Hazar Raporu - Issue 02 - Winter 2012
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demand-led development path that does<br />
not seek external FDI, but it too promises<br />
to contribute to the future hub vision of<br />
Central Eurasia.<br />
There is no doubt that the chief engine<br />
of growth in the region has been<br />
the abundant natural resources of<br />
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan,<br />
and Turkmenistan. The governments<br />
of these states, particularly Azerbaijan<br />
and Kazakhstan, have been mindful<br />
of the perils of resource dependence<br />
and have tried to implement policies to<br />
minimize potential risks. They also have<br />
a strategy as far as development of their<br />
energy sectors is concerned. Azerbaijan<br />
and Kazakhstan, for example, have used<br />
Production Sharing Agreements (PSAs)<br />
to attract foreign energy companies and<br />
inject the most needed investments into<br />
their economies. It was this energy strategy<br />
that allowed Azerbaijan and its Western<br />
multinational partners to reach agreement<br />
on the “Contract of the Century” in<br />
1994 and subsequently to construct the<br />
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline in 2005<br />
and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum natural<br />
gas pipeline in 2006. Azerbaijan’s energy<br />
sector alone has attracted more than $35<br />
billion in FDI. Moreover, the revenues<br />
from these two pipelines account for the<br />
lion’s share of Azerbaijan’s current state<br />
budget and constitute a significant portion<br />
of the South Caucasus region’s economy.<br />
In short, the resource-rich states are<br />
reaping the fruits of energy strategies they<br />
conceptualized in the 1990s.<br />
Today, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey<br />
have embarked on a new journey that<br />
will shape the future energy strategy of<br />
the Caspian region and beyond. Whether<br />
resource rich or resource poor, however,<br />
all countries of Central Eurasia share the<br />
same future, and they are bound to find<br />
new synergies that will give their region<br />
a prominent place on the economic and<br />
political map of the twenty-first century.<br />
Indeed, each country in the region has its<br />
own destiny, and each has reason to hope<br />
that one day it will become a prosperous<br />
and developed state in its own right, like<br />
no other state but itself. To achieve this<br />
goal, however, each of them would need a<br />
clear vision of itself as an individual state<br />
and also as a member of a broader regional<br />
framework that could economically, and<br />
even politically, unite them by 2030.<br />
They will have to cooperate, integrate,<br />
and adapt to the rapidly changing world<br />
around them and forge a common<br />
vision for the years ahead. What is the<br />
common vision that one day these mostly<br />
landlocked countries might share Will<br />
it be a vision that will make the region a<br />
periphery for another central power Or a<br />
geopolitical playground for powers aiming<br />
to control the region’s riches Or will the<br />
ancient Silk Road be revived, with the<br />
region reclaiming its status as a vibrant<br />
commercial hub between major economic<br />
blocs such as Europe, East Asia, South<br />
Asia, and the Middle East Whatever the<br />
answers to these questions, one thing is<br />
clear: international trade will play a central<br />
role in the transformation of the region.<br />
CASPIAN REPORT<br />
107 105