively invented at the local level to
overcome the institutional constrains.
Acknowledgements
This paper is produced from the
PhD dissertation entitled “The Impacts
of State Transformation Processes on
Border Regions: A Reading Through
Cross Border Co-Operation” prepared
by the corresponding author and with
the institutional and financial support
of ITU- Scientific Research Support
Department; TÜBİTAK- Science Fellowships
and Grant Programmes Department;
and Radboud University Nijmegen-
Centre for Border Research.
The authors wish to thank to these institutions
as well as to the two anonymous
referees.
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adaylık statüsü elde etmesi ile taçlanan
batılılaşma süreci ve buna bağlı olarak
hem bölgesel politikalar hem de kamu
yönetimi alanlarında yaşanan kurumsal
dönüşüm süreçlerini kapsamaktadır.
AB ölçeğinden bakıldığında ise
birliğin 29 üye ülkeyi içerecek şekilde
genişlemesi ve bu genişlemeye bağlı
olarak uyum ve bütünleşmeyi sağlayacak
politikaların geliştirilmesi gerekliliği
en önemli etkenler olarak ortaya
çıkmaktadır. Bu çerçevede ulus üstü,
ulusal ve yerel/ bölgesel ölçeklerin
dahil olduğu yönetişim modellerinin
geliştirilmesi olanaklı olmuştur. AB’de
sınır ötesi işbirliği de bu bağlamda ortaya
çıkmaktadır.
Yerel, ulusal ve küresel dinamiklerin
etkisi ile şekillenen sınır ötesi işbirliğinin
kurumsallaşmasını araştırmak
bahsedilen bu farklı ölçek ve süreçlerin
belirli bir yerleşim alanı üzerine olan
etkilerini anlamak açısından önem
teşkil etmektedir. Bu çalışma söz konusu
araştırmayı yeni kurumsalcılık
kuramını ve onun farklı yaklaşımları
olan üç ayrı kolunu, yani rasyonel seçim,
sosyolojik ve tarihsel kurumsalcılık
yaklaşımlarını kullanarak yapmayı
hedeflemektedir. Yeni kurumsalcılığın
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konusunda birbirinden ayrışan ve zaman
zaman çelişen yaklaşımlara sahiptir.
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insanın, çıkarlarını maksimize etmek
üzere hesaplar yapan ve bunun sonucunda
hareket eden bir varlık olduğu
kabulü ile hareket ederler. Bu bakış
açısı ile toplumsal kurumlar, insanlar
arasında güven eksikliğinden doğan
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Edirne-Kırklareli sınır bölgesinde
sınır ötesi işbirliği: Yeni kurumsalcı
yaklaşımlar
Avrupa Birliği (AB) Katılım Öncesi
Mali Yardım Aracı kapsamında Türkiye
ve Bulgaristan arasında 15 yılı
aşkın bir süredir sınır ötesi işbirlikleri
gerçekleştirilmektedir. Sınır ötesi işbirliği
programının uygulandığı Edirne-
Kırklareli sınır bölgesinde, il özel idareleri
ve kaymakamlıklar gibi merkezi
devlet kurumları, yerel yönetimler, iş
örgütleri ve sivil toplum kuruluşları
gibi toplumun farklı kesimlerinden aktörler
proje faydalanıcısı olarak sürece
dahil olmuş; AB Bakanlığı ve Kalkınma
Bakanlığı başta olmak üzere farklı
ulusal kuruluşlar ve AB’nin ilgili kurumları
ile birlikte çok katmanlı bir yönetişim
yapısı oluşturmuşlardır.
Bu süreç, bölgede, sınır ötesi işbirliği
programı etrafında farklı kuruluşların
birbirileri ile etkileşim içinde dahil
olduğu, kendi mevzuatı ve gündelik
pratikleri olan bir kurumsal yapının
oluşmasına yol açmıştır. Sınır ötesi
işbirliğinin kurumsallaşması süreci,
Edirne- Kırklareli sınır bölgesine özgü
yerel dinamikler ile birlikte; ulusal ve
ulus üstü düzeyde meydana gelen sosyal-
politik dönüşümlerin ve tarihsel
süreçlerin etkisi altında gelişmektedir.
Söz konusu yerel dinamikler, güven
ilişkilerine dayalı olarak yürütülen işbirliği
projeleri; iki toplum arasında
buna bağlı olarak geliştirilen ilişkileri;
ve sınır ötesi işbirliklerine dahil olan
çeşitli aktörler arasındaki güç ilişkileri
olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Ulusal ölçekte
meydana gelen dinamikler Türkiye’nin
2005’te AB üyeliği için tam
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rulmuştur ve bunu başarabildikleri
ölçüde toplumda yerleşirler. Tarihsel
ve sosyolojik kurumsalcı yaklaşımlar
bu bakış açısına farklı yönlerden itiraz
etmektedirler. Tarihsel kurumsalcılara
göre toplumsal kurumlar uzun tarihsel
süreçler boyunca şekillenen toplumsal
dinamiklerinin doğal birer sonucu olarak
oluşurlar. Örneğin kapitalizm bu
tür bir tarihsel- toplumsal dinamiktir.
Kapitalizm tarihsel gelişim süreci içinde
hegemonik bir güç haline gelmiş ve
kendi kurumsal yapısını oluşturmuştur.
Tüm toplumsal kurumlar da yol
bağımlılığı kavramı ile ifade edilen bir
zorunluluk ilişkisi içerisinde kapitalizmin
kurumsal yapısının bir gerekliliği
olarak ortaya çıkarlar ya da işlevlerini
yitirirler. Sosyolojik kurumsalcılık ise
tarihsel süreçlerden ziyade bir toplumsal
yapıda mevcut güç ilişkileri ve
o yapıya özgü dinamiklerin toplumsal
kurumların şekillenmesinde etkili olduğunu
savunmaktadır. Hem toplumsal
kurumların varlığı hem de onların
yönetim ve işleyişi bu güç ilişkilerinin
birer yansımasıdır.
Bu çalışma, Edirne- Kırklareli sınır
bölgesinde gerçekleşen sınır ötesi işbirliklerini
ve bu doğrultuda oluşan
kurumsal yapıyı, yeni kurumsalcılık
kuramının bu üç farklı yaklaşımı açısından
değerlendirmektedir. Bu çerçevede,
tarihsel kurumsalcılık bakış
açısı ile Türkiye’nin AB üyelik süreci,
soğuk savaş dönemi boyunca süren sınır
bölgeleri politikalarını dönüştüren
bir kritik kavşak, fakat aynı zamanda
da Cumhuriyet’in kuruluşundan beri
hedeflenen batılılaşmanın devamını
imleyecek bir yol bağımlılığı süreci
olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Sosyolojik
kurumsalcı bakış açısı ile AB bölgesel
politikalarının bir parçası olan sınır
ötesi işbirliği, ulus üstü, ulusal ve yerel
ölçeklerden farklı çıkarlara sahip olan
aktörler arasındaki güç ilişkilerinin
bir yansıması olarak değerlendirilmiştir.
Sınır ötesi işbirliklerinin yasal çerçevesi
ve proje başvuruları sırasında
uygulanan eleme yöntemleri de aynı
bağlamda ele alınmıştır. Sınır ötesi işbirliklerine
katılan aktörlerin katılma
sebepleri ve ortak seçme süreçleri ise
rasyonel seçim kurumsalcı bakış açısı
ile ve çıkar maksimizasyonu bakış açısı
ile değerlendirilmiştir.
Çalışma, bu farklı kuramsal bakış
açılarının birbirilerini dışlayan ya da
birbirilerine zıt yaklaşımlar olmadıklarını,
aksine aynı olguya farklı açılardan
yaklaştıklarını iddia etmektedir. Bu nedenle
bu farklı bakış açılarının sentezi,
Edirne- Kırklareli bölgesindeki sınır
ötesi işbirliğinin kurumsallaşmasını
kavramak açısından önem taşımaktadır.
Çalışma bölgede sınır ötesi işbirliği
sürecine dahil olan aktörlerden 49’u
ile, sınır ötesi işbirliğinin kurumsallaşma
sürecini incelemek amacı ile 2013
yılında gerçekleştirilen bir saha araştırmasına
dayanmaktadır.
Cross border cooperation in Edirne-Kırklareli border region: New institutionalist perspectives

ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • 285-306
Modelling road traffic noise
annoyance by listening tests
Mine AŞCIGİL DİNCER 1 , Sevtap YILMAZ 2
1
mineascigil@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
2
demirkale@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul
Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
Received: July 2015 Final Acceptance: October 2015
Abstract
Noise annoyance studies evaluate people’s responses to noise exposure, questioning
how much they are annoyed by a certain type of environmental noise. In
accordance with Environmental Noise Directive (2002/49/EC) by the EU Parliament
and Council, noise annoyance dose-effect relations are determined by noise
maps and questionnaires with respondents living in a certain area. The aim of this
study is to build a noise annoyance model using listening tests, by examining factors
which effect road traffic noise annoyance levels. In this study, listening tests
are prepared using sound clips of traffic noises which are listened to in laboratory
conditions. Road traffic noises are recorded for each vehicle type, taking into
account possible vehicle speeds, traffic flow types, road slopes and road surfaces.
Sound clips are formed according to road types and filtered to simulate sound
propagation in various city conditions. Sound clips are then filtered with façade
sound insulation values to simulate the sounds heard inside houses. Respondents
are asked how much they are annoyed when they listen to the sound clips with
headphones and imagine they are resting inside their houses. The results are
analyzed and responses are investigated to form a road traffic noise annoyance
model. This model provides the opportunity to transform raw data (traffic, road
and settlement) directly into annoyance. The information on the effects of traffic
elements, road properties and settlement types on noise annoyance can easily be
used for planning new areas or noise action plans.
Keywords
Listening test, Noise annoyance, Road traffic noise.

