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programul revolufliei burghez-liberale?“ – întreabæ G. M. T. „Mæ-ndoiesc<br />
[spune tot el]. Iar dacæ argumentele acestei cærfli sînt eronate, trebuia oare<br />
sæ pæstræm monarhia absolutistæ, privilegiile feudale øi societatea agraræ? Cu<br />
toate erorile lui, n-a avut oare Rousseau niciun merit în faptul cæ s-a næscut<br />
o societate mai dreaptæ, mai civilizatæ, chiar dacæ gîndurile lui fuseseræ<br />
asociate øi cu Teroarea?“<br />
Aøa e. De unde øtim însæ cæ ideile lui Rousseau despre societatea burghezæ<br />
nu pot fi susflinute? Din faptul cæ el a exprimat aceste idei. Dacæ el ar fi ræspuns<br />
partenerilor sæi de discuflie cu acelaøi lucru pe care mi-l zice mie G. M. T.,<br />
dacæ n-ar fi încercat sæ spunæ ceva important despre „cum ar trebui «coordonate»<br />
[…] acfliunile individuale, în absenfla exploatærii, a alienærii øi a<br />
opresiunii“, azi puflini i-ar cunoaøte numele.<br />
Dragæ Gazsi, trebuie s-o spun, problema cu socialismul tæu nu este cæ el<br />
ar fi eronat, ci cæ e gol. Singurul lucru pe care îl aflæm despre acest socialism<br />
e cæ institufliile caracteristice societæflii „burgheze“ sînt incompatibile cu<br />
el. Cæ ele trebuie sæ disparæ cu totul. Ceea ce vine în locul lor e înconjurat<br />
de-o ceaflæ densæ.<br />
Capitalism<br />
Trebuie însæ ca ele sæ disparæ? Dupæ mine, nu. Ele sînt extrem de imperfecte,<br />
dar sînt reprezentantele unor valori ce trebuie apærate. Ele îøi au rolul<br />
lor în faptul cæ „s-a næscut o societate mai dreaptæ, mai civilizatæ“, pentru a<br />
folosi turnura pe care o aplici tu lumii de dupæ Revoluflia Francezæ.<br />
Sfera privatæ apæratæ de bastioanele drepturilor e o valoare. Ea a dat un nou<br />
conflinut libertæflii individuale øi colective: a fæcut posibilæ separarea relafliilor<br />
intime de raporturile impersonale, le-a acordat oamenilor suveranitatea în<br />
lucrurile care-i privesc numai pe ei. Domnia legii e, la rîndul ei, o valoare:<br />
ea limiteazæ capriciul în raporturile dintre stat øi masele de oameni care i<br />
se subordoneazæ, precum øi în raporturile oamenilor între ei, fæcîndu-i pe<br />
tofli egali în fafla legii. Tot o valoare este øi democraflia reprezentativæ: ea a<br />
dat un conflinut politic egalitæflii prin faptul cæ numai aceia pot crea legi obligatorii<br />
øi executabile care au fost aleøi, dintre ei înøiøi, de oameni care respectæ<br />
legea. O valoare este øi piafla: ea a adus cu sine suveranitatea<br />
consumatorului, a sporit libertatea în alegerea carierei øi a dat un imbold<br />
nemaiauzit progresului tehnic.<br />
Aud deja rîsetul batjocoritor demn de Marx. Suveranitatea consumatorului!<br />
Pentru cei bogafli, dar nu pentru særaci. Libertate în alegerea carierei!<br />
Pentru clasa de mijloc, nu pentru særaci, nu pentru øomeri. Progres tehnologic!<br />
Cu industria militaræ drept avangardæ øi cu distrugerea naturii în urma lui.<br />
Nu fac parte dintre cei care ar închide ochii la inegalitæflile sociale, la ameninflærile<br />
ce privesc mediul înconjurætor sau la pericolele ce stau în cursa înarmærilor.<br />
Nu aparflin nici taberei celor care cred cæ panaceul tuturor problemelor epocii<br />
noastre stæ în dereglementarea masivæ a pieflei øi transferul majoritæflii sarcinilor<br />
statale de partea unei piefle cît mai libere. Cînd G. M. T. nu fusese încæ socialist,<br />
el reprezentase, la nivel înalt, versiunea aceasta <strong>idea</strong>lizantæ a pieflei libere.<br />
Ne-am aflat în polemicæ øi atunci. Dar ne aflæm în polemicæ øi acuma, cînd<br />
propune sæ aruncæm la gunoi piafla øi proprietatea privatæ.<br />
Nici sfera privatæ apæratæ de legi nu oferæ numai lucruri bune øi folositoare.<br />
În societatea noastræ, cel mai aprig duøman al egalitæflii øanselor e raportul<br />
pærinte-copil: asta propagæ de-a lungul generafliilor privilegiile øi neajunsurile<br />
obflinute. Care e soluflia? Sæ despærflim nou-næscuflii de pærinflii lor sau sæ încercæm<br />
sæ gæsim solufliile care ar putea echilibra neajunsurile?<br />
