IDENTITETSSKAPANDE I STUDENTFÖRENINGEN ULRIKA ... - DiVA
IDENTITETSSKAPANDE I STUDENTFÖRENINGEN ULRIKA ... - DiVA
IDENTITETSSKAPANDE I STUDENTFÖRENINGEN ULRIKA ... - DiVA
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I D E N T I T E T S S K A P A N D E I S T U D E N T F Ö R E N I N G E N<br />
free period but an important and necessary preparation for the positions of<br />
power in the future.<br />
In these two discourses the student is constructed with the middle class man as<br />
the norm. Up until the 1870s women were excluded from the universities, and<br />
men with a working-class background were in practice a very small minority.<br />
The small number of women and men from the working classes who nevertheless<br />
took up higher education found it difficult to assert themselves. They<br />
were defined and conceived of themselves as the others, as the deviants in relation<br />
to the genealogical images of the student.<br />
The NATEK, SAM and MED Members – Three<br />
Distinguishing Ideal Class and Gender Identities<br />
How do the society members construct the ideal identities? Are these distinguishing,<br />
and if so, in what way? How do gender and class operate in the creation<br />
of identity? The answers to these questions are summarised below.<br />
The NATEK members construct their ideal identity by activating the carefree<br />
student of the guild discourse. They express a carefree desire to live for the<br />
moment. They claim to prioritise parties over studies. The guild spirit is also<br />
visible in the overalls, which distinguish them both from students in other<br />
programmes and from fellow students at other universities. Their attitude to<br />
alcohol and the songs that are sung during the parties may be seen as manifestations<br />
of a desire to disturb. The ideal identity both presupposes and promotes a<br />
desire to stick together. As a closely united group they are able to construct an<br />
identity that is not politically correct and is moreover perceived by other groups<br />
as immature. This is probably facilitated by the carefree student functioning as<br />
a temporary identity, but I have also observed that the NATEK students do not<br />
describe themselves as a future elite. They see themselves rather as ordinary, that<br />
is, moderately successful, but enterprising future professionals. The society’s<br />
work also yields social capital which is valuable even outside the society’s borders.<br />
I regard the NATEK members’ representation of themselves as a manifestation<br />
of a masculine identity, and what is symbolically feminine is associated with<br />
the others. Female students probably find it more difficult to occupy the carefree<br />
position, since in accordance with predominant gender discourses they are<br />
expected to attend to the studies conscientiously. The gender equity discourse<br />
that the NATEK members activate when claiming to be willing to include<br />
women in the society therefore clashes with the discourse about the carefree<br />
student, which in turn gives rise to ideological dilemmas for the members.<br />
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