286
1. Introduction
Environmental noise is unwanted or
harmful sound, usually generated by
activities such as road traffic, railways,
air transport, industry, recreation and
construction. People are exposed to
environmental noise at various places
including their homes, schools or
workplaces (Kang, 2007). The potential
health effects of environmental noise
include ear discomfort, speech interference,
aural pain, sleep disturbance,
startle and defense reactions, hearing
impairment, cardiovascular effects,
performance reduction, and annoyance
responses (WHO, 2000).
Environmental noise annoyance
and sleep disturbance effects are taken
seriously by the European Union.
The main objective of “Assessment and
Management of Environmental Noise
(2002/49/EC)” Directive (EU Parliament
and Council, 2002) is to define a
common approach intended to avoid,
prevent or reduce the harmful effects,
including annoyance, due to exposure
to environmental noise. Turkey adapted
this Directive (T.C. Çevre ve Orman
Bakanlığı, 2010) with the same purposes
and is working on implementing it.
The term, ‘annoyance’ is defined in
the Directive as ‘the degree of community
noise annoyance as determined by
means of field surveys’. The Directive
states that dose-effect relations, that is
the relation between annoyance and a
noise indicator, should be used to assess
the effect of noise on population.
Noise indicator for annoyance given in
the Directive is L den
, day-evening-night
level in decibels. This indicator may be
used to assess annoyance for road, rail
and air traffic noise, and for industrial
noise (EU Parliament and Council,
2002).
European Commission Working
Groups published dose-effect relations
for transportation noise, created from
socio-acoustic surveys, made in countries
of North Europe, North America
and Australia (WG-HSEA, 2002).
These relationships do not necessarily
apply to other countries. Some dose effect
relation studies conclude that, social,
psychological or economic factors,
are far more important than acoustic
or physical factors (Guski, 1997) (Job,
1988). Numerous studies show that the
indicators used, such as A-weighted
values or L den
and L night
, do not reflect
many aspects of annoyance (Phan et
al., 2009) (Persson Waye & Rylander,
2001) (Kang, 2007).
This study is part of a research for
composing an approach for developing
road traffic noise annoyance prediction
model. In the research, noise
mapping and socio-acoustic surveying
and listening test techniques are used
to develop and validate the prediction
model for an urban area. In a previous
study by the authors of this article,
noise maps and socio-acoustic surveys
were used to form dose-effect relations
for road traffic noise for Besiktas district
in Istanbul, Turkey (Badino et al.,
2012). Dose-effect relations in Besiktas
district proved to be different from
relations recommended by European
Commission (WG-HSEA, 2002). This
divergence could be caused by differences
in non-acoustical factors, by
differences in characteristics of road
vehicles or of built environment, or
by inadequacy of noise indicators. In
Standards on
traffic noise
Test track options
Statistical data
on traffic
Traffic data from
noise map
Traffic data from
on-site research
Data from noise
prediction model
Traffic sound
recordings data
Sound
recordings
1
Start sound recordings
Determine
recording
conditions
Determine types
of vehicles and
driving conditions
Conduct traffic noise
recordings on site
Enough samples?
End sound recordings
Figure 1.a. Methodology flowchart, Part 1: sound recordings.
A
Yes
No
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287
Statistical data
on traffic
Traffic data from
noise map
Traffic data from
on-site research
Data from Good
Practice Guide
1
Urban
settlement
data
Sound
prop. data
Data on
façade
elements
On-site &
laboratory
sound
insulation
measurement
Sound clips
for listening
tests
A
Form sound clips for
road types
Create geometric divergence and
atmospheric absorption filters
Determine urban
sound propagation
characteristics
End sound clips
2 B
Start sound clips
Determine road
type
characteristics
Create urban sound prop. filters
Create sound insulation filter
Form sound clips
Sound clips for
road types
GD&AA
filter
Urban
prop. filter
Insulation
filter
Figure 1.b. Methodology flowchart, Part 2: sound clips.
this study, with the aim of analyzing
the issue further, road traffic noise annoyance
listening tests are designed for
the same district. People living in the
same district listen to traffic sounds at
levels which may be heard inside their
homes and rate the annoyance they
experience. The results are analyzed
to understand the factors effecting annoyance
levels and a road traffic noise
annoyance model is formed using analyzed
results.
Listening tests are used to evaluate
people’s responses to noise in a controlled
environment, such as a laboratory.
Listening tests may be used for
evaluating urban soundscapes or environmental
noises such as transportation
noise. Rychtarikova and Vermeir
(2013) assessed soundscapes by listening
tests using binaurally recorded
sound in urban public places. Viollon
et al. (2002) assessed how listener’s
judgments of a set of urban sound environments
were affected by visual settings.
Trolle et al. (2008), analyzed the
auditory perception of environmental
noises transmitted through a simulated
window via listening tests. Yifan
et al. (2008) experimented on annoyance
ratings of noise samples with different
frequency spectrums but same
A-weighted levels. Barbot et al. (2008)
investigated acoustic features of aircraft
noise which could be improved
by aircraft manufacturers from a sound
design point of view. Lavandier et al.
(2011) used aircraft flyover sounds to
rate the level of activity disturbance
due to the noise environment when
carrying out memory and concentration
tasks.
There are some listening test studies
on certain properties of traffic noise annoyance.
Freitas et al. (2012) executed
listening tests for road traffic noise, using
different road surfaces, car speeds
and traffic densities. Trolle et al. (2015)
investigated sound unpleasantness due
to urban road traffic at crossroads by a
listening test and discovered that type
of crossroad, traffic lights and heavy
vehicle content effect annoyance. Nilsson
(2007) executed listening tests on
road traffic noise with strong low frequency
content and found them to be
more annoying. Paviotti & Vogiatzis
(2012) investigated pedestrian annoyance
from scooter and motorbike noise
and found masking effect by general
traffic to be effective. Torija & Flindell
(2014) examined low height roadside
barrier’s effects on annoyance by listening
tests. Sandrock et al. (2008) executed
listening tests on acute annoyance
due to trams, buses and trucks, finding
task performance and single pass-by
versus realistic traffic flow to be effective
in annoyance levels.
In this study, listening tests are conducted
using sound clips of road traffic
noises which are listened to in laboratory
conditions. Road traffic noises are
recorded for each vehicle type, taking
into account possible vehicle speeds,
traffic flow types, road slopes and road
surfaces. Sound clips are formed according
to road types and filtered to
simulate sound propagation in various
city conditions. Sound clips are then
filtered with façade sound insulation
values to simulate the traffic sounds
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

288
heard inside houses. Questionnaire
respondents are asked to listen to the
sound clips with headphones and
imagine they are resting inside their
houses. The results are analyzed and
responses are investigated to form a
noise annoyance model. This model
helps to understand the dynamics of
noise annoyance.
This study focusses on the modelling
of road traffic noise annoyance
by listening tests. Future studies will
be on validating this model, using socio-acoustic
survey results to transform
it into a reliable prediction model.
Environmental noise annoyance
studies in EU require the main steps
of acquiring data (traffic, road and
settlement), forming noise maps via
noise prediction models, and executing
socio-acoustic surveys in order to
establish dose-effect relations. Using
an environmental noise annoyance
prediction model created by listening
tests provides the opportunity of directly
predicting noise annoyance from
acquired data. This prediction model
would exclude noise indicators which
have questionable reliability and which
do not reflect many aspects of annoyance,
determined by works of Phan et
al. (2009), Persson Waye & Rylander
(2001) and Kang (2007). Because the
main purpose of environmental noise
control studies is to reduce harmful
effects such as annoyance, a direct relation
between on-site data and annoyance
is valuable. These models can
be created for different countries, for
different settlements, and for different
social and economic zones, taking into
consideration Guski (1997) and Job’s
(1988) findings on the importance of
non-acoustic factors. Annoyance model
created by listening tests provides information
on the effects of traffic elements,
road properties and settlement
types on noise annoyance, which can
all be used directly in planning new areas
or noise action plans.
Literature on
listening tests
Test site
options
Exemplary survey
questions
ISO/TS 15666
Listening test
results data
2
Road traffic
noise
annoyance
model
Start listening test and
annoyance model
Determine
listening test
conditions
Conduct listening tests
Enough samples?
End listening tests and
annoyance model
2. Methodology and theoretical
background
The methodology of this study
brings together various methods used
for sound recording, forming sound
clips with sound filters and applying
listening tests. Figure 1 shows the flowchart
for the methodology in three
parts, (a) sound recordings, (b) sound
clips, (c) listening test and annoyance
model. This chapter also explains the
methodology in the same three headings.
This methodology may be used
for forming listening tests for different
countries, for different traffic conditions
or for different urban conditions,
which will provide different annoyance
models.
The detailed explanation of the
methodology and the theoretical background
of the study are given in the
following sub-sections.
2.1. Traffic sound recordings
For traffic sound recordings, most
common types of vehicles were determined
by statistical information;
driving conditions were determined by
data from noise maps, noise prediction
models and on-site research. Sound recordings
were conducted in a similar
methodology to traffic noise measurement
standards.
B
Form listening
tests
Conduct statistical analysis
Yes
Analyze listening test results
Listening test
Figure 1.c. Methodology flowchart, Part 3: listening tests and
annoyance model.
No
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289
Key
minimum area covered with test road surface, i.e. test area
microphone positions (height 1,2 m)
AA test zone start
BB test zone end
CC line of vehicle travel through test zone
PP line perpendicular to vehicle travel between microphone locations
R50 radius of 50 m around the centre of the track
NOTE: The shaded area (“test area”) is the minimum area to be covered with a surface complying with
ISO 10844.
Figure 2. Test site dimensions (ISO 362-2, 2007).
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests
2.1.1. Traffic sound recording standards
There are no guidelines for traffic
sound recordings, therefore traffic
noise measurement standards were
used to guide the recordings. The related
standards are, ISO 362-1 (2007),
ISO 362-2 (2009) and ISO 10844
(2014). ISO 362-1 (2007) and ISO 362-
2 (2009) standards are about measurement
of noise emitted by accelerating
road vehicles of various categories
under typical urban traffic conditions.
The specifications intend to reproduce
the level of noise generated by the
noise sources during normal driving in
urban traffic.
The test track construction and surface
shall meet the requirements of ISO
10844 (2014). The test site dimensions
are shown in Figure 2. Within a radius
of 50 m around the center of the track,
the space shall be free of large reflecting
objects such as fences, rocks, bridges
or buildings. The test track and the
surface of the site shall be dry and free
from absorbing materials (ISO 362-1,
2007).
During the recordings, the geometry
provided in the standards were
followed. In the vicinity of the microphone,
there was no obstacle that could
influence the acoustical field and no
person remained between the microphone
and the noise source. The distance
from the microphone positions
on the microphone line PP’ to the perpendicular
reference line CC’ on the
test track shall was 7.5 m ± 0.05 m. The
microphone shall was located about 1.2
m above the ground level. The path of
the centerline of the vehicle followed
line CC’ as closely as possible throughout
the entire test, from the approach
to line AA’ until the rear of the vehicle
passed line BB’. For accelerations
and decelerations, the test speed was
reached when the reference point was
at line PP’ (ISO 362-2, 2007). For fluid
continuous traffic flow recordings, test
speed was constant from AA’ to BB’.
Reference points of road vehicles are
defined according to engine positions,
which is mostly the front end of vehicles
(ISO 362-1, 2007).
The test track is a test instrument and
shall be protected from damage and be
taken care of. The test track should be
used only for noise measurements and
should be kept clear from loose debris
or dust during measurements (ISO
10844, 2014).

