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Klik hier om die volledige joernaal in PDF-formaat af te laai - LitNet

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<strong>LitNet</strong> Akademies Jaargang 9(2), Augustus 2012<br />

The third political eli<strong>te</strong> choice factor regarded as a h<strong>in</strong>drance to democratisation <strong>in</strong> Africa is<br />

the widespread <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>gement on media freed<strong>om</strong>. Throughout the democratic world it is<br />

accep<strong>te</strong>d that freed<strong>om</strong> of the media is the lifeblood of any democratic sys<strong>te</strong>m. However, <strong>in</strong><br />

most African sta<strong>te</strong>s the rul<strong>in</strong>g eli<strong>te</strong>s purposefully try to manipula<strong>te</strong> the free flow of<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation. This desire by the leadership to stifle public op<strong>in</strong>ion appears to be so strong that<br />

freed<strong>om</strong> of the media is regularly curtailed, even on the pre<strong>te</strong>xt that such action is <strong>in</strong> the<br />

public <strong>in</strong><strong>te</strong>rest or necessary to pro<strong>te</strong>ct national security or pr<strong>om</strong>o<strong>te</strong> rapid econ<strong>om</strong>ic<br />

development.<br />

The fourth political eli<strong>te</strong> choice factor <strong>in</strong>hibit<strong>in</strong>g successful democratic consolidation <strong>in</strong><br />

Africa is the delibera<strong>te</strong> dismantl<strong>in</strong>g of separation between sta<strong>te</strong> and rul<strong>in</strong>g party. In most<br />

sta<strong>te</strong>s it is difficult to de<strong>te</strong>rm<strong>in</strong>e the boundary between party and sta<strong>te</strong>. This sta<strong>te</strong> of <strong>af</strong>fairs<br />

can best be expla<strong>in</strong>ed by the widespread <strong>in</strong>cidence of d<strong>om</strong><strong>in</strong>ant party sys<strong>te</strong>ms as well as the<br />

assumptions on which the ma<strong>in</strong> types of political parties <strong>in</strong> Africa are based. Of special<br />

significance regard<strong>in</strong>g the lat<strong>te</strong>r are the at<strong>te</strong>mpts by revolutionary and left-w<strong>in</strong>g parties to<br />

delibera<strong>te</strong>ly crea<strong>te</strong> so-called party sta<strong>te</strong>s.<br />

Regard<strong>in</strong>g the macrostructural factors, the follow<strong>in</strong>g are important: firstly, the low levels of<br />

socio-econ<strong>om</strong>ic development <strong>in</strong> almost every African sta<strong>te</strong>. Modernisation theorists are<br />

unanimous <strong>in</strong> their belief that for a democratic sys<strong>te</strong>m to survive it needs high levels of socioecon<strong>om</strong>ic<br />

development. However, when survey<strong>in</strong>g the African cont<strong>in</strong>ent it is noticeable that<br />

it is the only region <strong>in</strong> the world that has bec<strong>om</strong>e poorer over the past 25 years. Widespread<br />

poverty is perhaps the most salient charac<strong>te</strong>ristic of every African society. Indicative of the<br />

dire situation is the fact that only two of the 54 sta<strong>te</strong>s on the cont<strong>in</strong>ent are not <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the<br />

lowest third of the Human Development Index (HDI) of the Uni<strong>te</strong>d Nations Development<br />

Program (UNDP).<br />

The second macrostructural factor <strong>in</strong>hibit<strong>in</strong>g democratic transition is the <strong>in</strong>cidence of conflict<br />

and violence <strong>in</strong> many sta<strong>te</strong>s. In <strong>te</strong>rms of democratic peace theory the establishment of a<br />

democratic sys<strong>te</strong>m of government should br<strong>in</strong>g about a more peaceful society. However, <strong>in</strong><br />

Africa this is not happen<strong>in</strong>g. On the contrary, conflict and violence <strong>in</strong> and among sta<strong>te</strong>s are<br />

still evident despi<strong>te</strong> the democratisation process. It even appears as if the democratisation<br />

process itself is generat<strong>in</strong>g conflict and violence.<br />

The third macrostructural obstacle is the divisive <strong>in</strong>fluence of ethnicity. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

observers politicised ethnic relations and the politics of ethnic mobilisation are not only the<br />

ma<strong>in</strong> sources of conflict <strong>in</strong> Africa s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>dependence, but also the ma<strong>in</strong> stumbl<strong>in</strong>g block <strong>in</strong><br />

the socio-econ<strong>om</strong>ic development of most sta<strong>te</strong>s. Indicative of the divisive effects of ethnicity<br />

<strong>in</strong> the political life of many African sta<strong>te</strong>s are the formation of ethnically <strong>in</strong>spired opposition<br />

movements, guerrilla <strong>in</strong>surgencies, and separatist movements. In extreme cases ethnicity has<br />

even led to the partition<strong>in</strong>g of sta<strong>te</strong>s and acts of genocide.<br />

Key words: democracy; democratisation; democratic consolidation; civil society; political<br />

culture; political eli<strong>te</strong>; ethnicity; neopatrimonialism; media freed<strong>om</strong>; socio-econ<strong>om</strong>ic<br />

development<br />

527

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