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LitNet Akademies Jaargang 9(2), Augustus 2012 decades seemed to have been the most prosperous (in terms of assets owned) for Cape settlers. The second contribution of the article is to show that this prosperity was not equally shared by all Cape settlers. As an earlier historiography has shown (Guelke and Shell 1983), inequality was high and increasing, even within the settler population. This is ascribed largely to the ownership of slaves, comprising 24% of total value in household inventories. While I show that those settlers owning no slaves also improved their standard of living over the course of the 18th century, the increasing ownership of slaves by the elite resulted in a persistent gap between the rich and the poor. The third contribution of the article is to show that the MOOC 8-probate inventories probably underestimate Cape settler wealth. I used Stellenbosch inventories not included in the MOOC 8s, transcribed and digitised by Krzesinkski-de Widt (2002), to show that households in these inventories owned significantly more slaves than those included in the MOOC 8s. This result firstly suggests that the aggregate wealth estimates are not upwardly biased by sample selection in favour of the more affluent part of the population. Secondly, it also suggests that wealth had a regional dimension: those closer to Cape Town were more likely to be prosperous than those in the interior. Fourthly, the article also compares Cape settler wealth with that of settlers and citizens in other regions of the world. I compare a range of items – slaves, cattle, guns, timepieces and paintings – to show that the average Cape settler frequently owned more assets than his counterparts in England and the Netherlands, considered to be the two richest countries in the 18th-century world and also the countries of origin of most of the settlers. This explains why the Cape Colony was an enticing destination for immigrants. I also show that Cape settlers often owned more assets than those of the American colonies, the exceptions being gun ownership in the American South and slave ownership on the Caribbean plantations. These results provide convincing evidence that Cape settlers were not, on average, impoverished, living just above subsistence levels. Anecdotal evidence of the poverty of some farmers presented by reports and traveller accounts are, therefore, the exception rather than the rule. This relative prosperity of the average farmer is validated by other quantitative recent investigations into the Cape economy: Du Plessis and Du Plessis investigate the purchasing power of wages paid to Company officials and workers, showing that these wages were high and increased over the 18th century. Fourie and Van Zanden (2012) calculate gross domestic product (GDP) per capita estimates for the 18th-century Cape economy, showing that the average per capita income is among the highest in the world, at least during the first few decades of the century. The benefit of this study is to show that such high levels of income translated into the household wealth of the average settler. And even though great inequalities within the settler community remained, I also show that even the poorest managed to acquire more goods over the course of the 18th century. The traditional view of Cape settlers as poor needs revision. Keywords: Cape Colony; DEIC; settlers; trekkers; wealth; poverty; inequality 1. Inleiding 443
LitNet Akademies Jaargang 9(2), Augustus 2012 Die Europese immigrante en hul afstammelinge wat gedurende die 17de en 18de eeu die Kaapkolonie bewoon het, word tradisioneel beskou as arm en agterlik, ‘n kolonie “wat ekonomies teen ‘n slakkepas gegroei het” (De Kock 1924: 39). Terwyl daar ’n paar welgestelde setlaars naby Kaapstad geboer het (Guelke en Shell 1983:265), het die meeste van die setlaars – veral dié woonagtig in die grensgebiede van die Kolonie – “gewoon in geïsoleerde plaashuise, wat ’n karige bestaan gevoer het as bestaansboere en jagters” (De Kock 1924:40). Guelke som die algemene persepsie van die Kaapse ekonomiese lewe goed op: “Aan die bopunt was ’n groep welgestelde boere met groot plase en baie slawe”, maar “die gemiddelde hardwerkende boer kon slegs met moeite ’n lewe as bestaansboer voer” (Guelke 1989:84). Hierdie persepsie word as gevolg van meer onlangse kwantitatiewe navorsing bevraagteken. Van Duin en Ross (1987:3) was die eerstes wat die Kaapse ekonomie as “meer dinamies” beskryf het. Hulle navorsing was gebaseer op die opgaafrolle, jaarlikse sensusopnames wat die Kompanjie vir belastingdoeleindes onderneem het. Du Plessis en Du Plessis (2011) asook De Zwart (2011) gebruik loondata om te wys dat die lewenstandaard van die Kaapse (Europese) inwoners hoog was in vergelyking met loondata in ander wêreldstreke. Vanweë ’n verskeidenheid faktore het hierdie literatuur min impak gehad op die Kaapse historiografie; in haar kritiek van Nigel Worden se onlangse Contingent lives: Social identity and material culture in the VOC world (2007), skryf Nicole Ulrich byvoorbeeld dat die fokus te veel val op die “uitsonderings van die koloniale konteks” in plaas van om “die gebruik van alledaagse produkte” te ondersoek wat ’n “meer gebalanseerde idee” van die lewenstandaard van die gemiddelde Kaapse boer sal gee (Ulrich 2010:580). Hierdie artikel begin om aan Ulrich se versoek te voldoen. Die Kaapse inventarisse (MOOC 8-reeks) is onlangs deur ’n span navorsers gedigitaliseer en aan die navorsingsgemeenskap beskikbaar gestel. Deur statistiese metodes in te span word hierdie bron ontleed om drie vrae te beantwoord: Het die welvaart van die Kaapse setlaars toegeneem oor tyd?; Hoe groot was die ongelykheid binne die setlaarbevolking aan die Kaap?; en Hoe welgesteld was die Kaapse setlaars relatief tot ander bevolkings in Europa en die setlaarsgemeenskap in Noord- Amerika? Wat duidelik blyk uit die resultate is dat die tradisionele persepsie van Kaapse setlaars wat in armoede gedompel is, hersien moet word. 2. Die Kaapse ekonomie Die koms van Jan van Riebeeck in 1652 was die begin van Europese vestiging aan die Kaap. Die VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compangie) het Van Riebeeck beveel om ’n halfwegstasie aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop op te rig met die doel om verbygaande skepe te diens en van vars voorraad, insluitend vrugte, groente, vleis, water en brandhout, te voorsien. Só ’n stasie sou die hoë koste van skeepsvaart – veral die hoë lewensverlies van matrose en gepaardgaande lae produktiwiteit van siekes wat aan dodelike skeurbuik ly – moes inperk. Van Riebeeck het ’n gemeenskap van landbouers rondom die fort voorgestel wat verantwoordelik sou wees vir gewasboerdery terwyl Europese vervaardigde produkte en 444
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