290
The background noise was measured
before and after recordings. The recordings
were made with the same microphones
and microphone locations
used during the test. The background
noise should at least 10 dB below the
A-weighted sound pressure level produced
by the vehicle under test (ISO
362-1, 2007).
ISO 362 standard series recommend
vehicle speed and acceleration for the
measurement to be determined according
to real urban traffic conditions,
so that vehicle emission in urban traffic
may be portrayed correctly. Inquiries
among dwellers along various streets
show that noise disturbance happens
mainly along urban main streets, and
during vehicle acceleration transients
(ISO 362-1, 2007). According to ISO
362-1 (2007), the behavior of drivers
depends on speed limits (traffic laws),
traffic density, road arrangement (traffic
lights, corners, etc.), driving purpose
(commuting, pleasure, commercial,
etc.), enforcement of traffic laws,
and the way the vehicle behaves as an
acoustical source under these conditions.
Annex A of ISO 362-1 (2007) gives
the technical background for development
of vehicle noise test procedure
based on in-use operation in urban
conditions. Standard recommends vehicle
speed and acceleration for the
measurement to be determined according
to real urban traffic conditions,
so that vehicle emission in urban traffic
may be portrayed correctly.
2.1.2. Determining vehicles and
driving conditions
Available statistical data may be
used to determine the most common
types of vehicles which may be used
in recording vehicle sounds in traffic
conditions. Driving conditions were
determined by using data from noise
maps, noise prediction model and onsite
research.
The area under consideration was
noise mapped for road traffic in a previous
study and average speed (km/h)
data used in road modelling of noise
maps was taken into consideration.
As it was advised by the Directives
(EU Parliament and Council, 2002)
(T.C. Çevre ve Orman Bakanlığı,
2010), NMPB-Routes-96 (1995) was
used in this study for traffic noise prediction
modelling. In this model, given
traffic flow types are fluid continuous,
pulsed continuous, pulsed accelerating
and pulsed decelerating. The traffic
flows are categorized the same way in
this study as well, for compatibility.
In “Good Practice Guide for Strategic
Noise Mapping and the Production
of Associated Data on Noise Exposure”,
(WG-AEN, 2006) the roads are classified
as dead-end roads, service roads,
collective roads, small main roads and
main roads. The same classification
is used in this study for compatibility
purposes.
Annex A of ISO 362-1 (2007) gives
the technical background for development
of vehicle noise test procedure
based on in-use operation in urban
conditions. In the annex, the distribution
of vehicle speed in urban traffic is
examined and driving behavior is recorded
on actual urban routes. Speed,
acceleration and gears have been statistically
examined in urban driving conditions.
Standard recommends vehicle
speed and acceleration for the measurement
to be determined according
to real urban traffic conditions, so
that vehicle emission in urban traffic
may be portrayed correctly. An on-site
study by driving through the area at
different times during the day was used
to reveal the driving patterns.
2.2. Sound clips
The sound clips were formed for the
purpose of helping to develop a road
traffic noise model. The sound clips
each simulated a traffic noise situation
possible to hear inside houses in the
area under consideration. First, road
types and characteristics were determined
to create the traffic noise heard
7.5 meters from road sources (ISO
10844, 2014). Then, sound propagation
characteristics for the urban area
were investigated and used for creating
and applying sound propagation
filters to sound clips. To simulate the
traffic noise heard inside the houses,
sound insulation values were applied
as sound filters. All of these steps finally
created the sound clips to use in the
listening tests.
The length of sound clips in listen-
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291
ing tests do not have a standard. Parizet
et al. (2002) used binaural sound recordings
of 10 seconds in various positions
in a high-speed train as stimuli
in listening tests. Viollon et al. (2002)
assessed how listener’s judgments of a
set of urban sound environments were
affected by visual settings. Each of the
various sounds, which were road traffic
noise, bird song and sounds due to human
presence, lasted 20 seconds. Jeon
et al. (2007) worked with various types
of refrigerator noise in an anechoic
chamber and in a real living environment.
A total of 40 noise sources with
duration of 5 seconds were presented
randomly. Barbot et al. (2008) investigated
acoustic features of aircraft noise
which could be improved by aircraft
manufacturers from a sound design
point of view. The duration of all the
stimuli were 40 seconds. Sandrock et
al. (2008) executed listening tests on
acute annoyance due to trams, buses
and trucks, with stimuli 6 seconds
long. Trolle et al. (2008), analysed the
auditory perception of environmental
noises transmitted through a simulated
window via listening tests. The
duration of each generated stimulus
was 4 seconds. Yifan et al. (2008) experimented
on annoyance ratings of 5
seconds long noise samples with different
frequency spectrums but same
A-weighted levels. Sound clips were
formed with a duration of 20 seconds
for this study. The number of vehicles
needed for each type of road were distributed
as evenly as possible on a 20
seconds long empty sound clip, on the
software Audacity.
2.2.1. Determining road type
characteristics
Road types in the area were determined
for this study. Characteristics
which influence traffic noise emission
are, traffic volume, types of vehicles,
traffic speed, traffic flow type and road
surface. These had been determined in
detail for major roads in the noise map
model prepared for this area. European
Commission’s Good Practice Guide for
Strategic Noise Mapping (WG-AEN,
2006) proposes some default values for
traffic flow volume, these values were
adapted to the area under consideration.
Statistics of road motor vehicles
were also used. The on-site research
recommended by Annex A of ISO 362-
1 (2007) was used to validate traffic
conditions in secondary roads. After
using all of this data, traffic flow for all
roads in the area was determined and
grouped. For the use of this data in
sound clips, road traffic volumes were
adjusted 20 seconds.
2.2.2. Sound propagation filters
The sound clips formed represent
different types of roads and traffic flow
characteristics recorded at 7.5 meters
from road sources, in open space conditions.
Some common examples of
urban sound propagation are calculated
and applied as filters to sound clips
at hand, in order to simulate traffic
sounds in the city. Filters for geometric
divergence and atmospheric absorption
were created from literature.
Filters for urban condition examples
were calculated with noise mapping
software.
2.2.2.1. Geometric divergence and atmospheric
absorption
Filters for geometric divergence and
atmospheric absorption have been created
from literature. Geometric divergence
for line sources is attenuation of
3 dB for doubling of distance. Because
the sound recordings were conducted
7.5 m away from source, geometric
divergence filter values for double
distances such as 15 m and 30 m are
used. The same principle is applied for
atmospheric absorption using sound
absorption values from ISO 9613-1
(1993).
2.2.2.2. Urban sound propagation
Urban sound propagation research
in literature is based on experimental
or theoretical works and examples on
street canyon research clearly show
this. Picaut et al. (2005) experimented
on sound propagation in a street canyon,
with various source and receiver
locations on a street in Nantes, France.
Nicol & Wilson (2004) investigated
the effect of street dimensions and
traffic density on noise levels in urban
canyons, by noise measurements in
Athens. Walerian et al. (2001) used a
simulation program to calculate sound
level distribution and ΔL on a canyon
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

