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Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012

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groups, and the modest ambitions of third<br />

parties such as the Christian Democrats,<br />

New Rights, Labor and to overcome the<br />

5% barrier were shattered. 6<br />

While the results were still coming in,<br />

President Mikheil Saakashvili performed<br />

a political maneuver unusual in the<br />

post-Soviet sphere, conceding his party’s<br />

defeat and announcing a new government<br />

to be formed by the new parliamentary<br />

majority. In the aftermath of the election<br />

defeat, Saakashvili stated that although<br />

the ideas and goals of the Georgian Dream<br />

absolutely unacceptable to his party, he<br />

respects the choice that the Georgian<br />

people have made. He indicated that he<br />

wants to ensure that all the achievements<br />

of the Rose Revolution shall be protected,<br />

and that nothing hinders the development<br />

of the country. As Saakashvili conceded<br />

defeat, international observers<br />

acknowledged that the Georgian elections<br />

had been genuinely competitive, with<br />

active citizen participation throughout the<br />

campaign. Many Georgia-watchers also<br />

noted that civil society and NGOs had<br />

played a key role by serving as advocates<br />

for and monitors of a credible process, and<br />

by shedding light on concerns about the<br />

fairness of the pre-election environment.<br />

However, while praising the election<br />

environment, the OSCE/ODIHR<br />

election observation mission’s preliminary<br />

assessment still highlighted that “the<br />

campaign environment was polarized and<br />

6 Georgia has a mixed system in which 73 lawmakers out of<br />

150 are elected in 73 majoritarian, single-mandate constituencies<br />

and the remaining 77 seats are allocated proportionally<br />

under the party-list contest among political parties and election<br />

blocs that clear the 5% threshold.<br />

tense, with some instances of violence. 7 ”<br />

The observers also underscored that<br />

the campaign often centered on the<br />

advantages of incumbency on the one<br />

hand, and private financial assets on the<br />

other, rather than on concrete political<br />

platforms and programs. Nevertheless,<br />

many observers has indicated that Georgia<br />

has successfully passed what many<br />

considered to be its democratic litmus test<br />

by holding elections in which the outcome<br />

cannot be determined in advance.<br />

In the various analyses of UNM’s defeat,<br />

a number of issues have been raised 8 .<br />

Niklas Nillson and Svante Cornell have<br />

identified two major reasons: 1) “the<br />

ruling party has been in power for nine<br />

consecutive years, and a large part of the<br />

Georgian population ostensibly developed<br />

a certain fatigue, making many willing to<br />

consider a credible alternative. President<br />

Saakashvili’s often non-deliberative style<br />

of governance may have contributed to<br />

this trend, and 2) while the UNM’s time<br />

in government has provided for significant<br />

improvements to Georgian state functions<br />

as well as important aspects of the<br />

country’s economy, this progress has<br />

failed to translate into jobs and improved<br />

living standards for large parts of the<br />

population – unemployment and poverty<br />

7 OSCE Press Release. Georgia takes important step in<br />

consolidating conduct of democratic elections, but some key<br />

issues remain, election observers say. Available at: http://www.<br />

osce.org/odihr/elections/94597<br />

8 See: Nicu Popescu. Why Saakashvili Lost EU Observer.<br />

Available at: http://blogs.euobserver.com/popescu/<strong>2012</strong>/10/<strong>02</strong>/why-saakashvili-lost/<br />

and Georgia Online.<br />

Gela Vasadze: Georgians are tired of reforms and of paying,<br />

October 22, <strong>2012</strong> Available at: taxeshttp://georgiaonline.ge/<br />

interviews/1350951592.php<br />

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