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Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012

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emain among the chief concerns among<br />

Georgian voters”. 9 However, these were<br />

not only reasons for the UNM defeat. Poor<br />

human rights conditions and a desire for<br />

justice were decisive factors; over 250,000<br />

people were left jobless as a result of<br />

Saakashvili’s reforms, including the old<br />

non-English-speaking university professors<br />

and thousands of corrupt policeman and<br />

politicians. Moreover, as a result of the<br />

”zero tolerance” policy on crime, which<br />

brought the conviction rate in Georgian<br />

courts to 98%, there are now close to<br />

25,000 prisoners in Georgia, more per<br />

capita than in any other country in Europe<br />

and four times more than when Saakashvili<br />

became President in 2004. 10<br />

While the election was a remarkable upset<br />

for Saakashvili’s team, as a genuinely<br />

competitive election it represents an<br />

important milestone on Georgia’s<br />

democratic development path. The next<br />

few months will reveal what type of<br />

cooperation will be drawn up between<br />

President Saakashvili, who under the<br />

constitution must remain in his position<br />

until the presidential elections in October<br />

2013, and the newly-elected Prime<br />

Minister Ivanishvili, who is widely believed<br />

to be seeking rapprochement with Russia.<br />

Any tensions in the working relationship<br />

between the two could increase policy<br />

uncertainty. Further complicating<br />

9 Niklas Nilsson and Svante E. Cornell. Prospects and Pitfalls<br />

after Georgia’s elections. CACI Analyst. October 4, <strong>2012</strong>. Available<br />

at: http://cacianalyst.org/q=node%2F5849<br />

10 See: Prison Population Rates per 100,000 of the national<br />

population where Georgia stands on 6 th position Available at:<br />

http://www.prisonstudies.org/info/worldbrief/wpb_stats.<br />

phparea=all&category=wb_poprate<br />

matters, over the following 12 months,<br />

Georgia’s political system will move from<br />

presidential to parliamentary, thereby<br />

stripping the presidential office of most<br />

of its powers, and transferring them to the<br />

prime minister 11 . Parliament is thus slated<br />

to play a more vigorous role than it has in<br />

the past. So far, it seems that the prospects<br />

for stabilization of political life in Georgia<br />

are limited, as both sides show reluctance<br />

to cooperate with each other. Given that<br />

the results of this election may significantly<br />

shape the trajectory of Georgia’s future<br />

development, Georgian political elites may<br />

need to overcome their zero-sum approach<br />

to politics and learn to govern through<br />

consensus. This delicate coalition-style<br />

governance is in its infancy; it also remains<br />

to be seen whether the recent political<br />

shuffle will propel Georgia toward the<br />

Western-style liberal democracy or into<br />

violent political turmoil.<br />

Georgia’s Foreign policy: possible<br />

modifications after the elections<br />

Among the many questions as to what<br />

comes next, the country’s geopolitical<br />

direction under Bidzina Ivanishvili’s<br />

Georgian Dream coalition is the subject<br />

of extensive enquiry and speculation. As<br />

in many other cases, new governments<br />

in power follow new policies as well as<br />

making incremental changes. However,<br />

they seldom alter the fundamentals<br />

11 For more detailed account see: George Welton. The Power<br />

of the Prime Minister. Who Gets to Choose the Next Government<br />

When How Available at: http://www.geowel.org/<br />

index.phparticle_id=80&clang=0<br />

CASPIAN REPORT<br />

129 127

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