Ladda ner utgåvan. - Fakultet för lärarutbildning - Umeå universitet
Ladda ner utgåvan. - Fakultet för lärarutbildning - Umeå universitet Ladda ner utgåvan. - Fakultet för lärarutbildning - Umeå universitet
In the brave new world In the field of Education, reference to class - or even inequality - has fallen out of favour. For policy-makers and the press it has been overtaken by concerns about ’school effectiveness’, ’competitive schools’, ’schools of the future’. For researchers of a sociological or cultural studies bent, it has been replaced by stronger interests in gender, ethnicity, race and ’difference’. It is not, of course, that the widespread disparities in who gets what from schooling in Australia have disappeared or ceased to matter. 10 The research problem is how to understand today the patterning of what different groups of students now bring to school, the patterning of how schools variously interact with those differences, and the patterns of social inequality that are both drawn on and set in train in the process. The political problem is how to make any of this matter. This paper is work in progress on these issues. It discusses some analytic problems in researching the issues of class and inequality in schooling today and relates these to the design Lyn Yates University of Technology, Sydney competitive schools and postmodern research, how do we tell stories about class? of and some findings from an ongoing qualitative longitudinal project I am undertaking with Julie McLeod. The project being discussed is the 12 to 18 Project, which is following a number of girls and boys at four schools through each year of their secondary schooling. In the project, we wanted to find out more about how individual identity and aspirations as well as outcomes developed in the context of schooling, and, of course, to understand how social differences and inequalities were played out in this. These interests in fact throw up two somewhat distinct issues: ’what does ”class” mean/ look like today, and is it a meaningful or useful concept?’ and ’how can we understand schooling’s relationship to social inequalities?’ Our own research project was inspired not just by the research literature and the questions we had from that, but by a fascination with two 49 ’7 Up’ and ’Not Fourteen Again’
50 In the brave new world documentary film series that have also followed young people longitudinally The better known of these is the British 7 Up series, which has followed boys and girls from different class backgrounds from age 7 through 14, 21 and 35. That project is exciting because the close focus on individuals over time allows the viewer to think about individuality but also class patterning. However, in relation to one of our key areas of interest, social inequality and schooling, it has a problem shared by many qualitative research studies: that it is quite difficult to distinguish family and school effects, in that we largely get glimpses of rich kids at rich schools; poor kids at poor schools (and, rather better than much ethnographic literature, it also does include one or two middle kids at middle schools). Our other inspiration was the series of documentary films based on three working-class Adelaide schoolgirls which have been made by Gillian Armstrong. 11 In the first of this series, made in the 1970s, the girls were fourteen. In the most recent film, Not Fourteen Again, which was released in cinemas last year, these girls are now in their mid-30s, and two of them have fourteen year old daughters. This film includes a lot of footage from the earlier films, and I was struck by what it showed in the background about broad changes affecting what might be seen as the same ’class’ of people two decades apart. In the 70s, the working class teenagers dressed and spoke ’roughly’, dropped out of school early, had babies at 18. In the 90s, both they and their daughters are less distinguishable by accent or dress as belonging to a particular class - there is the influence of television and of certain things being more widely available; and of different broad patterns of schooling, contraception, life events. It’s not that ’class’ differences of some sort have ceased to exist, but their forms have changed, both at the level of the structure of jobs, and in terms of cultural forms. (Changes are also apparent here in terms of what is seen as a respectable way of studying and porttraying others. In the most recent film, but not in the earlier ones, Gillian Armstrong shows herself in the story, alongside the other women, rather than acting as one who can preserve her own privacy while being a voyeur on others.) Some Analytic Problems in investigating (qualitatively) ’class’, inequality and schooling: Since the 1970s, a lot of useful work has been done on the production of inequalities via the micro-processes of schooling: looking at knowledge and assessment and the creation of success and failure through these; looking at the develop-
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50<br />
In the brave new world<br />
documentary film series that have also followed<br />
young people longitudinally<br />
The better known of these is the British 7<br />
Up series, which has followed boys and girls from<br />
different class backgrounds from age 7 through<br />
14, 21 and 35. That project is exciting because<br />
the close focus on individuals over time allows<br />
the viewer to think about individuality but also<br />
class patterning. However, in relation to one of<br />
our key areas of interest, social inequality and<br />
schooling, it has a problem shared by many<br />
qualitative research studies: that it is quite difficult<br />
to distinguish family and school effects, in<br />
that we largely get glimpses of rich kids at rich<br />
schools; poor kids at poor schools (and, rather<br />
better than much ethnographic literature, it also<br />
does include one or two middle kids at middle<br />
schools).<br />
Our other inspiration was the series of<br />
documentary films based on three working-class<br />
Adelaide schoolgirls which have been made by<br />
Gillian Armstrong. 11 In the first of this series,<br />
made in the 1970s, the girls were fourteen. In<br />
the most recent film, Not Fourteen Again, which<br />
was released in cinemas last year, these girls are<br />
now in their mid-30s, and two of them have<br />
fourteen year old daughters. This film includes<br />
a lot of footage from the earlier films, and I was<br />
struck by what it showed in the background<br />
about broad changes affecting what might be<br />
seen as the same ’class’ of people two decades<br />
apart. In the 70s, the working class teenagers<br />
dressed and spoke ’roughly’, dropped out of<br />
school early, had babies at 18. In the 90s, both<br />
they and their daughters are less distinguishable<br />
by accent or dress as belonging to a particular<br />
class - there is the influence of television and of<br />
certain things being more widely available; and<br />
of different broad patterns of schooling, contraception,<br />
life events. It’s not that ’class’ differences<br />
of some sort have ceased to exist, but their<br />
forms have changed, both at the level of the<br />
structure of jobs, and in terms of cultural forms.<br />
(Changes are also apparent here in terms of what<br />
is seen as a respectable way of studying and porttraying<br />
others. In the most recent film, but not<br />
in the earlier ones, Gillian Armstrong shows<br />
herself in the story, alongside the other women,<br />
rather than acting as one who can preserve her<br />
own privacy while being a voyeur on others.)<br />
Some Analytic Problems in investigating<br />
(qualitatively) ’class’, inequality and schooling:<br />
Since the 1970s, a lot of useful work has been<br />
done on the production of inequalities via the<br />
micro-processes of schooling: looking at knowledge<br />
and assessment and the creation of success<br />
and failure through these; looking at the develop-