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486 JOHN A. DAVIS<br />

presence of soldiers and policemen, never mind the relations between them,<br />

in the cities of the Italian peninsula in these years remain all the more<br />

uncertain 5.<br />

In generai terms, however it is clear that over the course of the 19th<br />

century the business of urban policing became more specialised and<br />

developed clearer divisions of labour between the different civil and military<br />

agencies involved. As a result, the military's role in urban policing steadily<br />

diminished, although this did not happen in a uniform way nor did it cease<br />

altogether.<br />

One of the earliest indications of the importance of the role assigned<br />

to armies in urban policing dates back to the period of reform during the<br />

Napoleonic era. During these years the rulers of the major Italian satellite<br />

states embarked o n programmes of urban reconstruction and reorganization,<br />

and a common feature of these undertakings was the the construction of<br />

new roads, especially in the capi tal cities, to facilitate the movement of troops<br />

into the popular quarters of the cities in times of disturbance 6. Recognition<br />

that urban order depended ultimately on the presence of an army was<br />

not in itself an innovation, and there were few major Italian cities that were<br />

not dominated by some grim fortress or barracks that offered an unmistakeable<br />

reminder of the 'internai security' functions of the Ancien Regime<br />

armies. But like Hausmann' s reorganization of Paris later in the century, the<br />

creation of improved communications linking city centres with military garrisons<br />

by the Napoleonic rulers in Italy is evidence of the continuing recognition<br />

of that role and the priority that was placed on adapting older intensions<br />

to rapidly changing urban realities.<br />

N or can there be any doubt that the character of the Empire itself gave<br />

the army a new and centrai politica! importance which was again fully<br />

reflected in the Italian satellite states. Contemporary accounts (for example,<br />

De Nicola's Diario Napoletano) illustrate the prominence and frequency<br />

of military parades, which served the dual purpose of an imposing show<br />

of force which at the same time also transmitted the values and glories of<br />

the Empire and of the new dynasties that it nurtured in Italy.<br />

With the Restoration - and in particular after the revolutions of 1820-1<br />

in Naples an d Turin in which sections of the respective armies were heavily<br />

implicated- the army's role in the maintenance of public order and public<br />

security became more ambiguous, however. The spread of seditious ideas<br />

5 These wider issues are discussed in ]. A. DAVIS, Conflict and Contro!: Law and<br />

Order in Italy in the 19th Century, Macmillan 1988.<br />

6 Eg C. DE SETA, Napoli, (Le Città nella Storia d'Italia) Bari 1981, p. 214.<br />

THE ARMY AND PUBLIC ORDER IN ITALIAN CITIES 487<br />

and the successful expansion of secret societies amongst the officers of the<br />

different Italian armies, no t to menti o n the no t far distant examples of military<br />

pronunciamentos in Spain, caused the Italian rulers to look with suspicion<br />

and uncertainty on their armies. Many, like the rulers of the Kingdom of<br />

the Two Sicilies for example, turned to outside (i. e. Austrian) support or else<br />

employed foreign mercenaries for greater security.<br />

The same fears lay behind the attempts that were made in the 1820s<br />

and 1830s to raise para-military popular militias, the most famous being those<br />

which Prince Canosa create d for the Duke of Modena an d the Pope 7• But<br />

these initiatives were also part of longer term attempts to reduce the army's<br />

public order and public security duties. These can again be traced back to<br />

the Napoleonic period. The French regimes brought to Italy not only clear<br />

models of urban policing from metropolitan France but also an awareness<br />

that public security functions distracted armies from their proper military<br />

functions and made them military less effective. The creation of both civil<br />

policing agencies and of volunteer militias with specific public security functions<br />

was therefore seen as a matter of considerable importance First, the<br />

delegation of public security functions to separate bodies was necessary if<br />

the Italian armies were to meet their obligations to the Empire and serve<br />

in the Emperor's campaigns. Secondly, it was already being argued that the<br />

professionalization of the army as a fighting force made it desirable that it<br />

should disengage as far as possible from ordinary internai security functions,<br />

even thought its role in case of emergency or major break down of public<br />

order was never questioned 8 .<br />

It was symptomatic of these tendencies that the new urban and rural<br />

policing agencies that had been introduced during the French period were<br />

maintained - most obviously the Piedmontese Carabinieri that were<br />

established in 1814. But the Carabinieri and the Gendarmeries that were<br />

established in other states were seen primarily as rural policing agencies.<br />

Much less is known about the ways in which the major cities were policed<br />

in this period, although here too the French reforms had established clear<br />

distinctions between the spheres of military and civil jurisdiction and<br />

organization. In theory at least, urban policing became more bureaucratic,<br />

more professional and more specific. The broad Ancien Regime concept<br />

of policing that was synonymous with Buon Governo gave way to narrower<br />

7 On this see eg F. LEONI, Storia della Controrivoluzione in Italia 1789-1854, Napoli<br />

1979.<br />

s Eg L. ANTONELLI, I Prefetti dell 'Italia Napoleonica, Milano 1983, pp. 215-223,<br />

455-474.

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