Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012
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emain among the chief concerns among<br />
Georgian voters”. 9 However, these were<br />
not only reasons for the UNM defeat. Poor<br />
human rights conditions and a desire for<br />
justice were decisive factors; over 250,000<br />
people were left jobless as a result of<br />
Saakashvili’s reforms, including the old<br />
non-English-speaking university professors<br />
and thousands of corrupt policeman and<br />
politicians. Moreover, as a result of the<br />
”zero tolerance” policy on crime, which<br />
brought the conviction rate in Georgian<br />
courts to 98%, there are now close to<br />
25,000 prisoners in Georgia, more per<br />
capita than in any other country in Europe<br />
and four times more than when Saakashvili<br />
became President in 2004. 10<br />
While the election was a remarkable upset<br />
for Saakashvili’s team, as a genuinely<br />
competitive election it represents an<br />
important milestone on Georgia’s<br />
democratic development path. The next<br />
few months will reveal what type of<br />
cooperation will be drawn up between<br />
President Saakashvili, who under the<br />
constitution must remain in his position<br />
until the presidential elections in October<br />
2013, and the newly-elected Prime<br />
Minister Ivanishvili, who is widely believed<br />
to be seeking rapprochement with Russia.<br />
Any tensions in the working relationship<br />
between the two could increase policy<br />
uncertainty. Further complicating<br />
9 Niklas Nilsson and Svante E. Cornell. Prospects and Pitfalls<br />
after Georgia’s elections. CACI Analyst. October 4, <strong>2012</strong>. Available<br />
at: http://cacianalyst.org/q=node%2F5849<br />
10 See: Prison Population Rates per 100,000 of the national<br />
population where Georgia stands on 6 th position Available at:<br />
http://www.prisonstudies.org/info/worldbrief/wpb_stats.<br />
phparea=all&category=wb_poprate<br />
matters, over the following 12 months,<br />
Georgia’s political system will move from<br />
presidential to parliamentary, thereby<br />
stripping the presidential office of most<br />
of its powers, and transferring them to the<br />
prime minister 11 . Parliament is thus slated<br />
to play a more vigorous role than it has in<br />
the past. So far, it seems that the prospects<br />
for stabilization of political life in Georgia<br />
are limited, as both sides show reluctance<br />
to cooperate with each other. Given that<br />
the results of this election may significantly<br />
shape the trajectory of Georgia’s future<br />
development, Georgian political elites may<br />
need to overcome their zero-sum approach<br />
to politics and learn to govern through<br />
consensus. This delicate coalition-style<br />
governance is in its infancy; it also remains<br />
to be seen whether the recent political<br />
shuffle will propel Georgia toward the<br />
Western-style liberal democracy or into<br />
violent political turmoil.<br />
Georgia’s Foreign policy: possible<br />
modifications after the elections<br />
Among the many questions as to what<br />
comes next, the country’s geopolitical<br />
direction under Bidzina Ivanishvili’s<br />
Georgian Dream coalition is the subject<br />
of extensive enquiry and speculation. As<br />
in many other cases, new governments<br />
in power follow new policies as well as<br />
making incremental changes. However,<br />
they seldom alter the fundamentals<br />
11 For more detailed account see: George Welton. The Power<br />
of the Prime Minister. Who Gets to Choose the Next Government<br />
When How Available at: http://www.geowel.org/<br />
index.phparticle_id=80&clang=0<br />
CASPIAN REPORT<br />
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