Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012

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of the state, the essential vector of its development, or its geopolitical orientation. This seems true to an extent for Georgia’s new government; the present leaders may not agree among themselves on many issues, but so far it seems that they share a common core goal in relation to the protection of national interests. Like Saakashvili, Ivanishvili has repeatedly claimed – both before and after the elections - that he will keep Georgia on the course towards NATO membership and integration with EU, while also continuing efforts to (re)integrate the self-proclaimed republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. However, some cautious Western observers are not convinced, 12 as it remains unclear how the new government can achieve reconciliation with Russia without sacrificing Georgia’s national interests. Citing some of Ivanishvili’s more erratic coalition partners and alleged links to Kremlin authorities, critics are framing the Georgian Dream victory as the first step toward a Ukraine-like backslide into the Russian orbit. 13 However, Ivanishvili’s Georgian Dream does not accept that good relations with Europe and Russia are mutually exclusive. Moreover, despite criticism, new government officials are convinced that they will be able to normalize diplomatic relations with Moscow, while Georgia will continue to refrain from formal diplomatic relations 12 See: Simon Saradzhyan. Rebalancing Georgian Foreign Policy. The National Interest. November 8, 2012 Available at: http://www.nationalinterest.org/commentary/rebalancinggeorgian-foreign-policy-7705 13 Michael Cecire. For Georgia’s Ivanishvili, Interests Will Guide Russia Policy. World Politics review. October, 8 2012. Available at: http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/ articles/12397/for-georgias-ivanishvili-interests-will-guiderussia-policy with Moscow as long as Russia maintains “embassies” in the administrative capitals of the two separatist regions. 14 At the same time, the new government has also declared that Georgia will “definitely” remain committed to Geneva talks, which were launched after the 2008 August War with Russia. These talks will be held with mediation from the EU, OSCE and UN, involving negotiators from Georgia, Russia, the United States, as well as representatives from the separatist entities of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Meanwhile, as the newly emerging and sometimes contradictory foreign policy stance increases the climate of uncertainty, many regional analysts claim that Ivanishvili’s choice of foreign policy team suggests he plans to tone down the heated rhetoric that has characterized bilateral relations with Russia. Accordingly, he will try to adopt a more pragmatic, less ideologically driven and balanced line with Moscow, and to improve economic and cultural ties with Tbilisi’s northern neighbor. As a “pragmatic dreamer” he also recognizes the economic and other benefits of normalizing relations with Russia, and hopes to recover trade and transportation links, notably with the reopening of the Russian market for Georgian wine and mineral water. As one analyst pointed out: “an initial turn to Russia with Ivanishvili would bring a more immediate economic benefit than a re-engagement with the non-committal West under any Saakashvili-inspired system” 15 . Moreover, Ivanishvili believes 14 RFE/RL. Tbilisi Says No Diplomatic Ties With Russia While It Occupies Georgian Territory. Available at: http:// www.rferl.org/content/georgia-foreign-minister-russia-occupies-territory-no-diplomatic-relations/24752066.html 15 James Nixey. Update: Georgia Post-Election Analysis. 130 128

that there is still a deal to be made with the Kremlin, as the establishment of relations may facilitate the integration of South Ossetia and Abkhazia into Georgia. As the first step in this direction, Ivanishvili has placed Georgia’s former ambassador to Moscow Zurab Abashidze in a new post, Special Representative for Relations with Russia, reporting directly to the Georgian Prime Minister. 16 Ivanishvili also expressed hope that Moscow would reciprocate. It seems likely that with such steps Tbilisi will be able to test whether or not Russia has changed its approach towards Georgia under the terms of this new political reality. The Prime Minister’s decision to introduce this post also demonstrates his – and the Georgian government’s - readiness to create a new independent channel of relations, communication and dialogue with Russia. Whatever the result of this political flirtation with Moscow, finding the middle path between confrontation and capitulation will be one of the Ivanishvili government’s toughest tasks. A s for relations with Georgia’s immediate neighbors in the aftermath of the elections, unless there is a radical strategic and paradigmatic shift in its foreign policy orientation, it is unlikely that Georgia will change its strategic relations with close partners like Azerbaijan and Turkey. Strategic relations between Baku and Tbilisi have never been dependent on political personalities, Chatham House Expert Comment. October 2, 2012 Available at: http://www.chathamhouse.org/media/comment/ view/186067 16 Civil Georgia. PM Appoints Special Envoy for Relations with Russia. November 12,2012 Available at: http://www.civil. ge/eng/article.phpid=25407 and the status quo is likely to continue, especially given the two countries’ shared concerns over issues such as ethnic separatism and challenges arising from an assertive Russian policy in the region. Similarly, it is expected that both countries will continue to reject any Moscow-driven integration initiatives that might compromise national sovereignty. In addition, T he Georgian political and social elite are cognizant of the fact that Azerbaijan provided much-needed energy supplies to Georgia during its standoff with Russia; it also understands importance of Turkey as a stabilizing security actor in the South Caucasus. Provided that the election produces a smooth transition of power in Tbilisi, Ankara and Baku may benefit from having a predictable and stable neighbor. Having said this, what may change in Georgian-Azerbaijani relations is the current dynamic of Georgian energy dependence on Baku. In order to fulfill his pre-election promise related of reduced gas and electricity expenses, Ivanishvili believes that with more predictable and stable Georgian-Russian relations, Tbilisi will be able to pursue further diversification of its foreign and economic relations. There are naïve expectations that in such a scenario, Tbilisi may obtain a cheaper price for Russian gas and electricity. Under these circumstances, Baku may find itself with less economic and energy leverage over Tbilisi that it currently enjoys. A recent statement by Georgia’s new Energy Minister Kakhi CASPIAN REPORT 131 129