will settle whether they are worth an attempt to accomplishment or not. Arguments<br />
need to be confuted, not simply denied as a possibility.<br />
However, even inaccurate theories can play significant roles in history. “Does<br />
the philosophical program of the bourgeois revolution, Rousseau’s Social<br />
Contract still hold?” – G. M. T. asks. “Hardly. But if the principles expressed<br />
in this book are wrong, should absolutist monarchy, feudal rights, and the<br />
obsolete agrarian society have been kept? Despite his errors, and despite the<br />
fact that his <strong>idea</strong>s contributed to the rise of the Great Terror as well, Rousseau<br />
certainly has his merit in heaving initiated the birth of a more righteous and<br />
civilised society, hasn’t he?”<br />
He most certainly did. But how do we know Rousseau’s vision of the bourgeois<br />
society was not feasible? We know it, because he gave a detailed description of<br />
his <strong>idea</strong>s. Had he replied to his peers the way G. M. T. has replied to me, had<br />
he not tried to explain the ways of “ ’coordinating’ individual actions in the<br />
absence of exploitation, alienation, and oppression”, his name were totally<br />
unknown today.<br />
Dear Gazsi, I need to put it straightforwardly: the problem with your <strong>idea</strong>l of<br />
socialism is not that it is wrong, but that it is empty. The only thing we discover<br />
about it is that it is incompatible with institutions typical to the “bourgeois”<br />
society. Consequently the latter have to disappear. What kind of institutions<br />
are to take their place – this issue remains totally obscure.<br />
Capitalism<br />
But do the institutions of “bourgeoisie” deserve perdition? I would say they<br />
don’t. Despite their numerous imperfections, they are still bearers of substantial<br />
values worth defending. They have contributed to the rise of “a more righteous<br />
and civilized society” – to use your own description of the society born<br />
after the French Revolution.<br />
The private sphere reinforced by rights is a value. It gave new significance to<br />
individual and social freedom: it made the separation of intimate and impersonal<br />
relations possible, it invested individuals with sovereign rights in matters of<br />
only their own concern. The rule of law is also a value: it reduced state authoritarianism,<br />
and the authoritarian character of interpersonal relationships, when<br />
it made all people equal before the law. Parliamentary democracy is a value as<br />
well: this made the concept of equality politically significant, as it delegated the<br />
task of making compulsory and enforceable laws to those elected by law-abiding<br />
people. Finally, the market itself is a value: it has established the sovereignty<br />
of consumers, it has increased the freedom to choose one’s own vocation and it<br />
has boosted technical development in an unprecedented manner.<br />
I can already hear the fleer worthy of Marx. Consumers’ sovereignty! For the<br />
wealthy, never for the poor. The freedom of vocation! For the middle class, not<br />
for the have-nots or the unemployed. Technical development! With the war<br />
industry as a booster, and the ecological disaster as a result.<br />
I am not of those who close their eyes to social inequality, to environmental<br />
insecurity or to the dangers of armament either. Similarly, I have nothing to do<br />
with those who consider the widest deregulation of the market and the transfer<br />
of the greatest possible part of state tasks onto the freest possible market<br />
to be the remedy to all our contemporary problems. When he was not a socialist<br />
yet, G. M. T. stood for this version of liberalism, <strong>idea</strong>lizing the free market<br />
in writings of excellent quality. I used to argue with him then. Nevertheless,<br />
I must argue with him yet again when he suggests we should discard market<br />
and private property.<br />
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