Sergio Amadeu da Silveira - Cidadania e Redes Digitais
Sergio Amadeu da Silveira - Cidadania e Redes Digitais
Sergio Amadeu da Silveira - Cidadania e Redes Digitais
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eng<br />
c i t i z e n s h i p a n d d i g i t a l n e t w o r k s<br />
Gustavo Lins Ribeiro that transnational communication would shape a “virtualimagined<br />
transnational society,” a much stronger segment of belonging to the world<br />
than simply to the imagined national community.<br />
What becomes increasingly evident is that if communication in distributed digital<br />
networks does not dissolve the sociocultural differences in cyber space, it relocates, in<br />
a new scenario, the old and complex debate between universalism and relativism. To<br />
what point can we have a transmission network without its information flows, its messages<br />
and its sharing technologies being nationally controlled? Can a national culture<br />
having a series of vetoes to certain behaviors take its restrictions into cyber space? Can<br />
such restrictions, maintained by tradition, put the basic freedoms of speech and interaction<br />
at stake? But, what would justify the regulation, from liberal values?<br />
The whole speech of the information society, in the informational age and of a<br />
society in network is based on western global practices that bear values bound to the<br />
liberal doctrine, the idea that the government’s political power must respect the individual<br />
rights: Private property, free economic initiative and the fun<strong>da</strong>mental freedoms,<br />
among them, freedom of speech, of association and of press. But not all national<br />
cultures and political hegemonies accept or interpret such political values in the same<br />
manner. Thus, the communicative practices in distributed networks, without control<br />
centers, are challenged, once they can bear content and conversations unapproved and<br />
deemed malefic by a culture or a political majority of a national society.<br />
The tension between the flow of information without national blocks or filters<br />
and the legislative regulation carried out in each country is amplified by the interest<br />
of large corporations seeking to limit the communicational practices and the technological<br />
creations, once they believe that the distributed digital networks can fulminate<br />
their business models based on the acceptance of intellectual property consoli<strong>da</strong>ted<br />
in the industrial world. Apparently, while China blocks the Internet for<br />
reasons that are more political than economical, the French parliament approved,<br />
in 2009, president Sarkozy’s proposal of disconnecting those who share files that<br />
violate copyrights, called the Hadopi Law.<br />
However, the national Internet non-regulation is defined as something that ensures<br />
the supremacy of the market relations. Dominique Wolton wrote that “there<br />
is no freedom of communication without regulations, i.e., without a protection<br />
of such freedom. As a matter of fact, the heralds of the deregulation are favorable<br />
to a regulation: That of market, that is, that of economic relations, of the laws of<br />
the jungle” (2003, 122). From the notion that freedom is not natural, but a social<br />
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