292
street model. Schiff et al. (2010) executed
a numerical investigation of
sound propagation over multiple street
canyons. Experimental research results
are bounded by the on-site conditions
and dimensions. Results of theoretical
studies usually do not provide noise
levels on façades and cannot reflect all
the different settlement types in the
area. Therefore, environmental noise
prediction model recommended by the
Directive, NMPB-Routes-96 (1995),
was used to assess all types of sound
propagation in these settlement types.
Various noise propagation conditions
were simulated in SoundPlan 6.5
Noise Mapping Software, both in open
space conditions and in urban conditions.
The difference between the two
conditions were used to create sound
propagation filters, which were used on
sound clips, in order to simulate traffic
sounds in city conditions.
2.2.3. Sound insulation filters
Environmental noise annoyance
focuses on environmental noise perceived
inside houses. In order to simulate
this effect, the sound clips were
filtered by façade sound insulation values.
Façade elements were determined
by one of the on-site survey questions
in the area, observation of façades in
the area and statistical data on main
wall elements.
Façade sound insulation to be used
for filtering was determined by sound
insulation measurements on-site (ISO
140-5, 1998). To validate these on-site
measurements, building element laboratory
measurements (ISO 10140-2,
2010) were used to calculate sound
insulation of composite façade, using
Equation 1 (Barron, 2003).
Where,
TL façade
: Sound transmission loss of
composite façade, dB;
TL wall
: Sound transmission loss of
wall, dB;
TL window
: Sound transmission loss of
window, dB;
A façade
: Area of composite façade,
A wall
+ A window
, m 2 ;
A wall
: Area of wall, m 2 ;
A window
: Area of window, m 2 .
2.3. Listening tests and annoyance
model
For the listening tests, questions and
sound clips were prepared, tests were
conducted in laboratory conditions
and results were analyzed.
20 seconds long sound clips were created
to simulate the sound heard inside
houses and to evaluate environmental
noise annoyance. Different sound clips
were created the road types, for compatible
speeds, road slopes, surfaces,
traffic flow types, and source-receiver
distances. Effects of sound propagation
in urban conditions were simulated
for compatible road types. The effects
of time of day, window condition and
daily activity were also taken into consideration.
2.3.1. Questionnaire forms
Listening test questions were prepared
in parts. Pre-criteria questions
determined if the participant is competent
to attend the survey. The first part
of the listening tests included the same
questions as the on-site socio-acoustic
survey conducted in the area. The
second part of the survey inquired into
the annoyance of sound clips.
Pre-criteria for conducting the surveys
were; minimum 12 months of residency
in Besiktas District, lack of any
hearing problems and being in the age
range of 18 to 65.
In Part 1 of the listening test, personal
information and environmental
noise annoyance were questioned.
Under the heading of ‘personal information’,
gender, age, education level,
duration of residence, time and period
spend at home during day, noise sensitivity
and noise annoyance at workplace
were investigated. Under the
heading of ‘noise annoyance’, traffic
noise annoyance at home, for all day
and only night periods were investigated
in verbal and numerical scales.
Wording of these questions and verbal
and numerical scales were given in
ISO/TS 15666 (2003). Also under the
same heading, most annoying traffic
elements and annoyance during dai-
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Table 1. Part 2 questions in the listening test.
Part 2, Sub-part 1 and Sub-part 2
XX) Imagining you are resting at home, how much does the sound clip you listened to,
bother, disturb or annoy you?
Not at all? Slightly? Moderately? Very? Extremely?
XX) Imagining you are resting at home, what number from 0 to 10 best shows how much
you are bothered, disturbed or annoyed by the sound clip you listened to?
Not at all
Extremely
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Part 2, Sub-part 3 (the question asks for only one time frame)
XX) Imagining you are resting at home, during day time (07-19) / evening time (19-23) /
night time (23-07) , how much does the sound clip you listened to, bother, disturb or
annoy you?
Not at all? Slightly? Moderately? Very? Extremely?
XX) Imagining you are resting at home, during day time (07-19) / evening time (19-23) /
night time (23-07) , what number from 0 to 10 best shows how much you are bothered,
disturbed or annoyed by the sound clip you listened to?
Not at all
Extremely
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Part 2, Sub-part 4
XX) Imagining you are reading at home, how much does the sound clip you listened to,
bother, disturb or annoy you?
Not at all? Slightly? Moderately? Very? Extremely?
XX) Imagining you are reading at home, what number from 0 to 10 best shows how much
you are bothered, disturbed or annoyed by the sound clip you listened to?
Not at all
Extremely
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
ly activities are inquired using multiple-answer
questions. Room positions
in regards to main road, open windows
during night and main wall elements
are also questioned.
Part 2 of the listening test inquired
about how much the sound clips bother,
disturb or annoy the participants in
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests
verbal and numerical scales (Table 1).
Wording of these questions were similar
to questions given in ISO/TS 15666
(2003). Verbal and numerical scales
were the same as scales used in Part 1
and ISO/TS 15666 (2003). Six different
tests were created to change the order
of the sound clips in each test.

294
Part 2 was divided into four subparts
to provide breaks if necessary.
In sub-parts 1 and 2, wording of the
questions did not change. The question
was; “Imagining you are resting at
home, how much does the sound clip
you listened to, bother, disturb or annoy
you?”. In sub-part 3, a time frame
was given in each question, such as day
time (07-19), evening time (19-23) or
night time (23-07). In sub-part 4, the
activity changed from resting to reading.
A short magazine article about
travelling to Mars was read by participants.
The article was divided in two
parts, first part was read in quiet, while
the second part was read with exposure
to traffic noise.
2.3.2. Executing listening tests
Pilot listening tests were executed
with 4 people, to identify the possible
problems. Some explanatory phrases
and warnings were added to the listening
test as a result of this pilot study.
The listening tests were conducted as
face-to-face interviews with 40 people
between the ages of 18 and 65, who
live in the related district. The listening
tests were executed in laboratory,
where background noise was always
monitored.
Headphones (MESA BMH.I-H42
binaural headset) were used to listen
to sound clips. All participants signed
a consent form and they were warned
to stop the test if they felt any auditory
problem. The investigator asked the
questions, turned on the sound clips
and typed the answers of the participants
on a MS Excel worksheet; so that
the participants could concentrate on
the sound clips. 30 second breaks were
given between each sound clip to ensure
concentration and a fresh perception.
Participants were free to express
any opinions they had about the sound
clips and the listening test.
2.3.3. Analyzing listening test and
building model
Listening test results were statistically
analyzed; Cronbach’s alpha was computed
for reliability and Spearman’s
correlation coefficient was calculated
for factors affecting annoyance.
Verbal and numerical scales were
used for sound clip annoyance questions.
These different scales were converted
and analyzed on a 100 scale. On
the verbal scale, “not at all” was converted
to 0, “slightly” to 25, “moderately”
to 50, “very” to 75 and “extremely”
to 100. On the numerical scale, 0 was
0, 1 was converted to 10, 2 to 20 and so
on. For analyzing percentage of people
annoyed (%A) and percentage of people
highly annoyed (%HA) the cutoff
points on a 100 scale are 50 for %A and
72 for %HA (WG-HSEA, 2002). On
the verbal scale, cutoff point of 50 for
%A referred to points 50, 75 and 100,
which were “moderately”, “very” and
“extremely” respectively. Cutoff point
of 72 for %HA referred to points 75 and
100, which were “very” and “extremely”
respectively. %A was associated
with the total number of responses for
5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 (from 50 to 100 on
the 100 scale) on the numerical scale,
whereas %HA was associated with the
total number of responses for 8, 9 and
10 (from 80 to 100 on the 100 scale) on
the numerical scale.
Annoyance levels for each simulated
traffic sound clip was examined for
number of people annoyed and highly
annoyed within the whole group of
respondents, in order to calculate percentage
of people annoyed (%A) and
percentage of people highly annoyed
(%HA). Averages of verbal and numerical
scale results were used. %A and
%HA levels for each sound clip were
then compared to others with similar
properties. For easy expression and
comprehension, some factors which
effect annoyance in a similar way were
united.
3. Application of traffic sound recordings
The road traffic sound recordings
were made using the most common
vehicles in Istanbul city and the possible
driving behaviors in the area under
consideration.
3.1. Determining most common vehicles
Turkish Statistical Institute is responsible
for collecting and disseminating
the data which display the social
and economic structure of Turkey. The
publication “Road Motor Vehicle Statistics
2012”, includes statistics of the
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road motor vehicles such as, the current
number of the vehicles according
to their types, trademarks, fuel type,
and model years by the end of year
2012, for each city (TurkStat, 2013b).
According to Istanbul city statistics, in
all motor vehicles, 52% of vehicles have
diesel fueled motors and 46% of vehicles
have gasoline fueled motors. Renault
is the most common trademark
in terms of cars, small trucks, trucks,
buses and minibuses. Most common
three trademarks and their percentages
in the market are; Renault 15.4%,
Ford 9.9% and Fiat 9.6%. Honda is the
most common trademark for motorcycles
with 25.2% market share. Most
common engine size of cars is 1600 cc
with 38.3%. The most common public
transportation bus is Otokar Kent 290
LF with 29.4%.
The most common trademarks were
used for sound recordings. The cars
used for sound recordings were diesel
fueled Renault and gasoline fueled
Ford with engine size 1600 cc. These
cars were also used to record horn
sounds. Other vehicles used were,
Honda motorcycle, Otokar Kent public
transportation bus, Iveco minibus
(blue minibus common in Besiktas
area) and Renault Midlum Truck.
3.2. Determining most common driving
conditions
Driving conditions were determined
by using data from noise maps, noise
prediction model and on-site research.
Average speed (km/h) data used
in road modelling of noise maps in
Besiktas district (Badino et al., 2012)
was taken into consideration. The average
speed for Barbaros Avenue in
north direction received from radars
was between 55 and 70 km/h for day,
60 and 65 km/h for evening, 75 and 80
km/h for night. The average speed for
Barbaros Avenue in south direction received
from radars was between 50 and
80 km/h for day, 50 and 85 km/h for
evening, 65 and 95 km/h for night. The
average speed for small main roads and
collecting roads received from radars
was between 40 and 50 km/h. The average
speed for service roads and deadend
roads determined on-site were between
30 and 40 km/h.
Traffic flow types of fluid continuous,
pulsed continuous, pulsed accelerating
and pulsed decelerating were
used as advised in NMPB-Routes-96
(1995).
the roads are classified as dead-end
roads, service roads, collective roads,
small main roads and main roads as
advised in Good Practice Guide (WG-
AEN, 2006).
As it was advised in Annex A of
ISO 362-1 (2007), an on-site study by
driving through the area (Besiktas) at
different times during the day was used
to reveal the driving patterns. On Barbaros
Avenue, traffic flow was mostly
fluid continuous during daytime and
nighttime, it was mostly pulsed continuous
during evening. Pulsed accelerating
and pulsed decelerating traffic
flows were existent due to traffic lights.
For fluid continuous traffic flow, speed
during daytime ranged from 50 to 80
km/h, while speed during nighttime
ranged from 70 to 100 km/h. Traffic
flow during evening hours was pulsed
continuous, mostly stopping and starting
in traffic. Average speed of heavy
vehicles were between 30 km/h and 50
km/h.
For roads other than Barbaros, the
average speed values from on-site
study were consistent with data from
noise map models. The traffic flow was
fluid continuous for service roads and
dead-end roads at all times. For small
main roads and collective roads, traffic
flow was mostly fluid continuous
during daytime and nighttime, it was
mostly pulsed continuous during evening.
Pulsed accelerating and pulsed
decelerating traffic flows were existent
due to traffic lights and junctions.
Slope of roads were categorized as,
horizontal (slope between: 0% ≤ p ≤
2%), rising or falling slope (slope between
2% ≤ p ≤ 6%) (Wölfel et al. 2003).
3.3. Recording vehicle sounds
It is stated in ISO 10844 (2014) that
the test track should be used only for
noise measurements, but it was not
possible to build a test track for this
study. Available roads around the city
were used as tracks for this study. Information
on the sound recording conditions
are given in Table 2. Recording
equipment were binaural microphone,
data acquisition board and a laptop.
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

