EN - FR - YÃ¼kselen Afrika ve TÃ¼rkiye / Rising Africa and Turkey 3

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254 Yükselen Afrika ve Türkiye / Rising Africa and Turkeycepts had emphasized the central role of the state in social and infrastructuralprovision, and also in planning for development. The state as a vehicle fordevelopment and social provisioning was being discredited; and there was aview that donors were becoming wary in dealing with states (donor fatigue).Instead, following the examples of the church volunteer agencies, they werebecoming increasingly keen to deal with “communities” directly, vialocal/indigenous organizations/institutions. The world scene had changed:there increasingly emerged initiatives from Europe and USA which put moreemphasis on developing of local/indigenous organizations as “partners” in“participatory development strategy”. Many organizations had turned to whatwas termed ‘empowerment of local communities’ and alternative strategies forAfrica’s development. The major theme in the development discourse amongvolunteers now turned “development workers” was the question of “peoplebased development”, and researches and consultancies were increasinglybeing channeled towards this direction.The concept of development itself has been quite elusive, in that the lastfour decades of development of the third world countries have seen it beingtransformed from modernization, as that transformation of ‘traditional’ societiesto ‘modern’ ones (i.e. western) 3 to sensibilities of “development as a managementof a promise”—of economic growth through adopting commoditybasedforms of production with accumulation being the overriding logic andpossibilities of the outcomes of the benefits trickling to the poor. In these conceptionsof development, ‘class’ antagonisms were on the main hidden andemphasis was on the existence of shared ‘values’—progress, universalism,conquering of nature, quantifying rationality, etc.By the end of the 1960s and early 1970s, against this conception, theDependency School had raised the questions of global inequality and exploitation.Development was increasingly under attack, and critical approaches tothe process tended to focus on the dark side of it. In a bid to remain relevant,‘new’ conceptions of development emerged by the late 1970s. Among theearly ones was Alternative Development or Another Development, whichfocused on the lack of popular participation. Another one was HumanDevelopment, which addressed the question of the need to invest in people.These were taking up challenges that were posed by the Dependency school,ecological critiques and eco-feminism. Within this context, a multitude ofdevelopment conceptions emerged: self-reliant development, endogenousdevelopment, participatory development, integrated development,autonomous development, popular development, equitable development, sustainabledevelopment, local development, micro-development, endo-development,etc.
Foreign Aid and Africa’s Development 255These adjectives that were tucked to development did not necessarilyalter the fundamental logic of the process—i.e. accumulation and commodity(market) based forms of production and class differentiations. In all theseinstances, attempts were being made to deal with what were considered to bethe bad effects of development (or as some called it mal-development), byinvolving issues of culture, nature, gender, and social justice. Developmenthad increasingly become a qualified process—human, social, political, engendered,etc. Sustainable development, for example was launched in the RioConference in June 1992, in the midst of implementation of StructuralAdjustment Programmes (SAPs) in the third world countries and the triumphof neo-liberalism throughout the world. Here, the most important mythologythat was created was: development did not only concern the South countriesbut also the North. Behind this myth, was the same economic logic, while allefforts were being directed towards discrediting any forms of analysis thatattempt to examine the so-called development as a class-based process.With the efforts to implement the “participatory development strategy”there was increased efforts to create indigenous voluntary agencies in the neocolonies.Within this context, even the so-called peoples’ movements wereincreasingly being drawn in the mainstream politics of international voluntaryagencies and politics (people based development) with the resurfacing of theconcept of civil society (as peoples’ critique of state practices). By the late1970s and early 1980s, foundations such as Ford, Carnegie, Rockefeller andother western agencies were heavily involved in the promotion of “people’sparticipation programmes”, through the sponsorship of development professionals,researchers and organizations. Since late 1970s, organizations such asthe Ford Foundation claimed that their objective was to promote “peace andsocial justice” and “education, media, arts and culture”, in line with changesin funding policy worldwide, whereby, a new type of ‘activist’ NGOs, engagingin social and political activity, were being systematically promoted. FordFoundation’s “peace and social justice” were in terms of promotion of humanrights (read individual rights and protection of private property), especiallythose of women; ensuring open and accountable government institutions;strengthening “civil society” through participation of individuals and civicorganizations in charting the future, and supporting regional and internationalcooperation.These conceptions and practices were crystallizing at a time when theneo-colonial governments were being compelled to introduce austerity measuresthrough the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes(SAPs). These measures stood for the state withdrawal from social provision-
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2. Oturum21. Yüzy›lda AfrikaOtur
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Afrika’ya Genel Bir Bak›flH›f
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Afrika’ya Genel Bir Bak›fl 113
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11 Eylül, Dünya Siyaseti ve Afrik
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Afrika Birli¤i ve Libya’n›n Af
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Yeni Türk-Afrika Ekonomik ‹liflk
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EN - FR - YÃ¼kselen Afrika ve TÃ¼rkiye / Rising Africa and Turkey 3

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