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effet du nombre des graphèmes en Anglais - Aix Marseille Université

effet du nombre des graphèmes en Anglais - Aix Marseille Université

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242App<strong>en</strong>dice INotwithstanding, a nontrivial question regarding falsifiability can be answered here : Is the MROM-Pfalsifiable, at all? Giv<strong>en</strong> the repeatedly appearing critique of connectionist models as being too powerful, andtherefore not falsifiable in any easy way, this is not an idle question. Following other theoreticians, wetherefore have proposed that any A-type model should come with a clear answer to the following question :What cannot be or happ<strong>en</strong>, if the model is correct? In other words, which effects or ph<strong>en</strong>om<strong>en</strong>a does themodel exclude? An example is giv<strong>en</strong> in Grainger and Jacobs (1996). They show that if the MROM is correct,a facilitatory effect of orthographic neighborhood d<strong>en</strong>sity (as measured by Coltheart's N) is possible inboth the yes/no and go/no-go variants of the LDT, but not in the perceptual id<strong>en</strong>tification task. Thus, replicableexperim<strong>en</strong>tal demonstrations of a facilitatory N effect in the perceptual id<strong>en</strong>tification tasks would falsifythe MROM.Another example is giv<strong>en</strong> above (see Figure 8). According to the MROM, as included in the pres<strong>en</strong>tMROM-P, a phonological pseudohomophone effect in the LDT is not possible, because it possesses nophonological processing units whatsoever. Thus, although the MROM was explicitly <strong>des</strong>igned to deal withorthographic processing in the LDT and other reading tasks that do not include pseudohomophonic stimuli,the simulation data in Figure 8, for example, pres<strong>en</strong>t a falsification of the (non-phonological) MROM. Evid<strong>en</strong>tly,simply falsifying a model by using conditions that are outside of its explicitly stated validity space(domain of application) is not necessarily useful. As we have demonstrated in this chapter, using theMROM as a null-model against which to test models of phonological coding is a more useful variant of"falsification studies".At any rate, in a field that lacks universal laws, we cannot expect models to have universal validity (cf.Newell, 1990). On the other hand, we can hardly want to continue with models that can accurately accountonly for a single effect, as measured by a single variable in a single task, but whose validity stops there (cf.Jacobs & Grainger, 1994 ; Newell, 1990 ; Roberts & Sternberg, 1993).The MROM-P is also falsifiable in several nontrivial respects. Like the MROM, it allows to makequalitative predictions that can be tested in a straightforward way. An example is discussed in Ferrand andGrainger (1996). They used a pre-quantitative version of MROM-P -they called it a bimodal ext<strong>en</strong>sion of theMROM- to make qualitative predictions concerning the exist<strong>en</strong>ce and direction of priming effects in amasked priming LDT manipulating prime type (homophones, pseudohomophones, or unrelated controls)and list composition (pseudohomophones, legal pseudowords, or illegal nonwords). The strongest qualitativeprediction of MROM-P, i.e., the one most easily falsifiable, was that it predicts a null effect with homophoneprimes in the pres<strong>en</strong>ce of illegal nonwords 9 . The rationale for this is that i) the pres<strong>en</strong>ce of illegalnonwords <strong>en</strong>courages participants to use the ∑ criterion, since such nonwords can easily be discriminatedfrom words on the basis of summed lexical-orthographic activity. ii) homophone primes g<strong>en</strong>erate high levelsof orthographic inhibition wh<strong>en</strong> read-out is from the orthographic M criterion. The facilitatory effects<strong>du</strong>e to increased use of the ∑ criterion (i.e., the fast-guess mechanism pro<strong>du</strong>cing decreases in RT) will becanceled by the inhibitory effects <strong>du</strong>e to homophone primes. A null-effect is the predicted result. In Ferrandand Grainger's (1996) experim<strong>en</strong>t, this was the case.DISCUSSION AND OUTLOOKTo summarize : While a complete, criteria-ori<strong>en</strong>ted evaluation of the MROM-P is not possible at pres<strong>en</strong>t,the results of our partial evaluation stand the g<strong>en</strong>eral test criterion that we had fixed as our objective,that is, whether the pres<strong>en</strong>t MROM-P is an appropriate "prototype" for developing a g<strong>en</strong>eral model ofphonological coding in visual word recognition. The model pres<strong>en</strong>ted here is definitely a prototype, not inthe s<strong>en</strong>se of repres<strong>en</strong>ting an ideal, but in the s<strong>en</strong>se of being a "working model". If one accepts the principlesof model developm<strong>en</strong>t we adhere to, it has some virtues. Within the constraint of nested modeling, it repres<strong>en</strong>tswhat we think to be the simplest possible localist connectionist network that allows an account oftwo?? critical empirical effects indicating the influ<strong>en</strong>ce of phonological processes in what is still the mostwidely used reading task in experim<strong>en</strong>tal psychology and psycholinguistics, i.e. the LDT.Moreover, the MROM-P, as our other work involving A-type modeling, is ess<strong>en</strong>tially a heuristic devicein the s<strong>en</strong>se discussed in Grainger and Jacobs (pres<strong>en</strong>t volume) : It provi<strong>des</strong> a heuristic, algorithmic <strong>des</strong>criptionof phonological coding, but -needless to say- it falls short of pres<strong>en</strong>ting a computational theory in thes<strong>en</strong>se of Marr (1982). It is not difficult to admit this : Few theoreticians in the field of cognitive sci<strong>en</strong>cehave achieved (or come close to) a computational theory (Marr, 1982 ; see also Jacobs, 1994 ; Pylyshyn,9 A word on null-effects and their significance for theory building is in order, because many psychologists arefirm believers in the virtues of null-hypothesis testing (but see Giger<strong>en</strong>zer & Murray, 1987 ; Rouanet, 1996 ;Van Ord<strong>en</strong>, Aitchison, & Podgornik, 1996). Wh<strong>en</strong>ever one possesses models permitting quantitative predictionswith reasonable precision, the prediction of a null-effect is actually a strong prediction to make. Perhapsthe most famous example is the prediction of the null-effect concerning the speed of light in Michelsonand Morley''s experim<strong>en</strong>ts by Einstein's special theory of relativity (Spielberg & Anderson, 1985). This isnot to say that any known psychological A-type model can be compared with Einstein's theory. We simplywant to make clear that the exist<strong>en</strong>ce of theoretical tools allowing quantitative predictions concerning empiricaleffects frees us from the use of null-hypothesis testing as exclusive infer<strong>en</strong>tial method. Thus, contraryto standard practice, accepting the null-hypothesis can become a valid infer<strong>en</strong>ce wh<strong>en</strong>ever one has suffici<strong>en</strong>tfaith in the validity and precision of a formal model or theory.

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