296
Cars and motorcycles were recorded
at a site where various road slopes and
road surfaces were available. The site
where bus, minibus and truck were recorded
was chosen because it contained
various road slopes and heavy vehicles
and minibuses were not banned on this
road. All tracks were in vast areas, with
no large reflecting objects within a radius
of 50 m. Meteorological data was
taken from Meteorological General
Directorate and background noise also
recorded.
The recordings took place on only
one side of the road, 7.5 m from vehicle’s
travel path. For each sound
recording, a vehicle was driven at a
specific speed or acceleration, with a
specific traffic flow type, on a road with
a specific slope and surface. Diesel and
gasoline fueled cars were driven with
speeds of 30, 50, 70 and 100 km/h. At
50 km/h, sounds were recorded with
driving patterns fluid continuous,
pulsed continuous, pulsed accelerating
and pulsed decelerating. Vehicles driven
on various road slopes, level (slope
between: 0% ≤ p ≤ 2%), rising and falling
(slope between 2% ≤ p ≤ 6%) were
also recorded. Road surfaces used were
smooth asphalt and paving stones.
Cars were also used for recording horn
sounds.
Motorcycle, minibus, bus and truck
were driven and recorded in a similar
way but with fewer variations. Driving
speeds were 30 and 50 km/h; the
same driving patterns and road slopes
were used. The road surface was only
smooth asphalt because it is not possible
for these vehicles to be driven on
streets with paving stones in Besiktas
area. All recordings were conducted
late at night to keep the background
noise and other pass-by vehicles at a
minimum.
4. Application of creating sound clips
The sound clips each simulated a
traffic noise situation possible to hear
inside houses in Besiktas area. Road
types and characteristics were determined
to create the traffic noise heard
7.5 meters from road sources. To simulate
the traffic noise heard inside the
houses in various urban conditions,
urban sound propagation filters and
façade sound insulation filters were
Table 2. Sound recording conditions.
Title
Information
Measuring MESA BMH.I-H42 binaural microphone,
equipment 01dB dB4 acquisition board,
dBFA software,
Dell Latitude Laptop
Recording for cars and motorcycle
Date and time: Between August 31 st 2014 23:00 and September 1 st 2014 02:00
Test site:
Weather:
Vehicle types:
Average
background
noise:
Istanbul, Kucukcekmece District, Soyak Olimpiyakent housing
development
18.2ºC temperature, 5 km/h SSW wind, 60% humidity
Car: Ford Focus, gasoline fueled with engine size 1600 cc.
Car: Renault Fluence diesel fueled with engine size 1500 cc.
Motorcycle: Honda CBF 150, with engine size 150 cc.
Hz 50 100 125 160 200 250 315 400 500
L eq 24,4 25,9 23,4 21,6 19,8 16,4 14,7 15,9 16,3
630 800 1000 1250 1600 2000 2500 3150 4000 5000
14,8 13,4 16,3 15,8 14,8 13,4 12,2 11,4 10,4 8,7
Recording for minibus, bus and truck
Date and time: Between September 7 th 2014 23:00 and September 8 th 2014 02:00
Test site:
Weather:
Vehicle types:
Average
background
noise:
Istanbul, Kartal District, Samandira 2 Koprulu Kavsak
16.5ºC temperature, 6 km/h NNE wind, 55% humidity
Bus: Otokar Kent public transportation bus
Minibus: Iveco blue minibus
Truck: Renault Midlum truck
Hz 50 100 125 160 200 250 315 400 500
L eq 20,5 22,3 19,2 18,4 16,9 14,7 9,8 12,9 12,5
630 800 1000 1250 1600 2000 2500 3150 4000 5000
9,3 8,4 8,2 6,6 7,1 7,3 6,8 6,1 5,3 4,7
used. Sound clips were formed with a
duration of 20 seconds for this study.
This value coincides with the road
types explained in the next part of this
study.
4.1. Determining road type characteristics
in Besiktas District
In a previous study by the authors
of this article, noise maps and socio-acoustic
surveys were made for
Besiktas district (Badino et al., 2012).
Characteristics which influence traffic
noise emission of the main roads, such
as traffic volume, types of vehicles,
traffic flow type and road surface had
already been determined in detail for
this noise map model. The main road,
Barbaros Avenue, is a north-south dual
carriageway with three lanes on each
side, going through a highly populated
urban area and is monitored by radars
which record number and speed
of light and heavy vehicles. The annual
average traffic flow per hour to north
and to south was calculated from radar
data for day, evening and night. To use
these traffic data in this study, the hourly
data was transformed in 20 seconds
data, by a division of 180. Table 3 gives
average traffic volume on Barbaros Av-
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Table 3. Average traffic volume on Barbaros Avenue adjusted to
20 seconds (rounded).
Barbaros Av. (to north) Barbaros Av. (to south)
Light veh. Heavy veh. Light veh. Heavy veh.
Day 12 0.5 13 0,5
Evening 12 0.5 11 0.5
Night 7 0.25 6 0.25
Table 4. Traffic volume in 20 seconds for a total of both sides of
Barbaros Avenue.
Main road (Barbaros
Avenue) Day & Evening
Main road (Barbaros
Avenue) Night
Car
(Gasoline)
Car
(Diesel)
Motorcycle Minibus Bus Truck
10 10 2 2 1 0
6 6 1 0 0 1
Table 5. Proposed default values for traffic volume (WG-AEN,
2006) and average and standard deviation values of traffic volume
of road types around Barbaros Avenue.
Road type (WG-AEN, 2006)
Traffic volume
day evening night
Dead-end roads 175 50 25
Service roads
(mainly used by residents living there)
350 100 50
Collecting roads
(collecting traffic from service roads and 700 200 100
leading it to & from main roads)
Small main roads 1400 400 200
Main roads
Must undertake traffic counts.
Road types around Barbaros Av.
Traffic volume
day evening night
Dead-end roads 166 ± 45 150 ± 41 79 ± 22
Service roads 365 ± 55 327 ± 52 176 ± 23
Collecting roads 730 ± 175 616 ± 126 331 ± 81
Small main roads 1349 ± 154 1079 ± 123 615 ± 70
Table 6. Traffic volume in 20 seconds for secondary roads.
Car Car
(Gasoline) (Diesel)
Motorcycle Minibus Bus Truck
Dead-end roads 0 1 0 0 0 0
Service roads 1 1 0 0 0 0
Collecting roads 2 2 0 0 0 0
Small main roads 3 4 1 0 0 0
enue adjusted to 20 seconds; light vehicles
include cars (gasoline and diesel
fueled), motorcycles, and minibuses.
Statistics of road motor vehicles in Istanbul
show that 52% of vehicles have
diesel fueled motors and 46% of vehicles
have gasoline fueled motors, almost
half and half. (TurkStat, 2013b) A
traffic flow count on Barbaros Avenue
proved about 4% of light vehicles to be
minibuses and about 4% of light vehicles
to be motorcycles. Heavy vehicles
are actually the number of long vehicles
(3 times the length of cars) counted
by the radar system by Istanbul Metropolitan
Municipality, therefore heavy
vehicles are buses in this case. Other
heavy vehicles such as trucks, TIRs or
oil tankers are only allowed to work in
urban areas between 22:00 and 06:00.
So, trucks can only be added to night
time traffic flow. Minibuses work between
05:00 and 02:00, but they do not
have a schedule. Buses work between
06:00 and 00:00. As a result of all this
input, detailed traffic volume data for a
total of both sides of Barbaros Avenue
adjusted to 20 seconds, in order to simulate
the main road, is given in Table 4.
There are many secondary roads
around Barbaros Avenue and their
traffic flow information have been included
in noise map model. But preparing
sound clips for each road would
not be efficient, therefore, the secondary
roads were grouped. European
Commission’s Good Practice Guide for
Strategic Noise Mapping (WG-AEN,
2006) proposes some default values for
traffic flow volume, as given in Table 5.
The road types in this table can be used
for grouping roads around Barbaros
Avenue. The traffic volumes of secondary
roads determined in the previous
noise map were grouped in this study.
Average and standard deviation values
of traffic volume of road types around
Barbaros Avenue are also given in Table
5. Average values for daytime are
very close to default values of roads
proposed by WG-AEN, so these values
were used. Table 6 adjusts traffic volumes
of road types for one hour into
traffic volumes for 20 second sound
clips to simulate secondary roads.
The number of vehicles given in Table
4 and Table 6 were used to form the
sound clips from traffic sound recordings.
The number of vehicles needed
for each type of road were distributed
as evenly as possible on a 20 seconds
long empty sound clip, on the software
Audacity. On the secondary road
sound clips, where the number of vehicles
are low, each vehicle’s passing can
be heard almost individually. On main
road sound clips, where the number of
vehicles are high, the passing of cars
are not noticeable individually, but the
passing of motorcycle, minibus, bus
and truck are noticeable.
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

