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Orice s-ar fi întîmplat în cei øapte ani dintre 1982 øi 1989, Solidaritatea n-a<br />
afirmat niciodatæ în chip explicit cæ <strong>idea</strong>lurile øi proiectele ei s-ar fi schimbat<br />
în mod radical (în caz cæ istorisirea lui János Kis reflectæ într-adevær faptele,<br />
ceea ce, de dragul simplitæflii, sînt dispus sæ admit). La dezbaterile de masæ<br />
rotundæ, ea øi-a pus susflinætorii în fafla unui fapt împlinit, iar aceøtia au votat,<br />
desigur, cu Solidaritatea, opunîndu-se astfel postcomuniøtilor mincinoøi,<br />
corupfli, puciøti øi ageamii în ale guvernærii. Elanul a fost cel care i-a purtat<br />
pe votanflii Solidaritæflii, øi nu convingerea cæ flelurile øi mobilurile lor inifliale<br />
stau într-adevær la baza noii guvernæri democratice. Putem presupune cæ<br />
acesta a fost motivul real pentru care s-a descompus relativa unitate a taberei<br />
masive a Solidaritæflii. (De fapt, øtim sigur cæ aøa s-au întîmplat lucrurile, dar<br />
asta e o pistæ secundaræ acum.) Nimic nu demonstreazæ însæ caracterul ilegitim<br />
al <strong>idea</strong>lurilor: <strong>idea</strong>lurile n-au fost niciodatæ puse în practicæ. Færæ sæ øtie,<br />
János Kis descrie un act de trædare, acesta fiind numele potrivit pentru ce<br />
prezintæ el. (Presupunînd, desigur, cæ János Kis nu greøeøte – dar de asta<br />
mæ-ndoiesc.) Îi ducem în luptæ pe tovaræøii noøtri de principii øi de suferinflæ<br />
pentru <strong>idea</strong>lul x, dupæ care punem în practicæ <strong>idea</strong>lul y sau z færæ ca tovaræøii<br />
noøtri sæ fi øtiut ceva despre asta sau ca ei sæ fi putut face ceva împotriva acestor<br />
decizii… – asta nu aratæ prea bine, deøi (în mod cu totul de neînfleles<br />
de pe poziflia sa) János Kis pare sæ særbætoreascæ tocmai acest eveniment.<br />
Pentru cæ nimeni n-a încercat vreodatæ sæ punæ în practicæ aceste <strong>idea</strong>luri,<br />
nu existæ argumente faptice de partea caracterului realizabil sau irealizabil<br />
al acestora. (E drept: János Kis nu susfline cæ <strong>idea</strong>lurile ar fi fost ireale – asta<br />
ar fi absurd, øi el nu spune absurditæfli; el zice cæ aceste <strong>idea</strong>luri au fost în<br />
sine, inerent incorecte. Ræmîne desigur o întrebare dacæ se pot afirma asemenea<br />
lucruri despre <strong>idea</strong>luri ca atare, în sine. Chiar dacæ aøa ceva se poate<br />
spune, bineînfleles, despre teorii.)<br />
Cred, cu modestie, cæ nu aøa s-au întîmplat lucrurile. Solidaritæflii i s-a întîmplat<br />
ceea ce li s-a întîmplat tuturor revolufliilor proletare de pînæ acum<br />
– øi, de altminteri, øi cîtorva revoluflii de tip diferit.<br />
Toate revolufliile proletare au fost socialiste. Solidaritatea, în raport cu dictatura<br />
capitalistæ de stat care s-a autobotezat „socialistæ“, n-a spus øi n-a putut<br />
sæ spunæ asta, dar scopurile ei fuseseræ în mod univoc socialiste, la fel ca acelea<br />
ale Revolufliei din 1956, chiar dacæ acest socialism se înfæfliøase într-o versiune<br />
„revizionistæ“, numitæ mai tîrziu „comunism reformist“, sau într-una<br />
consilistæ. Toate revolufliile proletare, începînd cu Comuna din Paris (1871),<br />
s-au reîntors în cele din urmæ la formula politicæ a sistemului bazat pe consiliile<br />
muncitoreøti (democraflia directæ). Solidaritatea din Polonia – în opoziflie<br />
cu numele ei – n-a fost un sindicat, ci aliajul dintre o reflea de consilii muncitoreøti<br />
øi formula partidului de masæ.<br />
La fel ca toate revolufliile proletare de pînæ acum, øi Solidaritatea (amintind<br />
la modul cutremurætor de revolufliile din 1917–1919) îøi privise miøcarea<br />
øi flelurile prin lentilele falsei conøtiinfle. În absenfla unui citoyen democratic<br />
consecvent øi a unei burghezii liberale secularizante, laicizante, modernizatoare,<br />
cea care a pus în practicæ scopurile revolufliei burgheze, de la industrializare<br />
la sistemul de protecflie socialæ (bunæstarea popularæ), fusese, la est<br />
de Rin, miøcarea muncitoreascæ socialistæ. Uneori miøcarea muncitoreascæ<br />
a fost conøtientæ de asta, alteori nu. Cîteodatæ øi Lenin mai pærea sæ øtie cæ<br />
tot ce realizase a fost pur øi simplu un rudimentar capitalism de stat. Solidaritatea<br />
– øi pe urmele øi graflie ei: toatæ Europa de Est – a încheiat revoluflia<br />
burghezæ începutæ øi stricatæ de comuniøti. Ea s-a pæcælit (inevitabil) în primul<br />
