Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012
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groups, and the modest ambitions of third<br />
parties such as the Christian Democrats,<br />
New Rights, Labor and to overcome the<br />
5% barrier were shattered. 6<br />
While the results were still coming in,<br />
President Mikheil Saakashvili performed<br />
a political maneuver unusual in the<br />
post-Soviet sphere, conceding his party’s<br />
defeat and announcing a new government<br />
to be formed by the new parliamentary<br />
majority. In the aftermath of the election<br />
defeat, Saakashvili stated that although<br />
the ideas and goals of the Georgian Dream<br />
absolutely unacceptable to his party, he<br />
respects the choice that the Georgian<br />
people have made. He indicated that he<br />
wants to ensure that all the achievements<br />
of the Rose Revolution shall be protected,<br />
and that nothing hinders the development<br />
of the country. As Saakashvili conceded<br />
defeat, international observers<br />
acknowledged that the Georgian elections<br />
had been genuinely competitive, with<br />
active citizen participation throughout the<br />
campaign. Many Georgia-watchers also<br />
noted that civil society and NGOs had<br />
played a key role by serving as advocates<br />
for and monitors of a credible process, and<br />
by shedding light on concerns about the<br />
fairness of the pre-election environment.<br />
However, while praising the election<br />
environment, the OSCE/ODIHR<br />
election observation mission’s preliminary<br />
assessment still highlighted that “the<br />
campaign environment was polarized and<br />
6 Georgia has a mixed system in which 73 lawmakers out of<br />
150 are elected in 73 majoritarian, single-mandate constituencies<br />
and the remaining 77 seats are allocated proportionally<br />
under the party-list contest among political parties and election<br />
blocs that clear the 5% threshold.<br />
tense, with some instances of violence. 7 ”<br />
The observers also underscored that<br />
the campaign often centered on the<br />
advantages of incumbency on the one<br />
hand, and private financial assets on the<br />
other, rather than on concrete political<br />
platforms and programs. Nevertheless,<br />
many observers has indicated that Georgia<br />
has successfully passed what many<br />
considered to be its democratic litmus test<br />
by holding elections in which the outcome<br />
cannot be determined in advance.<br />
In the various analyses of UNM’s defeat,<br />
a number of issues have been raised 8 .<br />
Niklas Nillson and Svante Cornell have<br />
identified two major reasons: 1) “the<br />
ruling party has been in power for nine<br />
consecutive years, and a large part of the<br />
Georgian population ostensibly developed<br />
a certain fatigue, making many willing to<br />
consider a credible alternative. President<br />
Saakashvili’s often non-deliberative style<br />
of governance may have contributed to<br />
this trend, and 2) while the UNM’s time<br />
in government has provided for significant<br />
improvements to Georgian state functions<br />
as well as important aspects of the<br />
country’s economy, this progress has<br />
failed to translate into jobs and improved<br />
living standards for large parts of the<br />
population – unemployment and poverty<br />
7 OSCE Press Release. Georgia takes important step in<br />
consolidating conduct of democratic elections, but some key<br />
issues remain, election observers say. Available at: http://www.<br />
osce.org/odihr/elections/94597<br />
8 See: Nicu Popescu. Why Saakashvili Lost EU Observer.<br />
Available at: http://blogs.euobserver.com/popescu/<strong>2012</strong>/10/<strong>02</strong>/why-saakashvili-lost/<br />
and Georgia Online.<br />
Gela Vasadze: Georgians are tired of reforms and of paying,<br />
October 22, <strong>2012</strong> Available at: taxeshttp://georgiaonline.ge/<br />
interviews/1350951592.php<br />
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