298
4.2. Creating and applying sound
propagation filters
The sound clips formed represent
different types of roads and traffic flow
characteristics recorded at 7.5 meters
from road sources, in open space conditions.
Some common examples of
urban sound propagation are calculated
and applied as filters to sound clips
at hand, in order to simulate traffic
sounds in the city. Filters for geometric
divergence and atmospheric absorption
were created from literature.
Filters for urban condition examples
were calculated with noise mapping
software.
4.2.1. Geometric divergence and
atmospheric absorption
Because the sound recordings were
conducted 7.5 m away from source,
geometric divergence and atmospheric
absorption filter values for double
distances such as 15 m and 30 m were
used. Sound absorption values (ISO
9613-1, 1993) are calculated for 14 ºC,
which is the yearly average temperature
in Istanbul (MGM, 2014), and
50% relative humidity. Figure 3 shows
filter values for a total of geometric divergence
and atmospheric absorption
to be applied for simulating different
distances from source.
Soundplan 6.5. Single receivers were
placed at possible façades. The simulations
were executed two times for each
receiver, (1) for open space, with no
Fi
gure 3. Filter values for a total of geometric divergence and
atmospheric absorption to be applied for simulating different
distances from source.
4.2.2. Urban sound propagation in
Besiktas District
Map around Barbaros Avenue in Besiktas
was studied for common urban
settlements and these settlements were
grouped regarding sound propagation.
Urban settlement conditions considered
were:
a. Sound propagation from main
road to perpendicular narrow
streets
b. Sound propagation from main
road to second row of buildings
through detached buildings
c. Sound propagation from main
road to second row of buildings
through attached buildings
d. Sound propagation from main
road to second row of buildings
through narrow opening
e. Sound propagation in a street
canyon
Examples of these settlements were
simulated in noise mapping software,
Fi
gure 4. Map of areas around Barbaros Avenue and receivers (*)
, for simulation of sound propagation.
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a. Sound filter for second row of buildings behind detached buildings, behind attached buildings and behind a
narrow opening
b. Sound filter for narrow streets forming a street canyon, for attached buildings on only one side and attached
buildings on both sides
Fi
gure 5. Filters calculated using the difference between open space conditions and urban
conditions.
buildings and (2) for urban conditions,
with buildings. In the simulation, the
topography was excluded, so the road
and the buildings were all set at zero
height. The height of the buildings were
identical to real height of the buildings
in the area. All the point receivers had
the same height, 150 cm. Noise levels
were calculated using NMPB Routes
96 (1995) method. The traffic data of
the main parallel roads were identical.
Number of light vehicles per hour
was 2160, number of heavy vehicles
per hour was 90. Velocity of light vehicles
was 70 km/h, velocity of heavy
vehicles was 50 km/h. The traffic was
smooth-flowing and the road surface
was asphalt concrete. This traffic data
was similar to that used in listening test
sound clips. Maps used for simulation
and receiver points are given in Figure
4. Figure 5 shows the filters calculated
using the difference between open
space conditions and urban conditions.
4.3. Sound insulation filters for
Besiktas District
Environmental noise annoyance focuses
on environmental noise perceived
inside houses. In order to simulate this
effect, the sound clips were filtered by
façade sound insulation values. Façade
sound insulation to be used for filtering
was determined by determining
façade elements, making sound insulation
measurements on-site and using
laboratory measurements. 18 on-site
façade sound insulation measurements
were made in houses in the area using
existing traffic noise as source and
living rooms or bedrooms as receiver
room (ISO 140-5, 1998).
Façade elements were determined
by one of the survey questions, observation
of façades in the area and statistical
data on main wall elements. One
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

300
Fi
gure 6. Sound insulation fi
lters for closed, side hinged open and bottom hinged open
window conditions.
of the previous on-site survey questions
in the area (Badino et al., 2012)
was “What is the main material of your
façade wall?”. 65% of the respondents
did not know the answer. 80% of the
remaining responses were ‘brick’ and
20% were ‘aerated concrete’. Almost
all the façades had double glazed windows.
Studies on façade photographs
revealed an average use of 45% transparent
elements and 55% opaque elements.
All residential buildings studied
in the area had reinforced concrete
frame constructions. Turkish Statistical
Institute’s Building Permit Statistics
from 2002 to 2012, showed that 95%
of residential buildings are built using
brick as the main wall material in reinforced
concrete frame constructions
(TurkStat, 2013a).
Results of laboratory sound insulation
measurements (ISO 10140-2,
2010) for local building elements were
received from a research study (Ascigil
Dincer & Yilmaz Demirkale, 2015)
(Yilmaz et al., 2012) for validation of
on-site measurements. Laboratory
sound insulation values of 145 mm
thick plastered brick wall and most
common double glazed window were
used to calculate sound insulation of
a commonly used façade in the area,
using Equation 1. The resulting values
validated the measurements on-site.
Therefore, results of measurements
on-site were selected to filter the sound
clips.
Calculation techniques for composite
walls were used to simulate the
noise heard inside the house when a
window is open. For a full open window
(side hinged), a bedroom with
façade dimensions 4 m x 3 m (12 m 2 )
and a window of 0.8 m x 1.5 m (1.2 m 2 )
was considered. For a partially open
window (bottom hinged), the same
dimensions were also considered. Figure
6 shows sound insulation filters for
closed, side hinged open and bottom
hinged open window conditions.
5. Application of listening tests and
annoyance model
For the listening tests, questionnaires
and sound clips were prepared,
tests were conducted in laboratory
conditions and results were analyzed.
The listening tests were executed in
December 2014, in Istanbul Technical
University, Faculty of Architecture,
Building Physics and Environmental
Control Laboratory, where background
noise was always monitored.
5.1. Listening test sound clips
20 seconds long sound clips were
created to simulate the sound heard
inside houses and to evaluate environmental
noise annoyance. Each sound
clip represents a road type with a specific
speed of vehicles and traffic flow,
on a specific road slope and surface.
All of these traffic and road characteristics
are present in the area under
consideration. The information on the
number of vehicles for each road was
given in Table 4 and Table 6. Filter for
geometric divergence and atmospheric
absorption was applied for possible
source-receiver distances. Effect of
motorcycle passing and horn sounds
during pulsed flow, which are very of-
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301
Figure 7. Traffic noise annoyance model for secondary roads in
Besiktas area.
ten found to be annoying (Badino et
al., 2012), were also investigated. Urban
sound propagation filters were applied
to main road sound clips, canyon
effect filters were applied to secondary
roads. Façade sound insulation filter
was applied to all sound clips, except
two main road sound clips were used
for side hinged and bottom hinged
open window façade insulation. Day,
evening and night main road traffic
flows were given in the sub-part 3. In
sub-part 4, the effect of daily concentrating
activity was investigated with
a reading activity, while listening to
main road noise.
5.2. Listening test results and annoyance
model
Listening test results were statistically
analyzed and were examined for factors
effecting annoyance. Cronbach’s
alpha was computed for annoyance
questions and it proved that the survey
had a good reliability by α = 0.704.
Spearman Correlation results
showed some moderate correlations.
In terms of annoyance, women were
more sleep disturbed and older people
were more annoyed and more sleep
disturbed. People whose bedrooms
overlooked the street were more annoyed.
In terms of activity annoyance,
men were more annoyed while concentrating;
older people and more educated
people were more annoyed while
resting.
Most annoying reported traffic elements
were horns and motorcycles.
Annoyance during daily activities were
highest for resting and concentrating.
These results on traffic elements and
daily activities are similar to the results
of the on-site survey (Badino et al.,
2012).
Annoyance levels of respondents
for each simulated traffic sound clip
was analyzed to calculate percentage
of people annoyed (%A) and percentage
of people highly annoyed (%HA).
Averages of verbal and numerical scale
results were used. For easy expression
and comprehension, some factors
which effect annoyance in a similar way
were united. Traffic which had pulsed
decelerating flow had almost the same
annoyance response as fluid continuous
flow. So, pulsed decelerating flow is
not mentioned in the results. Traffic on
a falling slope had almost the same annoyance
response as fluid continuous
flow. So, falling slope is not mentioned
in some of the results.
Figure 7 shows the %A and %HA
results for secondary roads. For deadend
and service roads, on-site studies
proved that traffic flow type is almost
always fluid continuous and road surface
may vary, smooth asphalt or paving
stones. Rising slope and road surface
(paving stones) were extremely
effective in annoyance levels of deadend
and service roads, increasing annoyance
up to 65%.
Figure 7 c and d show annoyance
results for collective and small main
roads. Traffic flow type, speed and
slope varies on these road types and
are important in assessing annoyance.
Surfaces for these types of roads are
always asphalt concrete. Falling slopes
Modelling road traffic noise annoyance by listening tests

302
Figure 8. Traffic noise annoyance model for main roads in
Besiktas area.
are considered to have the same effect
as fluid continuous flow. Rising slopes
and accelerating flow provide the highest
increase in annoyance levels. In
cases where pulsed flow causes use of
horns, %A increased by 15% and %HA
increased by 10%.
Freitas et al. (2012) executed listening
tests for road traffic noise, using
different road surfaces, car speeds
and traffic densities, and expressed the
results in cumulative graphs. In that
study, cobblestone pavement induced
the highest rate of annoyance; dense
asphalt and open asphalt rubber pavement
annoyed people almost the same.
Vehicle speed and traffic density were
effective in determining annoyance.
Some roads were commonly used
by courier motorcycles. Listening test
results showed that, when 15% of the
light vehicle traffic volume is replaced
by motorcycles, 15% increase in %A
and 5% increase in %HA was spotted.
Nilsson (2007) found that annoyance
increases when traffic noises have
stronger low frequency content. Analysis
of the sound clips showed that
source-receiver distance and source
characteristics are the main reasons
of variation in the spectrum, therefore
motorcycles and heavy vehicles recorded
at the close range provided strong
low frequency content. Paviotti et al.
(2012) demonstrated that in motorcycle
and scooter annoyance, masking by
an increased general traffic is effective
in reducing annoyance. In this study,
masking effect was not specifically investigated
but during sound clips of
secondary road types, almost all the
participants expressed their motorcycle
annoyance verbally. No mention of
motorcycles were made by the participants
during main road sound clips.
Studies on-site and on maps showed
that source receiver distance did not
change significantly for dead-end and
service roads. For collective and small
main roads, the effects of source receiver
distance were investigated for
possible distances. The negative effects
of distance may be added to traffic annoyance
levels to reach a final annoyance
level. Evaluation of canyon effect
in secondary roads showed that it may
increase %A by 10% and %HA by 5%.
Figure 8 shows the %A and %HA results
for main roads. Traffic flow type,
speed and slope varies on these road
types and are important in assessing
annoyance. Surfaces for these types
of roads are always asphalt concrete.
Falling slopes are considered to have
the same effect as fluid continuous
flow. Rising slopes provide the highest
increase in annoyance levels. In
cases where pulsed flow causes use of
horns, %A increased by 20% and %HA
increased by 15%. Main road at night
traffic was investigated in a similar
way, but the respondents were asked to
imagine they are listening to the sound
clip a night. Traffic flow at night was
also investigated including one minibus
in 20 seconds, to take into account
the time frame when minibuses work
at night. The effect of the minibus on
annoyance levels is quite valuable. The
effects of source receiver distance were
investigated for possible distances for
the main roads. The negative effects
of distance may be added to traffic annoyance
levels to reach a final annoyance
level.
Evaluation of urban propagation
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. Aşcıgil Dincer, S. Yılmaz

