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Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012

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partner Rosneft to sell gas to/via TAP.<br />

That scenario will result in competition<br />

for Azerbaijani gas within the project and<br />

the market (e.e. Italian).<br />

Moreover, from the broader geopolitical<br />

perspective, this enables Moscow to<br />

threaten - or participate profitably in - the<br />

Euro-Atlantic energy security concept<br />

which NATO (among others) has been<br />

promoting. Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan<br />

and Turkmenistan have significant energy<br />

resources and are competing with Russia<br />

for the same lucrative and strategically<br />

significant markets. In some scenarios,<br />

these countries could act as Russian<br />

partners and help Russia realize its<br />

broader energy strategy on the Eurasian<br />

continent - which could lead to a Eurasian<br />

energy producers’ consortium under<br />

Russian patronage.<br />

It is clear that such a consortium would<br />

benefit Russia, but it is less obvious how<br />

it might benefit the other participants.<br />

In order to realize such a long-term<br />

strategy, Russia would have to make a<br />

strong case and provide real incentives<br />

to potential participants. Several of those<br />

countries have no desire to return to a<br />

de-facto USSR; they have built successful<br />

independent national energy policies over<br />

the last 20 years. How will Russia use a<br />

seat on the BP board to further its longterm<br />

strategic aims Perhaps we should<br />

work on the assumption that those aims<br />

will evolve as Russia’s leadership prepares<br />

for the post-Putin era later in this decade.<br />

Geopolitical speculation aside, there are<br />

possible positive implications for SGC<br />

and SD. Overall Rosneft (and Russia) are<br />

better operational and strategic partners<br />

for BP than the AAR oligarchs. With the<br />

Macondo aftermath and other challenges,<br />

BP management has been stretched. It<br />

could be, that without the AAR tantrums,<br />

the BP board will make better decisions<br />

on behalf of their shareholders. Thus in<br />

this sense, it is entirely possible that in<br />

terms of focus and priority, Azerbaijan<br />

and SGC could benefit (indirectly) from<br />

the deal.<br />

A s for Russia, its long-awaited accession to<br />

the WTO marks a real milestone, achieved in<br />

the face of the nationalist rhetoric propagated by<br />

the elite.<br />

Sakhalin and now Rosneft are huge<br />

upstream joint ventures in Russia with<br />

significant foreign participation. Despite<br />

his military and no doubt Marxist<br />

education and early career, it seems<br />

likely that Sechin has been reading Adam<br />

Smith over the last 20 years; now he finds<br />

himself responsible for delivering a longterm<br />

sustainable future for Russian oil in<br />

a bilateral and reciprocal world. Maybe<br />

BP and Azerbaijan should be considering<br />

opportunities outside the former Soviet<br />

Union for joint investment with the new<br />

Rosneft, allowing everyone to move away<br />

from the Soviet legacy of gas pipeline<br />

squabbles.<br />

From Azerbaijan’s strategic viewpoint,<br />

there is no doubt that SGC & SD<br />

represent vital national interests. Maybe<br />

Russia will gradually shift its energy<br />

strategy to a more WTO and market<br />

oriented one - but maybe it won’t. There<br />

is no doubt that we are now entering a<br />

new stage of energy geopolitics in the<br />

region, and particularly a new stage for<br />

the SGC. Non-technical risks to the<br />

project remain significant, and show<br />

little sign of decreasing in the next few<br />

months. Indeed we are (as the Chinese<br />

saying goes) living in some particularly<br />

interesting times.<br />

CASPIAN REPORT<br />

121 119

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