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verso: revoluflii în oglindæ (mirroring revolutions)<br />
Vom gæsi nedreptæfli enorme øi sub suprafafla domniei legii. Delincvenflii cu<br />
gulere albe sînt apærafli de echipele celor mai buni avocafli, pe cînd un hofl<br />
særman se poate bucura dacæ avocatul lui din oficiu nu adoarme în timpul<br />
procesului. Care e soluflia? Sæ dæm la o parte institufliile domniei legii sau sæ<br />
încercæm sæ gæsim posibilitæfli de a ameliora situaflia necæpætuiflilor în fafla legii?<br />
La fel stau lucrurile øi cu piafla. Anihilarea ei ar crea noi probleme færæ a le<br />
solufliona pe cele vechi. Dacæ am avut vreo experienflæ în vreun sens,<br />
atunci în asta sigur nu sîntem ageamii.<br />
Atunci cînd ne înfuriem – pe drept – cæ piafla produce cu atîta uøurinflæ<br />
inegalitæfli øi aservire, sæ nu uitæm totuøi cæ, totodatæ, piafla e øi cea mai robustæ<br />
instituflie egalizatoare a societæflii. Nu mæ gîndesc numai la faptul cæ<br />
piafla calcæ în picioare privilegiile milenare ale castelor, stærilor øi corporafliilor.<br />
Ea nu respectæ nici inegalitæflile economice mai noi. Azi, în Europa<br />
de Vest, øomajul e pe alocuri foarte ridicat. Asta e ræu. Statul încearcæ sæ<br />
soluflioneze aceastæ problemæ scæzînd impozitele, iar prin asta diminuînd<br />
costurile angajærii de forflæ de muncæ. Nici acest lucru nu e lipsit de aspecte<br />
negative, cæci – printre altele – asta are loc pe spezele garanfliilor sociale.<br />
De ce trebuie însæ sæ scædem impozitele? Deoarece capitalul se mutæ<br />
în Lumea a Treia, unde forfla de muncæ e mult mai ieftinæ decît în Europa.<br />
Milioane de oameni chinuindu-se într-o mizerie inimaginabilæ ajung sæ supraviefluiascæ<br />
øi sæ avanseze în clasa salariaflilor. Diferenfla dintre ei øi semenii<br />
lor occidentali scade.<br />
Lumea noastræ nu va fi niciodatæ perfectæ; va fi întotdeauna necesar<br />
ca lipsurile pieflei sæ fie corijate prin intermediul statului, iar<br />
cele ale statului prin intermediul pieflei. Øi vom avea nevoie întotdeauna<br />
de o politicæ democraticæ pentru a le corecta pe<br />
ambele.<br />
Avem nevoie de democraflie nu numai pentru cæ piafla øi statul<br />
sînt instituflii coruptibile – nici democraflia nu e liberæ de aøa ceva –, ci în<br />
primul rînd pentru cæ a ne apropia de o lume mai egalæ, mai pacificæ, mai<br />
conøtientæ ecologic øi mai solidaræ nu e numai o chestiune tehnicæ. Nu e<br />
o sarcinæ pentru care ar fi suficient sæ ne aøezæm la masa de desen pentru<br />
a-i trasa noi reguli øi proceduri. Pe marginea acestei sarcini se încleøteazæ<br />
interese øi viziuni ale lumii, iar confruntarea dintre ele trebuie sæ aibæ loc sub<br />
forma luptei politice. Ceea ce pare a fi o soluflie tehnicæ neutræ slujeøte adesea<br />
numai interese egoiste sau reflectæ parti-pris-uri ideologice. În dreptul<br />
acestui punct putem cædea de acord.<br />
Desigur, în concepflia lui G. M. T. politica justæ e cea revoluflionaræ. Chiar<br />
dacæ aøteaptæ însæ cu neræbdare revoluflia care sæ le mæture pe toate, acfliunea<br />
politicæ nu se poate epuiza nici mæcar pentru el în simpla aøteptare.<br />
Aflæm multe despre revoluflionarul nostru dacæ ne uitæm la ce sprijinæ pe<br />
termen scurt øi împotriva a ce luptæ.<br />
Politicæ<br />
Dragæ Gazsi, fli-ai scris articolul cu un mare patos moral; cred cæ pozifliile<br />
tale politice nici nu pot fi înflelese færæ el. Aøadar, voi începe sæ le examinez<br />
prin a discuta aspectul moral al diferenflelor dintre viziunile noastre. Ceea<br />
ce urmeazæ sæ spun poate fi dureros, dar øtii cæ fli-o spune cineva care, în<br />
vremuri grele, fli-a fost tovaræø de luptæ, iar astæzi urmæreøte cu amicalæ îngrijorare<br />
aparifliile tale în public.<br />
„[…] Spre deosebire de Adam øi de tine, eu nu mæ simt cu conøtiinfla curatæ“,<br />
scrii în încheiere. În aceastæ propoziflie se ascunde un reproø, de vreme ce<br />