303
effects for sound propagation from
main road to second row of buildings
through attached buildings, through
detached buildings, through narrow
openings, and from main road into
perpendicular narrow streets showed
substantial decreases in annoyance levels.
The Directive (EU Parliament and
Council, 2002) defines noise indicator
L den
as average levels during daytime,
evening, and night-time, and applies a
5 dB penalty to noise in the evening and
a 10 dB penalty to noise in the night.
The effect of time was investigated, using
one of the main road sound clips,
three times, by asking the respondents
how much they are annoyed during
day time (07-19), evening time (19-
23), and night time (23-07). The results
showed insignificant differences, about
5% increase for evening and night.
6. Conclusion
In this study, listening tests were
conducted for evaluating road traffic
noise annoyance. Respondents living
in a certain district listened to simulated
traffic sounds which may be heard
inside their homes and rated the annoyance
they experienced while they
imagined they were resting. The results
showed the effect of traffic elements
and road properties on road traffic
noise annoyance.
As expected, traffic volume and
speed have significant effects on annoyance.
Falling slopes seem to have
no influence, but rising slopes increase
%A about 40% and %HA about 20%.
Paving stones annoyed the respondents
about 15% more than smooth
asphalt road surfaces. Although pulsed
continuous flow, with constantly starting
and stopping sounds, proved to be
more annoying than fluid continuous
flow, pulsed accelerating is the most
annoying flow type for all road types.
Addition of a single traffic element
may cause influential changes in annoyance
levels. Increase in motorcycle
volume may increase %A by 15% and
%HA by 5%. Use of horns in pulsed
traffic may increase %A up to 20% and
%HA up to 15%. Pass-by of a minibus
in traffic may increase %A by 20% and
%HA by 10%.
Settlement types and geometries can
cause critical changes in annoyance
levels. For that reason, the listening
test sound clips were designed according
to the sound propagation properties
in the district. In this settlement,
source-receiver distances cause decreases
up to 10% in secondary roads
and up to 50% in main roads. Canyon
effect in narrow streets increase %A
by 10% and %HA by 5%. In this settlement,
second row buildings behind
attached buildings or behind a narrow
opening have annoyance levels about
70% lower than open space conditions.
The same condition behind detached
buildings led to 30% lower annoyance
levels. These effects would differ in different
settlement geometries.
This model provides the opportunity
to transform raw data (traffic, road
and settlement) directly into annoyance.
The information on the effects
of traffic elements, road properties and
settlement types on noise annoyance
can easily be used for planning new areas
or noise action plans. It is planned
to develop a road traffic noise annoyance
prediction model and validate
the model by using the results of noise
maps and socio-acoustic surveys in
the same district. More models can be
created for different settlements, traffic
properties, social and economic conditions.
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Dinleme testleri ile karayolu trafiği
gürültüsü rahatsızlığının modellenmesi
Gürültü rahatsızlığı çalışmaları, kişilerin
gürültüye maruz kaldıklarında
gösterdikleri tepkileri, kişilerin belirli
bir tip çevresel gürültüye maruz kaldıklarında
ne kadar rahatsız olduklarını
sorgulayarak değerlendirir. Avrupa
Parlamentosu ve Konseyi tarafından
yayımlanan Çevresel Gürültü Yönetmeliği
(2002/49/EC), Türkiye’de de
‘Çevresel Gürültünün Değerlendirilmesi
ve Yönetimi Yönetmeliği’ olarak
yayımlanmıştır. Bu yönetmeliklere göre
gürültü rahatsızlığı, belirli bir bölgenin
gürültü haritalarının ve bu bölgede
yaşayan kişilerle yapılacak anketlerin
karşılaştırılarak, doz-etki ilişkilerinin
ortaya çıkartılması ile belirlenmelidir.
Bu çalışma, gürültü rahatsızlığı konusunu
derinlemesine incelemeyi ve modellemeyi
amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç
doğrultusunda, karayolu trafiği gürültüsü
rahatsızlık seviyelerini etkileyen
faktörler incelenmekte ve dinleme testleri
uygulanarak rahatsızlık modeli geliştirilmektedir.
Bu çalışmada, trafik ses
kayıtlarından oluşturulan ses parçaları,
laboratuvar koşullarında katılımcılara
dinletilerek dinleme testleri gerçekleştirilmiştir.
Karayolu trafiği gürültüsü
sesleri, her bir araç tipi için, farklı olası
araç hızları, trafik akış tipleri, yol eğimi
ve yol yüzeyleri için kaydedilmiştir.
Kaydedilen araç sesleri, farklı yol tiplerinin
seslerini oluşturmak amacıyla
birleştirilmiştir. Sesin yayılım koşulları
şehir içindeki çeşitli yerleşim tipleri
için incelenmiş ve ses yayılım filtreleri
oluşturularak ses parçalarına uygulanmıştır.
Son olarak cephe ses yalıtım
filtreleri uygulanmış ve ses parçaları
ev içlerinde duyulan sesleri oluşturacak
şekilde benzetim yapılmıştır. Laboratuvar
ortamında, katılımcılardan
kulaklıkla sesleri dinlemeleri ve dinlerken
evlerinde dinlenmekte olduklarını
hayal etmeleri istenmiştir. Rahatsızlıkları
sözel ve sayısal ölçeklerle değerlendirilmiş
ve sonuçlar analiz edilmiştir.
Farklı trafik koşullarını yansıtan gürültü
rahatsızlığı modeli oluşturulmuştur.
Trafik hacmi ve araç hızı rahatsızlığı
önemli ölçüde etkilemektedir. Yol eğiminin
yokuş yukarı olması, gürültüden
rahatsız olan kişi yüzdesini %40, çok
rahatsız olan kişi yüzdesini %20 kadar
arttırmaktadır. Yol yüzeyinin asfalt
yerine taş döşenmesi kişileri yaklaşık
olarak %15 daha fazla rahatsız etmiştir.
Hızlanan trafik akışı en rahatsız edici
akış tipidir. Trafikte motosiklet hacminin
artması gürültüden rahatsız olan
kişi yüzdesini %15, çok rahatsız olan
kişi yüzdesini %5 kadar arttırabilmektedir.
Trafikte kullanılan kornalar rahatsızlığı
%20, çok rahatsız kişileri %15
kadar arttırabilmektedir. Bu alandaki
yerleşimde, kanyon tipli sokaklar rahatsızlığı
%10 arttırmaktadır. Ana yol
ile arasında bitişik bina dizisi bulunan
yerleşimlerde rahatsızlık %70 azalabilmekte,
ayrık bina dizisi bulunuyorsa
sadece %30 azaltabilmektedir.
Avrupa Birliği, gürültü rahatsızlığı
çalışmalarında doz-etki ilişkilerini
kurmak için veri toplama (trafik verisi,
yol verisi, yerleşim verisi vs.), gürültü
tahmin modelleri ile gürültü haritası
oluşturma ve sosyo-akustik anketler
gerçekleştirme ana adımlarını kullanmaktadır.
Dinleme testleri ile oluşturulmuş
bir çevresel gürültü rahatsızlığı
modeli kullanmak ise gürültü rahatsızlığını
doğrudan toplanan verilerden
oluşturmayı sağlayacaktır. Bu durum
çevresel gürültü kontrolü konusunun
asıl amacı olan rahatsızlığı azaltmayı,
kurulan doğrudan ilişki ile kolaylaştıracaktır.
Bu tip rahatsızlık modelleri
farklı ülkeler, farklı yerleşimler,
farklı sosyal ve ekonomik bölgeler
için oluşturulabilir. Karayolu gürültü
rahatsızlığı modeli, trafik elemanlarının,
yolların ve yerleşimlerin, gürültü
rahatsızlığı üzerine etkilerini ortaya
çıkartarak, yeni yerleşim alanlarının
planlanmasında veya gürültü eylem
planlarının oluşturulmasında yardımcı
olacaktır.
ITU A|Z • Vol 12 No 3 • November 2015 • M. Aşcıgil Dincer, S. Yılmaz

