Julens mat og måltider - SIFO

Julens mat og måltider - SIFO Julens mat og måltider - SIFO

26.09.2013 Views

12 regarded as the most important part, but “spending time with the family.” It appears that Christmas food and meals in many ways contribute towards realising family belonging – both as a social link between family members and as a social reproduction of family identity. The dinner on Christmas Eve is a meal for the extended family. For most people this means between five and ten participants (62 percent). Very few people have Christmas Eve dinner together with friends (4 percent). Far more women (67 percent) than men (21 percent) cook dinner on Christmas Eve. When we study the division of labour more closely, it seems to follow some sort of ”hunter and gatherer” pattern. The man’s job is often to prepare and serve the pork or mutton. The women take care of the side dishes and trimmings. It also seems as if the many ”invisible” chores to a large extent are women’s work; cleaning the silverware, cleaning the kitchen drawers, ironing the Christmas table cloth, laying the table, heating the pork patties, making the mashed vegetables, cooking the potatoes, cleaning and taking care of the leftovers. Even though the Christmas dinner can hardly be characterised as a culinary feat, it still entails extensive ritual and practical work. From the qualitative descriptions it is evident that younger women express reluctance to take on the laborious and responsibility-laden role as hostess. Women are often well into their thirties before they make their debut as hostesses on Christmas Eve, and mature women rule in Norwegian Christmas kitchens. The typical Norwegian Christmas manager is found in the age group 40-49. In the choice of Christmas food, the Christmas host and hostess must decide not only what should be served, but also how to prepare the food. A crucial issue in this respect is to what extent Christmas food should be ”made from scratch”. Convenience food generally has lower food cultural status than home cooked meals. However, the sales figures for industrial Christmas food products indicate that people increasingly have relaxed the requirement that Christmas dinners should be ”made from scratch”. One aspect that seems to make the choice of convenience food acceptable is that Christmas food and meals require a lot of work. Producers and marketing departments also put a lot of effort into giving such products higher status. As a concluding remark we could say that through our choices of Christmas food we demonstrate many of our social and cultural values – while the smell of pork ribs and ribs of mutton is associated with ”the right”, the smell of ”Grandis” (slang for Pizza Grandiosa, the most sold frozen pizza in Norway) is associated with ”the wrong”: ”It smells of spruce sprigs and Grandis; as

Summary 13 usual dad started planning too late and is too broke to go shopping. We haven’t washed the floors or carried no wood, but dad has been to the mall and stolen a Christmas tree” (from the film Pittbullterje, 2005).

12<br />

regarded as the most important part, but “spending time with the family.” It<br />

appears that Christmas food and meals in many ways contribute towards realising<br />

family belonging – both as a social link between family members and as<br />

a social reproduction of family identity. The dinner on Christmas Eve is a<br />

meal for the extended family. For most people this means between five and<br />

ten participants (62 percent). Very few people have Christmas Eve dinner t<strong>og</strong>ether<br />

with friends (4 percent).<br />

Far more women (67 percent) than men (21 percent) cook dinner on Christmas<br />

Eve. When we study the division of labour more closely, it seems to follow<br />

some sort of ”hunter and gatherer” pattern. The man’s job is often to prepare<br />

and serve the pork or mutton. The women take care of the side dishes and<br />

trimmings. It also seems as if the many ”invisible” chores to a large extent are<br />

women’s work; cleaning the silverware, cleaning the kitchen drawers, ironing<br />

the Christmas table cloth, laying the table, heating the pork patties, making<br />

the mashed vegetables, cooking the potatoes, cleaning and taking care of the<br />

leftovers.<br />

Even though the Christmas dinner can hardly be characterised as a culinary<br />

feat, it still entails extensive ritual and practical work. From the qualitative<br />

descriptions it is evident that younger women express reluctance to take on<br />

the laborious and responsibility-laden role as hostess. Women are often well<br />

into their thirties before they make their debut as hostesses on Christmas Eve,<br />

and <strong>mat</strong>ure women rule in Norwegian Christmas kitchens. The typical Norwegian<br />

Christmas manager is found in the age group 40-49.<br />

In the choice of Christmas food, the Christmas host and hostess must decide<br />

not only what should be served, but also how to prepare the food. A crucial<br />

issue in this respect is to what extent Christmas food should be ”made from<br />

scratch”. Convenience food generally has lower food cultural status than<br />

home cooked meals. However, the sales figures for industrial Christmas food<br />

products indicate that people increasingly have relaxed the requirement that<br />

Christmas dinners should be ”made from scratch”. One aspect that seems to<br />

make the choice of convenience food acceptable is that Christmas food and<br />

meals require a lot of work. Producers and marketing departments also put a<br />

lot of effort into giving such products higher status.<br />

As a concluding remark we could say that through our choices of Christmas<br />

food we demonstrate many of our social and cultural values – while the smell<br />

of pork ribs and ribs of mutton is associated with ”the right”, the smell of<br />

”Grandis” (slang for Pizza Grandiosa, the most sold frozen pizza in Norway)<br />

is associated with ”the wrong”: ”It smells of spruce sprigs and Grandis; as

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