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XL - Eiropas Parlaments - Europa

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104 16-02-2011<br />

Volviendo a la intervención del señor Comisario, me gustaría decir que, después de las vacilaciones iniciales y después de<br />

algunos problemas de imagen de la Unión Europea, parece que las cosas se están encarrilando. La señora Ashton está en la<br />

región y lo que nos propone el señor Füle tiene mucho sentido.<br />

En primer lugar, apoyar firme y decididamente el proceso de transición democrática y las reformas políticas en estos<br />

países. Y, en segundo lugar, proceder a una revisión crítica de la política europea de vecindad potenciando de una manera<br />

mayor la cláusula democrática.<br />

Hemos escuchado hoy, en la Mesa ampliada, al Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Polonia, próxima Presidencia en<br />

ejercicio de la Unión, y su iniciativa de crear una fundación polaca para el tema de la democracia y los derechos humanos,<br />

que podría ser también extensible al conjunto de la Unión Europea.<br />

Señora Presidenta, la Unión Europea ha movilizado cantidades importantes de recursos en su política euromediterránea<br />

con magros resultados. La imagen de la Unión Europea se ha resentido en este conflicto más aún que la de otros actores<br />

internacionales. Sin embargo, la demanda de la Unión Europea permanece intacta.<br />

Quisiera decir, señora Presidenta, que es una buena ocasión para subrayar que la Unión Europea comprende, de una vez<br />

por todas, que hoy la Historia se conjuga en presente y que en este presente histórico que nos ha tocado vivir tenemos que<br />

jugar como un actor global y hacer los deberes necesarios, o tendremos que resignarnos, señora Presidenta, a no jugar en la<br />

escena internacional con arreglo al papel que queremos mantener y tendremos que limitarnos, como hasta ahora, a pagar la<br />

cuenta de los grandes problemas planetarios.<br />

3-463<br />

Adrian Severin, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, for years the Euro-Atlantic players thought that Islam<br />

could not possibly produce democratic behaviour and institutions. Therefore, they opted for either supporting authoritarian<br />

regimes or mechanically transferring the Western model of democracy to the Arab countries. Not only did both strategies<br />

fail, but they are responsible for the emergence of Islamic fundamentalists and the alienation of secular parts of the civil<br />

society.<br />

The present events in Egypt prove that Islam need not only be fundamentalist, but that it can also be democratic if we<br />

accept that democracy may have a variable geometry, and if we let it grow naturally from its specific soil. At the same<br />

time, we must admit that the popular uprising was on one hand the result of the evolution of Egyptian elites in the cyber or<br />

internet society, and on the other hand the consequence of the existential hardships brought on by the global economic<br />

crisis. If the European Union does not immediately and consistently address the need to overcome these hardships, the<br />

revolution might move towards anarchy; and from there towards another dictatorship.<br />

Finally, we must not only applaud the fact that no Israeli flags were burnt during the recent events in Egypt, but also<br />

observe that the lack of a long-due solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the origin of the feeling of failure which<br />

upset Arab society and fuelled its neurosis. Therefore, the European Union should immediately take the initiative in order<br />

to use the transformation in Egypt – which today is a mere hope – and turn it into a real opportunity for internal democracy<br />

and regional peace.<br />

In this context, the trips of the High Representative/Vice-President to the region, and her readiness to adapt and upgrade<br />

the necessary European instruments to cope with the challenges, are good news. Her action must be supported by all of us.<br />

3-464<br />

Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, Mr Cohn-Bendit and myself we were very critical<br />

of Baroness Ashton two weeks ago, and I see that Mr Severin has adapted his language slightly and is speaking more<br />

boldly. This intervention was absolutely necessary two weeks ago because the European Union had taken a wishy-washy<br />

attitude.<br />

It is clear that the situation in Egypt demands three things: first of all, the Commission has to come forward with a credible<br />

and global plan for Tunisia and for Egypt – how to strengthen civil society, what to do to fight corruption, how to help in<br />

building democratic institutions, how to create an independent justice system and how to help economic construction and<br />

development. These are questions not of millions, Commissioner, but of billions. I think you will have to come forward as<br />

fast as possible with a global plan.<br />

Secondly, yesterday our group had a videoconference with Dr Ayman Nour, one of the leading opposition leaders in<br />

Egypt, and there are a number of concerns. In all this debate in Egypt on the change of the constitution, I can tell you that<br />

the secular democratic political parties are not involved for the moment and that is a message to give. Secondly, to deal<br />

with this in two months and to organise elections in two months is a non-starter, because it means that we will not have<br />

normal political parties there participating in this. Then there is the whole question of the proportional representation or an<br />

individual representation system there.

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