Contributors
Suat APAK
Apak graduated from Istanbul Technical
University (ITU) Faculty of Architecture
as B.Arch in 1986, where he
took his M.Arch degree in 1990 and
Ph.D. in 1998. He currently works as
an instructor in Department of Architecture
in ITU. His research areas and
interests focus on “architectural and
urban design”, “housing planning and
design” and “gated communities”. He
has undertaken various architectural
design projects, received architectural
design awards and put into practice
some architectural applications.
Görsev ARGIN
Received Bachelor’s Degree in City
and Regional Planning (2009) and
Master’s Degree in Urban Design
(2012) from METU. Is currently a research
assistant and Ph.D. candidate
at İstanbul Technical University. Her
studies focus on the human-space
relations that consider the physical,
social and cultural implications of
space.
Mine AŞCIGİL DİNCER
Mine Aşcıgil Dinçer is a PhD Candidate
at I.T.U. Faculty of Architecture,
Department of Architecture. Her research
interests are noise mapping,
noise annoyance and building acoustics.
Özlem ATAK
Özlem Atak is a Research Assistant at
the Erciyes University School of Architecture
in Kayseri. She graduated
from Architecture program at Erciyes
University in 2005 and she received her
MSc in Architectural Design program
from ITU, 2009. Currently she is a
PhD candidate in Architectural Design
Computing program in İstanbul Technical
University. Her main research
area is computational theory and design
in architecture.
Fitnat CİMŞİT KOŞ
She was born in 1975 in Samsun. She
studied architecture at Karadeniz
Technical University, and her Bachelor’s
degree is given in 1997. Then, she
completed her Architectural Design
MSc. in Istanbul Technical University.
She finished her master thesis about
‘Ecological Adaptation Strategies and
Rural Settlement Houses in Fırtına
Valley, Rize’ in 2001. She continued
her Architectural Design PhD thesis
in Istanbul Technical University about
‘Syntactic and Behavioral Analysis
of Housing Morphologies in Citadel
Towns of Anatolia through the Idea of
Territoriality’. She has been working in
Beykent University Department of Architecture
since 2002.
Gülen ÇAĞDAŞ
B.Arch. (ITU), M.Sc. (ITU), Ph.D.
(ITU) İstanbul, Turkey. Gülen Çağdaş
began as teaching assistant in 1981
at the Istanbul Technical University,
Faculty of Architecture. She took her
Ph.D. degree on Architectural Design
from the same university in 1986. She
has become Associate Professor in
1989 and Professor in 1997. She held
the Vice Dean position of Faculty of
Architecture between 1997 and 2000,
was the Head of Architectural Design
Chair between 2004 and 2007 and also
Department Head of Architecture between
2008 and 2012. Her main research
area is Architectural Design
Computing.
Nevşet Gül ÇANAKÇIOĞLU
Born in Karadeniz Ereğli in 1980.
Completed her secondary education in
Vatan Anatolian High School, higher
education in Ugur College. Graduated
from ITU School of Architecture in
2002. Worked in various private firms
and participated into some architectural
project competitions individually
and with various teams. Completed
her post graduate education in ITU
Architectural Design program with the
thesis titled as “Analysis of Perceptual
Processes of Children Living in Different
Social Groups Settled in Istanbul
by the Method of Cognitive Maps” in
2011. Pursuing her Phd studies in the
same program in the scope of “Perceptual
processes of the individuals using
pediatric hospitals.”
Pelin DURSUN ÇEBİ
Pelin Dursun Çebi is associate professor
in the Department of Architecture
at Istanbul Technical University. She

eceived her MArch degree in 1995 and
PhD degree in 2002 from the same department.
Her research interests focus
on architectural design, design education,
body space relationships, spatial
choreography, architectural morphology
and space syntax.
Erincik EDGÜ
She has received her Bachelor of Architecture
degree from Mimar Sinan University,
Master’s and PhD degrees from
Istanbul Technical University in the
Program of Architectural Design. She
was employed in various universities in
Istanbul and abroad both with teaching
and administrative duties. Her primary
areas of research are housing, environment
and behaviour studies, design
theory, urban quality, and space syntax
methodology. She is currently working
as an associate professor at Düzce University.
She’s an underwater photographer
and PADI certified rescue diver.
Harun EKİNOĞLU
Harun Ekinoglu is an Urban Designer.
He received a Bachelor’s from Bilkent
University on Urban Design in 2006
(hons) and a Master’s from Polytechnic
University of Milan on Urban Planning
and Policy Design in 2009 (hons). In
2006, he was the recipient of a UNE-
SCO honorable mention award for the
“Historic District Renewal and Design
Strategy” urban design competition for
UNESCO and UN-HABITAT World
Urban Forum III. In previous years,
he played an active role in various national
and international industrial design
and urban design competitions. A
PhD Candidate in Urban Planning at
and a current TÜBİTAK Fellow-Visiting
Scholar at Columbia University,
Ekinoglu’s research interests include
urban spatial analysis and participatory
design.
Alev ERARSLAN
Assistant Professor Doctor, İstanbul
Aydın University, Faculty of Architecture
and Design. Graduating from
Istanbul University, Department of
Asia Minor Languages and Cultures
in 1991, she completed her master and
doctorate degrees in Istanbul Technical
University in Art History Program.
She has written many local and international
articles on Anatolian rural
architecture, Anatolian urban history,
Anatolian setlement systems and history
of architecture.
Gülden ERKUT
Gülden Erkut (PhD) is professor of Regional
Planning at Istanbul Technical
University’s department of Urban and
Regional Planning. She was DAAD
Guest Professor at Berlin Technical
University, Urban Management Program,
from May, 2012 to May, 2013.
Ervin GARİP
Ervin Garip is an architect currently
holds a PhD degree in “Architectural
Design”. He got his B.Sc degree in “Architecture”
in 2000, and M.Sc degree
in “Architectural Design” program in
2003 from ITU. In 2009, he completed
his PhD thesis titled “Examining
Consumers’ Spatial Behavior in Retail
Stores in The Framework of Space Syntax”.
Daniel KOCH
Daniel Koch (PhD) is a researcher at
KTH School of Architecture and architect
at Patchwork Architecture Laboratory.
Recent research investigates spatial
configuration and socio-cultural
structuring, design and diagramming,
and processes of subjectification. He is
editor of the Journal of Space Syntax
and Vice Director of SRE Architecture
in the Making.
Nilüfer KOZİKOĞLU
She is a graduate of Mimar Sinan University,
Istanbul with masters degree
in architecture and urban design from
Architectural Association, London in
2003. She runs her practice as partner
at Tuşpa NK agency for architecture
and workshop Urbanatolye, teaches
seminar and design courses as guest
professor at various universities.
Ayşe ÖZBİL
Received B.Arch (2000) from Yıldız
Technical University, M.Arch (2002)
from METU and Ph.D. (2010) in Architecture
from Georgia Institute of
Technology. Is currently an assistant
professor at Özyeğin University where
she teaches design in architecture and
urban design. Her research focuses on

spatial modeling using space syntax
techniques.
Nezire ÖZGECE
The author received Bachelor of Architecture
and Master of Achitecture
degrees from Eastern Mediterranean
University. She is curently a PhD
candidate and lecturer in the Department
of Architecture at Cyprus International
University.
Esra ÖZSÜT AKAN
Born in Istanbul in 1965. Graduated
from ITU School of Architecture in
1986. Worked in various private architectural
offices. Completed her post
graduate education in ITU Architectural
Design Program with the thesis
titled as “Objective and Subjective
Evaluation of Circulation System in the
Buildings.” Pursuing her Phd studies in
the same program.
Kerstin SAILER
Dr. Kerstin Sailer is Lecturer in Complex
Buildings at the Space Syntax Laboratory,
Bartlett School of Architecture
at University College London, and Director
of Research and Innovation at
Spacelab. Her research interests combine
complex buildings, workplace environments
and space usage with social
networks, organisational theory and
organisational behaviour.
Ervin SEZGİN
Ervin Sezgin (PhD) is an urban and regional
planner particularly focused on
urban and regional politics, and central
state- local relations. He is currently
teaching at Istanbul Technical University
department of Urban and Regional
Planning on these issues at undergraduate
and graduate levels.
Mehmet Emin ŞALGAMCIOĞLU
Mehmet (BSc. MSc. PhD., ITU) is an
Architect and Assistant Professor in Istanbul
Technical University. He was a
visiting scholar in University of Michigan
in 2010 and worked on several
professional design projects previously.
His current research areas are Architectural
Design and Morphology,
Space Syntax, Gentrification, Housing,
and Domestic Space Organisation. He
also has international and national architectural
design competition awards
as well as published design critics,
book chapters, conference papers, and
journal articles.
Meray TALUĞ
She received bachelors of Architecture
degree in 2002, and Master of Architecture
degree in 2007 from Eastern
Mediterranean University. She has
been working as a lecturer in Cyprus
International University since 2007.
She is doing her PhD at the same
University. Her current researches
focuses on the architectural theory,
architectural space, culture and sociology.
İlgi TOPRAK
She is a PhD Candidate from Istanbul
Technical University (ITU), where she
earned both Bachelor in Architecture
and Master of Science degrees. She is
working in ITU Department of Architecture
as a research assistant. Her
research interests are morphology in
architectural and urban design and
Space Syntax. She is currently a guest
researcher in TU Delft, Netherlands.
Gülname TURAN
Lecturer at Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University (since
2009); holds a professional degree in
industrial design (1999) and Ph.D. in
art and design history (2009) from
Istanbul Technical University; has
taught design project and design history-theory
courses at Istanbul Technical
University and Istanbul Bilgi University;
academic research and interest
in industrial design history and craft
history, corporate identity design; has
published papers in international conferences
and in journals Design Issues,
“Turkey in the Great Exhibition of
1851” (MIT Press, 2009) and Journal of
Furniture History, “Turkish Furniture
Design in the 1930s” (V&A, 2010). She
is currently studying on industrial design,
craft & design and design history.
Alper ÜNLÜ
He graduated from Faculty of Architecture,
Istanbul Technical University
(ITU) in 1979. After his completion
of M.Sc. in Architecture-ITU, he continued
his Ph.D. study in Environ-

ment-Behavior Program, The University
of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, USA.
Currently, he is Professor in Department
of Architecture ITU, and he is the
coordinator of Architectural Design
and Morphology.
Demet YEŞİLTEPE
Received Bachelor’s Degree in City
and Regional Planning (2013) from
Yıldız Technical University. Is currently
studying Master of Urban Design
atİstanbul Technical University. Her
studies focus on the relation between
physical space and socio-economic
structure. Her major research topics
are space perception, urban morphology
and space syntax.
Sevtap YILMAZ
Sevtap Yılmaz is Professor at the Istanbul
Technical University (ITU), Faculty
of Architecture, Department of
Architecture. She has received her B.S.,
M.Sc. and Ph.D. degrees from ITU. She
specializes on environmental acoustics,
architectural acoustics and building
acoustics.