228App<strong>en</strong>dice Isummed frequ<strong>en</strong>cy of fri<strong>en</strong>ds -words with the same spelling pattern and the same pronunciation- and thesummed frequ<strong>en</strong>cy of <strong>en</strong>emies -words with the same spelling pattern but a differ<strong>en</strong>t pronunciation-, Jared,McRae, & Seid<strong>en</strong>berg, 1990 ; Treiman et al., 1995).In contrast, in the LDT, feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>cy effects are much less clear. To the ext<strong>en</strong>t that the LDTdoes not require an overt pronunciation, it is also less likely to be s<strong>en</strong>sitive to feedforward consist<strong>en</strong>cy (Jaredet al., 1990). Two more rec<strong>en</strong>t studies (Brown, 1987 ; Jared et al., 1990) that used more carefully controlledstimuli than older studies failed to find an effect. In contrast, Stone et al. (in press) provided one of the firstexperim<strong>en</strong>tal demonstrations of a feedforward consist<strong>en</strong>cy effect in the LDT using English-speaking participants(see Pugh, Rexer, & Katz, 1994, for an earlier demonstration).Stone et al. (1997) found that mean LDT-lat<strong>en</strong>cy to feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words was 48 ms longerthan for feedforward consist<strong>en</strong>t words wh<strong>en</strong> all words were feedback consist<strong>en</strong>t. For words that were feedbackinconsist<strong>en</strong>t (i.e., whose phonological body maps into more than one spelling, such as /_ip/ in DEEP andHEAP), the effect decreased to 8 ms. This suggests that previous studies might have failed to detect the effectbecause they did not control for feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy. Rec<strong>en</strong>tly Ziegler et al. (in press c) replicated thiseffect in Fr<strong>en</strong>ch. They obtained similar effects to Stone et al. : a 55 ms effect for feedback consist<strong>en</strong>t wordsthat decreased to 13 ms wh<strong>en</strong> feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words were used. To the ext<strong>en</strong>t that this effect can besuccessfully replicated, and giv<strong>en</strong> that the LDT requires no overt pronunciation, the feedforward consist<strong>en</strong>cyeffect in the LDT provi<strong>des</strong> stronger evid<strong>en</strong>ce for bidirectional influ<strong>en</strong>ces of orthographic-phonological processesin visual word recognition than the results from the naming task reported above.Effects of sound-to-spelling (feedback) consist<strong>en</strong>cy are a rec<strong>en</strong>t discovery in psycholinguistics. For English,feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects have be<strong>en</strong> reported both in the visual lexical decision task and in the lettersearch task (Hooper & Paap, in press ; Stone et al., in press, Ziegler & Jacobs, 1995 ; Ziegler et al., inpress c). For the pres<strong>en</strong>t chapter, we conc<strong>en</strong>trate on the effect reported by Stone and collaborators. In twolexical decision experim<strong>en</strong>ts, Stone et al. found a reliable feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy effect. Words withphonological bodies that could be spelled more than one way pro<strong>du</strong>ced slower correct "yes" responses andmore errors than words with phonological bodies that could be spelled only one way. In their Experim<strong>en</strong>t 2,they used a factorial <strong>des</strong>ign that included four types of words : (1) bidirectionally consist<strong>en</strong>t words such asDUCK, in which the spelling body (_UCK) could be pronounced only one way, and the pronunciation body(/_uk/) could be spelled only one way, (2) feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words such as MOTH, in which thespelling body could be pronounced more than one way (e.g., BOTH), but the pronunciation body (/_oth/)could be spelled only one way, (3) feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words such as HURL, in which the spelling bodycould be pronounced only one way, but the pronunciation body could be spelled more than one way (e.g.,GIRL), and (4) bi-directionally inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words such as WORM, in which the spelling body could bepronounced more than one way (e.g., DORM), and the pronunciation body could be spelled more than oneway (e.g., FIRM). Stone et al. found that lexical decision performance was equally affected (longer RTs andmore errors) for feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words, feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words, and bi-directionally inconsist<strong>en</strong>twords. Only words that were both feedforward and feedback consist<strong>en</strong>t pro<strong>du</strong>ced better performance. Bidirectionallyinconsist<strong>en</strong>t words did not affect performance over and above of what was obtained for wordsthat were inconsist<strong>en</strong>t only one way (feedforward only or feedback only).Ziegler et al. (in press c) replicated Stone et al.'s results in English in more carefully controlled conditionsin Fr<strong>en</strong>ch. They excluded the possibility that the feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy effect obtained in English resultedfrom a failure to match feedback consist<strong>en</strong>t and inconsist<strong>en</strong>t items on a number of orthographicneighborhood variables. This replication is of particular interest. Since statistical analyses showed that thestructure of Fr<strong>en</strong>ch and English with respect to feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>cy is highly similar for these two languages(Ziegler et al., 1996 ; in press a), similar feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects were predicted for English andFr<strong>en</strong>ch. This being the case, their results join those of Stone et al. to suggest that visual word perception isaffected by both feedforward and feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy.An important aspect of this effect is that feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>cy may explain small and/or unreliableconsist<strong>en</strong>cy effects in previous studies. Ziegler et al. (1996) analyzed all Fr<strong>en</strong>ch words that would traditionallyhave be<strong>en</strong> classified as "consist<strong>en</strong>t" on the basis of spelling to phonology correspond<strong>en</strong>ces (87.6% of allmonosyllabic words). In traditional experim<strong>en</strong>ts on consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects, these "consist<strong>en</strong>t" items serve ascontrol items against which the processing cost of inconsist<strong>en</strong>t items is tested. Ziegler et al. (in press a)calculated that 77.4% of these presumably "consist<strong>en</strong>t" items were, however, feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t. Thus,small and/or unreliable consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects in previous studies may have resulted from the possibility thatthe major part of the presumably consist<strong>en</strong>t control items was feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t. Another interestingaspect of feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>cy is that it should be an important variable for crosslinguistic research onspelling. If multiple possibilities of mapping phonology into spelling affect spelling performance, it shouldbe harder in a feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t language (e.g., Fr<strong>en</strong>ch) than in a relatively feedback consist<strong>en</strong>t language(e.g., Spanish).Considering these argum<strong>en</strong>ts, it seems clear that psycholinguistic experim<strong>en</strong>ts should be controlled forfeedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy and further research is needed to specify its influ<strong>en</strong>ce. In this respect, the pres<strong>en</strong>t attemptto give a formal account of this effect will, if successful, provide us not only with a tool for makingpredictions, but also with a formal means for stimulus selection and control. For example, simulations byMROM-P could be used in the planning phase of an experim<strong>en</strong>t -together with statistical analyses- to makesure that the stimuli are well matched on the feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy variable.
App<strong>en</strong>dice I 229To our knowledge, neither the pseudohomophone effect, nor the feedforward and feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cyeffects in the LDT have be<strong>en</strong> giv<strong>en</strong> any formal account by a computational model so far. Preformal (verbalor boxological) accounts of both effects exist in the literature, but we will not consider them here (for argum<strong>en</strong>tsconcerning the str<strong>en</strong>gths and weaknesses of, and the complem<strong>en</strong>tarity betwe<strong>en</strong>, differ<strong>en</strong>t model formats,see Jacobs & Grainger, 1994). Note however that any model that does not assume automatic activationof -and feedback from- phonological repres<strong>en</strong>tations in the visual LDT does not lead us to expect anyeffect of feedforward or feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cy, while models of the resonance/interactive activation family (fora classification of models, see Jacobs & Grainger, 1994) suggest such an effect rather naturally, that is,without going through pains of adding auxiliary assumptions (Stone et al., 1997 ; Ziegler et al., in press b,c). The pres<strong>en</strong>t simulation studies will tell us whether this intuition matches the computational evid<strong>en</strong>ce.MODEL PRESENTATIONMODEL HISTORYThe sci<strong>en</strong>tific adv<strong>en</strong>ture of interactive activation models of cognitive processing has a rich history. Theconceptual ingredi<strong>en</strong>ts that characterize this family of models can be traced back to many authors in differ<strong>en</strong>tfields such as biological cybernetics, artificial intellig<strong>en</strong>ce, and psychology (e.g. Arbib & Caplan, 1979 ;Erman & Lesser, 1975 ; Grossberg, 1976, 1980 ; Levin, 1976 ; Marsl<strong>en</strong>-Wilson & Welsh, 1978 ; Morton,1969 ; Rumelhart, 1977 ; for a detailed history see Rumelhart & McClelland, 1986). As far as word recognitionis concerned, the adv<strong>en</strong>ture started for us with the publication of the two papers by McClelland andRumelhart (1981) and Rumelhart and McClelland (1982), in which all the differ<strong>en</strong>t conceptual ingredi<strong>en</strong>tswere synthesized in an original and formal way, allowing direct applications to psycholinguistic studies.Why did we choose this model format and type? Before the interactive activation model (IAM), basicallytwo model formats were used in the word recognition literature : verbal or V-type models (any model that isexpressed verbally or graphically without making use of closed-form or algorithmic formulations) andmathematical, or M-type models (models that use closed-form expressions to repres<strong>en</strong>t the modeled sectionof reality). The IAM intro<strong>du</strong>ced algorithmic, or A-type models (models that are implem<strong>en</strong>ted in form of asimulation program, including pro<strong>du</strong>ction systems and neural nets of the localist or distributed families) tothe field.Apart from well-known innovative aspects that distinguished the IAM from its precursors (Jacobs &Grainger, 1992), it offered three possibilities that neither V-type, nor M-type models could provide as awhole. First, it possessed dynamics , and thus offered two important possibilities : i) time-dep<strong>en</strong>d<strong>en</strong>t predictions,and ii) interval-scaled modeling of RT as a dep<strong>en</strong>d<strong>en</strong>t variable 5 . McClelland and Rumelhart (1981) andRumelhart and McClelland (1982) had only exploited the first of these possibilities. We were also muchinterested in the second, giv<strong>en</strong> that RT is the major dep<strong>en</strong>d<strong>en</strong>t variable in psycholinguistic research (mainly<strong>du</strong>e to the popularity of the LDT and naming task). Second, the IAM possessed a (toy) lexicon which madeitem-specific (fine-grained) predictions possible. To us, this seemed a logical necessity in a field that has toevaluate its empirical effects with respect to subject- and item-specific data . In addition, if one believes inthe virtues of strong sci<strong>en</strong>tific infer<strong>en</strong>ce (see Grainger & Jacobs, pres<strong>en</strong>t volume), fine-grained analyses are anecessity : Falsificationism and strong infer<strong>en</strong>ce are not the only research strategies, but they seem to be thebest ones wh<strong>en</strong>ever theorists are concerned with specific assumptions that can be tested at the level of finegrainedanalyses (Jacobs & Grainger, 1994 ; Massaro & Cowan, 1993). Third, contrary to other models, theIAM rather than being definitive, possessed rich structural pot<strong>en</strong>tial and appeared to include the promise ofinteresting further developm<strong>en</strong>ts. For a reasonable application of the stratagems of nested and canonicalmodeling (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996), structural pot<strong>en</strong>tial is a necessary (but not a suffici<strong>en</strong>t) condition. TheIAM, as the prototype of a canonical resonance model (Stone & Van Ord<strong>en</strong>, 1994), allows the testing ofsystem and <strong>des</strong>ign principles, to which one can attribute explanatory credit and blame indep<strong>en</strong>d<strong>en</strong>tly of otheraspects of the model (Grainger & Jacobs, pres<strong>en</strong>t volume).In sum, by its original combination of formal precis<strong>en</strong>ess, structural-computational richness, and computationaltranspar<strong>en</strong>cy (a feature that distinguishes it from most PDP models), the IAM intuitively seemedthe right model at the right time to allow falsifiable quantitative predictions, and the discovery of new ph<strong>en</strong>om<strong>en</strong>avia simulations, the so-called neighborhood frequ<strong>en</strong>cy effect, discussed below.PREDICTING A NEW PHENOMENON : THE DISCOVERY OF THE NEIGHBORHOODFREQUENCY EFFECT"Only theories tell us what can be observed" (variation on a theme by Einstein)5 For a critique of interval-scaled RT models, see Van Ord<strong>en</strong> and Goldinger (1994), or Uttal (1990). For a replique,see Jacobs and Grainger (1994).
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CHAPITRE 7 : LE FUM . . . . . . . .
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8IntroductionPour cela, notre domai
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10Introduction• au niveau lexical
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12Introduction• sa forme visuelle
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14IntroductionAprès avoir posé le
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16Méthodologiespulations sur les i
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18Méthodologies2.1. Protocoles exp
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26Méthodologies1996 ; Peter & Turv
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28Méthodologiesles performances da
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Chapitre 3Orthographe et phonologie
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42Orthographe et Phonologie3.1. Var
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44Orthographe et PhonologieLa Figur
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46Orthographe et PhonologieJacobs,
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50Orthographe et PhonologieDans l
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72Modèles de la perception visuell
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74Modèles de la perception visuell
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76Modèles de la perception visuell
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90Modèles de la perception visuell
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94Modèles de la perception visuell
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96Modèles de la perception visuell
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98MROM-pspécifier leur lien avec l
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102MROM-pLorsque le modèle génèr
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104MROM-pque ce système artificiel
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106Unités de la lecturelinguistiqu
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124FUMmultiples existant au sein de
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126FUMpar Berndt, Lynne D'Autrechy
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132FUMPseudohomophonesContrôles Or
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134FUM61023TR (ms) Seidenberg et al
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166Les mots polysyllabiquesmots mon
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168Les mots polysyllabiquesTableau
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170Les mots polysyllabiques9.2. Exp
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172Les mots polysyllabiques19001890
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174Les mots polysyllabiquesnexe XI
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176Les mots polysyllabiques9.4. Dis
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- Page 184 and 185: 184BibliographieAderman, D., & Smit
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- Page 202 and 203: 202AnnexesAnnexes
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- Page 224 and 225: 224Appendice IMROM-P : An interacti
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