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2006. évi 1. szám - Jura - Pécsi Tudományegyetem

2006. évi 1. szám - Jura - Pécsi Tudományegyetem

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Kitti Maros: Research on peyotism from a legal anthropological aspect<br />

79<br />

dwells” (Boyd). Moreover, the Messenger Bird is<br />

also considered as the integrated part of the Messenger<br />

Power, “who is the unifying force between...<br />

the Spirit Powers,..the Earth and Spirit Power and<br />

Sun Power “ (Boyd).<br />

In the postmeridian, the participants tend to<br />

“smoke the sacred pipe or cigarettes, sings and prays,<br />

and drops into euphoric contemplation” (Boyd), as<br />

“only four songs have to be sung at fixed times: the<br />

Opening Song, The Midnight Water Call, the Morning<br />

Water Call, and the Closing Song” (Stewart). It<br />

is the time of individual communion with the Spirit<br />

Powers whence “the door beauty opens, and the<br />

member passes trough; an inanimate plant may become<br />

suddenly alive, writhing in colorful greens...<br />

supernatural power fills the lodge as twisting figures<br />

ride with the smoke of the fire” (Boyd). Humphry<br />

Osmond gives an account of a peyote night narrating<br />

“there was a ghost of brilliant color in my eye<br />

grounds when I closed my lips, I felt remote and<br />

slightly depressed, the roof flap fluttered like a lost<br />

soul, the teepee is the microcosm, a tiny mirror of the<br />

universe” (Osmond). Havelock Ellis claims to experience<br />

similar visions induced by peyote ingestion in<br />

a non-ritual peyote rite, moreover, describes if so<br />

“the mescal produces exactly the same conditions of<br />

visual hyperesthesia, or rather exhaustion, as may be<br />

produced on the artist by the influence of prolonged<br />

visual attention” (Ellis).<br />

Reports on extra-carnal experience were collected:<br />

“more than once during a ceremony I suddenly felt<br />

as though I had left my body, passing into a person<br />

sitting across from me and looking through his eyes<br />

at me” (Morgan). Moreover, it is interesting to note<br />

inasmuch as a non-native uses peyote within the<br />

context of non-ritual peyote ceremony, the perceived<br />

auditory and visual hallucinations are strongly related<br />

to Indian symbolism (Nagy-Lovass ).<br />

The next phase of the ritual commences at midnight;<br />

the ritual is suspended for a short period of<br />

time, the Water Woman is called and “after receiving<br />

a prayer of blessing from the Priest, she walks<br />

counterclockwise to serve water, first to the Priest<br />

and then to the other participants” (Boyd), immediately<br />

followed by “the Midnight Song...and prayers<br />

are offered through four puffs of smoke” (Stewart).<br />

The rest of the night is dedicated to further<br />

prayers and ingestion of more peyote buttons, and<br />

in some ceremonies, namely the Kiowa, the worshippers<br />

may perform a war dance in the deepest<br />

reverence (Boyd ). The morning prayer is chanted at<br />

sunrise, and finally the chief calls the Water Woman<br />

in for additional supply of water; the chief and the<br />

Fire Chief leaves the tipi indicating the termination<br />

of the ritual; eventually “women...bring food to the<br />

celebrants and a joyous reunion with the family<br />

members occurs at breakfast” (Boyd).<br />

III. Consciousness Alteration<br />

and the Smith Case<br />

<strong>1.</strong> Abstract of Calabrese’s paper<br />

Calabrese’s work examined the Native American<br />

Church, which is an illustrative example in the political<br />

anthropology of consciousness. Specific attention<br />

is paid to the Supreme Court’s ignoring of accepted<br />

research on the sacramental use of the peyote, in the<br />

case of Employment Division of Oregon v. Smith.<br />

Peyote, as used in the Native American Church, is<br />

recognized as safe and therapeutic. It is also argued<br />

that the Supreme Court’s rationale for denying<br />

Peyotist religious freedom is not supported by the<br />

ethnographic findings nor by legal precedent. The<br />

ritual use of peyote is not only the right of the Native<br />

Indians, this is a matter of freedom of religion, it<br />

also involves other “rights such as the right to raise<br />

one’s children in one’s own culture and the right to<br />

be treated using a culturally relevant therapeutic<br />

modality”.<br />

Calabrese alludes to the paradox, which characterized<br />

the research on consciousness. On the one<br />

hand, consciousness alteration practices are viewed<br />

by many contemporary anthropologists, as too exotic<br />

to be taken seriously. But this sort of dismissal<br />

ignores the fact that we live in such an age, in which<br />

the most intimate aspects of our privacy (sexuality,<br />

morality, and consciousness) have become matters<br />

of political debate and disruptive intrusion of the<br />

state.Thus, paradoxically, even though it is dismissed<br />

as too frivolous a topic for serious scholarship,<br />

consciousness alteration is actually one of the most<br />

important and divisive issues of the world.<br />

The political and social significance of consciousness<br />

alteration is manifest in many fields. For example<br />

in the United States hundreds of nonviolent drug<br />

offenders crowd prisons for the victimless crimes<br />

of wanting to explore some control over their own<br />

boundaries of state of consciousness. As a result,<br />

the „Land of the Free” is now a world leader in the<br />

imprisonment of its own population. Over a million<br />

Americans are imprisoned for nonviolent crimes.<br />

Nonviolent drug offenders can be considered political<br />

prisoners, especially when one realizes that ethnic<br />

minorities have been targeted for imprisonment<br />

by the dominant white culture. A critical remark:<br />

if you are a poor black substance abuser, you can<br />

spend your life in prison; if you are a rich white<br />

JURA 2006/<strong>1.</strong>

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