The private sphere reinforced by rights produces unpleasant things as well.<br />
The most stubborn enemy of equality of rights in our society is the parent-child<br />
relationship: this perpetuates acquired advantages and disadvantages from one<br />
generation to another. What is the solution: a separation of newborn children<br />
from their parents or a sustained search for ways to counterbalance these primary<br />
social handicaps?<br />
We will come across gross instances of inequity if we scratch the surface of<br />
the rule of law as well. The best attorneys defend white-collar criminals, while<br />
the ragged thief feels lucky if his lawyer does not fall asleep in court. What is<br />
the solution? To discard the institutions of law, or to try to improve the situation<br />
of the underprivileged in court?<br />
Things are not all that different when it comes to the market, either. Its eradication<br />
would create new problems without solving any of the old ones. This is an<br />
area in which we [East Europeans] gained a lot of experience.<br />
And while we – absolutely legitimately – complain about the inequalities and<br />
disadvantages the market so easily breeds, let us keep in mind that market is,<br />
at the same time, one of modernity’s most robust equalizing institutions. I imply<br />
here more than the fact that it discards the ancient privileges of castes, orders<br />
and guilds. It also disregards economic inequalities rooted in the present.<br />
Today, in Western Europe the rate of unemployment is high, even alarmingly so<br />
in some regions. The state tries to mend the problem by reducing taxes and<br />
related costs of labor force employment. This again has a dark side – it reduces<br />
the rate of social allowances. But why should taxes be reduced?<br />
Because otherwise capital moves toward the Third World, where<br />
the labor force is dramatically cheaper than in Europe. In the<br />
Third World, millions of people living in unspeakably deep misery<br />
are finding their means of survival and rising to the class<br />
of wageworkers. The gap between them and their Western fellows<br />
narrows.<br />
Our world will never be perfect; the state will have to correct the defects of the<br />
market, while the market will have to correct the defects of the state. And democratic<br />
politics will always be needed to correct the defects of both.<br />
Democracy is needed not simply because the market and the state are frail<br />
institutions – democracy itself is also frail. It is first of all necessary because the<br />
pursuit of a more equal, more peaceful, freer, more environment-conscious, and<br />
more compassionate world is not merely technical question. It is not a task to<br />
be solved simply by new regulations and procedures. It is a task that generates<br />
conflicts of interests and of worldviews, and these need to clash within the<br />
framework of political struggle. The seemingly neutral technical solutions are<br />
often fuelling selfish interests or are based on ideological biases. This is where<br />
we profoundly agree.<br />
Obviously in G. M. T.’s view, the right policy is revolution. Nevertheless, even if<br />
he is restlessly hoping for the revolution that will change everything, political<br />
action demands more than silent waiting – even from him. His short-term goals,<br />
the things he supports and fights against, reveal a lot about the revolutionary.<br />
Politics<br />
Dear Gazsi, your article bursts with great moral pathos; without it, I believe,<br />
your political stances would be extremely difficult to understand. Consequently<br />
I will commence their analysis by mentioning the moral aspect of the argument<br />
we started. My words might hurt, but you should know that they are the<br />
words of someone who used to fight by your side in harsh times, of someone<br />
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