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2006. évi 1. szám - Jura - Pécsi Tudományegyetem

2006. évi 1. szám - Jura - Pécsi Tudományegyetem

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Kitti Maros: Research on peyotism from a legal anthropological aspect<br />

73<br />

Kitti Maros<br />

PhD student<br />

Research on peyotism from a<br />

legal anthropological<br />

aspect<br />

I. Abstract<br />

While carrying out researches on legal cultures, I<br />

have always strived for choosing interesting fields.<br />

As a result of this, my field of interest has turned<br />

to the cultures of the Far-East, to Japan, China and<br />

India, whose charm is embedded in their exoticism:<br />

extraordinary people, customs, religions, the magic,<br />

different law systems and languages.<br />

In the past year I came across the psycho-anthropological<br />

works of an outstanding American<br />

researcher, Joseph D. Calabrese, and a field that is<br />

rather undiscovered within the boundaries of the<br />

Hungarian jurisprudence. Thus the idea of unifying<br />

the religious practice of peyote ingestion of the Native<br />

American Indians and Legal Anthropology was<br />

formed, and moreover, as the fruit of my research,<br />

this publication was carried out.<br />

First I want to point out the importance of the<br />

investigations of the legal anthropologists: the resarch<br />

on the problems of the etnic and the religious<br />

minorities is significant from a legal standpoint, as<br />

legal anthropology enlightens the social aspects of<br />

various defects of legal practice.<br />

In the second part of my paper I would like to<br />

carry out a research on the ritual use of peyote, a<br />

hallucinogenic drug employed by the members of<br />

the Native American Church. This subject has been<br />

discussed (and misunderstood) by several famous<br />

scholars. My intention is to prove my hypothesis,<br />

namely that none of these works have taken into<br />

serious consideration the fact that the approach towards<br />

ceremonial peyote custom must contain the<br />

world conception of the homo religiosi, therefore<br />

their conclusions remain void in regard of imparting<br />

a connotative synopsis of the phenomenon and<br />

misinterpret the therapeutic efficacy of the rite. The<br />

most general goal of the ceremonies is therapeutic<br />

by symbolically depicting the human life-span and<br />

embodying this depiction in a symbolic context (the<br />

changing of the moon and the dawning of the new<br />

day). The potential therapeutic efficacy manifests in<br />

the omniscience and omnipresence of the peyote that<br />

functions outside the rituals, aiding the adherents<br />

to resist excessive drinking. I think that the work<br />

of Joseph Calabrese reflects on possibly the most<br />

important characteristic features of the ritual peyote<br />

use: imparting the decoding of its symbolic structure<br />

enlightens a possible way of healing alcohol addicts<br />

in the battle against excessive drinking.<br />

<strong>1.</strong> A New Scientific Field:<br />

Legal Anthropology<br />

When setting forth the research, two questions<br />

arose. The first one was what Legal Anthropology<br />

is, since this discipline was rather unknown to me;<br />

never before had I met it during the course of my<br />

university studies and PhD years. And being a Hungarian<br />

jurisprudent, it had set me to think whether<br />

Hungarian legal anthropology exist. My concerns<br />

were answered in “The Main Currents of Legal Anthropology”<br />

by H. Szilágyi, István.<br />

2. What Is Legal Anthropology<br />

John Griffiths explains it as “the research of sociological<br />

phenomena in different cultures or societies<br />

primarily with the aid of comparative and microsociological<br />

methods”.<br />

As scholars agree upon the definition, the objective<br />

of Legal Anthropology lies between the scope of<br />

anthropology and jurisprudence. It is an interdisciplinary<br />

field: concerning methodological issues, it adopts<br />

the methods of anthropology, whereas regarding the<br />

objective, it is closer to jurisprudence. In order to understand<br />

this discipline, it is inevitable mention – as a<br />

science within the framework of cultural anthropology<br />

– ethnology that incorporates the comparison of different<br />

nations based on material culture, religion and<br />

social institutions. The three major differences between<br />

anthropology and ethnology are the following: (1) the<br />

anthropologist are evolutionists stating that societies<br />

follow the same path of evolution, while ethnologists<br />

claim the migration of cultures; (2) the anthropological<br />

methods are of comparative nature whereas the<br />

ethnological procedures are more descriptive; (3) the<br />

anthropological field of research concentrates chiefly<br />

on primitive cultures; the ethnologist focus on existing<br />

traditional cultures outside of Europe. However, from<br />

the beginning of the 1950’s, the anthropologists scope<br />

of research also incorporates the study of modern cultures,<br />

therefore the clear differentiation between these<br />

disciplines diminished to the extent that their terms of<br />

research methods – “ethnological research” and “field<br />

work” – are synonyms nowadays.<br />

In Anglo-Saxon territory, the juridical anthropology<br />

was a part of social anthropology at the turn of<br />

JURA 2006/<strong>1.</strong>

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