rînd pe sine, øi nu pe adepflii ei. Azi, cel mai masiv partid comunist din lume<br />
In the round-table debates, they presented their supporters with an accomplished<br />
fact, while these had obviously voted for the Solidarity rather than for<br />
the perfidious, corrupt, putchist, and clumsy government of the post-communists.<br />
Solidarity’s voters were driven by their impetus, and not by the conviction<br />
that the new, democratic government mirrored their original aims<br />
(motivations). Presumably, this is the reason behind the disintegration of the<br />
relative unity of the Solidarity. (In fact, we know it was so. However, this is not<br />
paramount now.) None of this is proof for the invalidity of <strong>idea</strong>ls: <strong>idea</strong>ls had<br />
not even been tested. Unknowingly, János Kis describes here an act of treason,<br />
this being the right word for what he speaks of. (Provided, of course, that<br />
he is right, which I seriously doubt.) We call our colleagues and fellows to<br />
fight for <strong>idea</strong>l x, then we accomplish <strong>idea</strong>l y or z, without ever making this fact<br />
clear to them in a way that would make genuine dissent possible... – sounds<br />
like a pretty messy affair, even though (surprisingly enough) János Kis seems<br />
to be celebrating this event.<br />
As nobody has ever attempted to accomplish the said <strong>idea</strong>ls, there are practically<br />
no empirical arguments for or against their validity. (János Kis does not<br />
for a moment imply that these <strong>idea</strong>ls were unreal, for that would not make<br />
sense, while whatever he writes most certainly does; he thinks these <strong>idea</strong>ls<br />
were inherently, immanently incorrect. The question is whether such a statement<br />
applies to <strong>idea</strong>ls as such. It obviously applies to theories.)<br />
In my humble opinion, something else happened. The Solidarity had presumably<br />
suffered the fate of all known proletarian revolutions – and of several<br />
other revolutions, for that matter.<br />
All proletarian revolutions were socialist ones. Opposing as it was a the state<br />
dictatorship that professed to be “socialist”, the Solidarity was not in a position<br />
to undertake the same ideological label; nevertheless its goals were clearly<br />
socialist goals, similar to the way it happened with the goals of the 1956<br />
revolution, both in their “revisionist” (later called: “reform-communist”) version,<br />
and their council communist one. Beginning with the Paris Commune<br />
(1871), each proletarian revolution happened to re-invent the political form<br />
of the workers’ council (direct democracy). Despite its denomination, the<br />
Solidarity in Poland was not a trade union, but the hybrid of a network of<br />
workers’ councils and the form of a mass party.<br />
Alike any other proletarian revolution so far, the Solidarity (terrifyingly recalling,<br />
in this respect, the 1917–1919 revolutions) had a false consciousness of its<br />
own movement and goals. In the absence of a liberal bourgeoisie, with secular,<br />
lay and modern inclinations, and in the absence of the self-conscious,<br />
democratic citoyen, the goals of the bourgeois revolution in each European<br />
region East of the Rhein, from general right to vote to industrialisation and<br />
social protection networks (welfare), were carried out by the socialist labour<br />
movement. The movement swayed between a state of consciousness and<br />
unconsciousness of this. At certain moments, even Lenin seemed to be aware<br />
of the fact that his accomplishment was in fact a primitive form of state capitalism.<br />
The Solidarity – with the entire Eastern European region on its tracks –<br />
had actually finished the bourgeois revolution initiated and blemished by the<br />
communists. Unavoidably, the Solidarity deceived first itself, and not its supporters.<br />
Nowadays, the largest communist party in the world marches toward<br />
victory in the People’s Republic of China bearing a combination of the completed<br />
bourgeois revolution, extreme capitalism and the almost unaltered<br />
form of Stalinist dictatorship. This was “the will” neither of the Catholic Polish<br />
trade union members, nor of the Chinese peasant revolutionaries.<br />
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