of the state, the essential vector of<br />

its development, or its geopolitical<br />

orientation. This seems true to an extent<br />

for Georgia’s new government; the present<br />

leaders may not agree among themselves<br />

on many issues, but so far it seems that<br />

they share a common core goal in relation<br />

to the protection of national interests.<br />

Like Saakashvili, Ivanishvili has repeatedly<br />

claimed – both before and after the<br />

elections - that he will keep Georgia on the<br />

course towards NATO membership and<br />

integration with EU, while also continuing<br />

efforts to (re)integrate the self-proclaimed<br />

republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.<br />

However, some cautious Western<br />

observers are not convinced, 12 as it<br />

remains unclear how the new government<br />

can achieve reconciliation with Russia<br />

without sacrificing Georgia’s national<br />

interests. Citing some of Ivanishvili’s more<br />

erratic coalition partners and alleged links<br />

to Kremlin authorities, critics are framing<br />

the Georgian Dream victory as the first<br />

step toward a Ukraine-like backslide into<br />

the Russian orbit. 13 However, Ivanishvili’s<br />

Georgian Dream does not accept that<br />

good relations with Europe and Russia<br />

are mutually exclusive. Moreover, despite<br />

criticism, new government officials<br />

are convinced that they will be able to<br />

normalize diplomatic relations with<br />

Moscow, while Georgia will continue to<br />

refrain from formal diplomatic relations<br />

12 See: Simon Saradzhyan. Rebalancing Georgian Foreign<br />

Policy. The National Interest. November 8, <strong>2012</strong> Available at:<br />

http://www.nationalinterest.org/commentary/rebalancinggeorgian-foreign-policy-7705<br />

13 Michael Cecire. For Georgia’s Ivanishvili, Interests<br />

Will Guide Russia Policy. World Politics review. October, 8<br />

<strong>2012</strong>. Available at: http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/<br />

articles/12397/for-georgias-ivanishvili-interests-will-guiderussia-policy<br />

with Moscow as long as Russia maintains<br />

“embassies” in the administrative capitals<br />

of the two separatist regions. 14 At the<br />

same time, the new government has also<br />

declared that Georgia will “definitely”<br />

remain committed to Geneva talks, which<br />

were launched after the 2008 August<br />

War with Russia. These talks will be held<br />

with mediation from the EU, OSCE and<br />

UN, involving negotiators from Georgia,<br />

Russia, the United States, as well as<br />

representatives from the separatist entities<br />

of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.<br />

Meanwhile, as the newly emerging and<br />

sometimes contradictory foreign policy<br />

stance increases the climate of uncertainty,<br />

many regional analysts claim that<br />

Ivanishvili’s choice of foreign policy team<br />

suggests he plans to tone down the heated<br />

rhetoric that has characterized bilateral<br />

relations with Russia. Accordingly, he<br />

will try to adopt a more pragmatic, less<br />

ideologically driven and balanced line<br />

with Moscow, and to improve economic<br />

and cultural ties with Tbilisi’s northern<br />

neighbor. As a “pragmatic dreamer” he<br />

also recognizes the economic and other<br />

benefits of normalizing relations with<br />

Russia, and hopes to recover trade and<br />

transportation links, notably with the<br />

reopening of the Russian market for<br />

Georgian wine and mineral water. As<br />

one analyst pointed out: “an initial turn<br />

to Russia with Ivanishvili would bring a<br />

more immediate economic benefit than<br />

a re-engagement with the non-committal<br />

West under any Saakashvili-inspired<br />

system” 15 . Moreover, Ivanishvili believes<br />

14 RFE/RL. Tbilisi Says No Diplomatic Ties With Russia<br />

While It Occupies Georgian Territory. Available at: http://<br />

www.rferl.org/content/georgia-foreign-minister-russia-occupies-territory-no-diplomatic-relations/24752066.html<br />

15 James Nixey. Update: Georgia Post-Election Analysis.<br />

130 128

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