30.01.2013 Views

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi ISSUES OF LINGUISTICS - Tbilisi State ...

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi ISSUES OF LINGUISTICS - Tbilisi State ...

enaTmecnierebis sakiTxebi ISSUES OF LINGUISTICS - Tbilisi State ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

The fourth group, exemplified by γaγadebs, γaγadq’o "he cries, he made a<br />

cry", is not fully and truly unergative in the aorist in Old Georgian. A complete<br />

analysis can be found in Harris (1985), but briefly, in Old Georgian the aorist form<br />

is transitive with an incorporated direct object. Because the changes described in<br />

this paper had not yet taken place, we really can say of the Series I form only that it<br />

was intransitive. Like the first and third morphological types described here, this<br />

type developed the prefix i- in Series II forms and not in Series I forms.<br />

Several prefixes of the form i- occur in this position in the Georgian verb,<br />

but the most likely source of the i- shown in Table 4 is the i- that forms a<br />

productive group of unaccusatives, often called mediopassives. However, in the<br />

mediopassives, if i- occurs, it occurs in all paradigms, not just in those of Series II.<br />

3. Conclusions<br />

In Georgian the unaccusative is more clearly distinguished morphologically<br />

from the other two classes than they are from each other.<br />

Attested changes in Georgian show that morphological classification in the<br />

verb does not always arise through grammaticalization and does not always<br />

resemble the process described for the development of gender. Georgian seems to<br />

pull together disparate pre-existing morphological resources to set apart the three<br />

classes considered here.<br />

References<br />

Alexiadou, Artemis, Elena Anagnostopoulou and Martin Everaert, eds. 2004. The Unaccusativity<br />

Puzzle. Oxford: OUP.<br />

Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Morphology by itself: Stems and inflectional classes. Cambridge,<br />

MA: MIT Press.<br />

Burzio, Luigi. 1986. Italian syntax: A government-binding approach. Dordrecht: Reidel.<br />

Corbett, Greville G. 1991. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />

Harris, Alice C. 1981. Georgian syntax: A study in relational grammar. Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press.<br />

Harris, Alice C.. 1982. Georgian and the Unaccusative Hypothesis, Language 58: 290-306.<br />

Harris, Alice C. 1985. Diachronic syntax: the Kartvelian case. (Syntax and Semantics,<br />

18.) New York: Academic Press.<br />

Imnaišvili, I. 1971. Kartuli enis ist’oriuli krest’omatia, t’. 1, nac’ili II. [Historical chrestomathy<br />

of the Georgian language, vol. 1, part 2.] ýveli kartuli enis k’atedris šromebi, 14.<br />

<strong>Tbilisi</strong>: Universit’et’i.<br />

Levin, Beth and Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995. Unaccusativity: At the syntax-lexical<br />

semantics interface. (Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 26.) Cambridge, MA: MIT.<br />

Perlmutter, David M. 1978. Impersonal passives and the Unaccusative Hypothesis. BLS<br />

4.157-89.<br />

Wurzel, Wolfgang Ullrich. 1992. Die wiederholte Klassifikation von Substantiven: Zur<br />

Entstehung von Deklinationsklassen. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und<br />

Kommunikationsforschung 39: 76-96.<br />

325

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!