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Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012

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Caspian states, (bar Turkmenistan, for<br />

which WTO data are not available)<br />

T urkey is the only ECO member which figures<br />

among the other members’ top five partners,<br />

notably in trade with Azerbaijan, where it is<br />

the third most important source of imports.<br />

The emergence of China as a significant global<br />

economic player has also altered the external<br />

environment in a way quite unforeseen when<br />

ECO was set up. This has been especially marked<br />

in the case of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan,<br />

both of which have built, or are building, large<br />

natural gas pipelines to China,16 besides<br />

increasing their imports from Asia’s rising<br />

economic power.<br />

Economic and technical factors help to<br />

explain ECO’s apparent failure to take<br />

off as a trading group. In the Caspian<br />

region, its members are mainly primary<br />

producers, exporting oil and gas to the<br />

rest of the world (originally, Russia) rather<br />

than to one another. There is some degree<br />

of complementarity between the Turkish<br />

and other ECO economies, in that Turkey<br />

can export manufactured products in<br />

exchange, but this is an exception.<br />

T he paucity of transport links is a further<br />

problem, although this is now being tackled by<br />

the construction of the Kars-Bitlis-Baku railway,<br />

connecting Turkey with Azerbaijan via Georgia.<br />

16 Vladimir Socor, ‘China to Increase Central Asian Gas<br />

imports through Multiple Pipelines’, Eurasia Daily Monitor,<br />

Vol.9, No.152 (9 August <strong>2012</strong>) and ‘Kazakhstan Expands Gas<br />

Transit Pipeline Capacities and Own Exports to China’, ibid,<br />

Vol.9, No.153.<br />

In general, the Caspian states have<br />

preferred autarchic rather than<br />

internationally oriented development<br />

strategies, relying on their oil and gas<br />

reserves to finance imports, and putting<br />

the development of regional trading links<br />

well down in the list of priorities.<br />

Besides this, political factors have<br />

posed crucial obstacles to the effective<br />

development of ECO. Here, Iran appears<br />

to be the major problem, and the odd<br />

man out in ECO, since this is the only<br />

regional club of which it is a member.<br />

Hence, its government is accused of trying<br />

to exploit the organisation as a means<br />

of drumming up political support in the<br />

face of its growing international isolation.<br />

Critics accuse the Iranian regime of trying<br />

to use ECO as a propaganda machine<br />

for promoting its own controversial<br />

causes - much as it used a meeting of the<br />

Non-Aligned Movement in Tehran in<br />

August <strong>2012</strong>, causing raised eyebrows in<br />

other ECO governments. In September<br />

<strong>2012</strong>, ECO discussed plans to establish a<br />

Parliamentary Assembly, prompting fears<br />

that Iran sought to turn the body ‘into<br />

another West-bashing club’ rather than a<br />

forum for discussing the real issues in the<br />

region. 17<br />

Bilateral relations between Iran and other<br />

ECO members are also damaged by<br />

the Iran’s close relations with Armenia,<br />

putting it at odds with both Turkey and<br />

Azerbaijan, besides sharp differences<br />

between Tehran and Ankara in policies<br />

towards Syria. Turkey has supported<br />

international efforts to persuade Iran to<br />

17 Bozkurt, op.cit.<br />

116 114

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