226App<strong>en</strong>dice Ilanguages (Fr<strong>en</strong>ch, German, and English), and indirectly <strong>en</strong>compasses Dutch, Spanish, and Italian via sci<strong>en</strong>tificcollaborations.Orthographic-phonological processing is well-suited to illustrate the b<strong>en</strong>efits of both multilinguistic research(Frost et al., 1987) and model-guided multitask research (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996). Well-plannedcombinations of multilinguistic and multitask research could quickly advance our understanding of the constraintsinvolved in reading (Jacobs, 1995 ; Ziegler, 1996). Under the optimality assumption 3 , would weexpect that users of English orthography develop the same reading strategies (and the underlying repres<strong>en</strong>tationsand processes) as users of Fr<strong>en</strong>ch or German? Consider some rec<strong>en</strong>t <strong>des</strong>criptive, statistical data onspelling-to-sound and sound-to-spelling consist<strong>en</strong>cy for English and Fr<strong>en</strong>ch (Stone, Vanhoy, & Van Ord<strong>en</strong>,1997 ; Ziegler, Jacobs, & Stone, 1996 ; Ziegler, Stone, & Jacobs, in press a). These authors estimated thatabout 72% of all English monosyllabic words are feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>t (i.e., their phonologic bodies can bespelled in multiple ways) whereas about 31% are feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>t (i.e., their spelling body has morethan one pronunciation). In comparison, about 79% of all monosyllabic Fr<strong>en</strong>ch words are feedback inconsist<strong>en</strong>twhereas only 12% are feedforward inconsist<strong>en</strong>t. Giv<strong>en</strong> this data, could we expect that users of Englishand Fr<strong>en</strong>ch both have problems in tasks that require a solid spelling knowledge (e.g., proof reading or LDT),but that users of Fr<strong>en</strong>ch have less problems in naming tasks than users of English. What about users of"shallow" orthographies, such as German ? Do users of German fare well regardless of task demands ? If so,they could serve as a control group for comparison with the performance of the two other populations, makingthe estimation of language-dep<strong>en</strong>d<strong>en</strong>t effect sizes possible (Jacobs, 1995 ; Ziegler, 1996).Lex i calDeci s i onWordRecognition?PerceptualId<strong>en</strong>tificationNamingFigure 1. V<strong>en</strong>n diagram illustrating the concept of functional overlap (for details see Grainger & Jacobs, 1996 ;Jacobs, 1994 ; Jacobs & Grainger, 1994).We are also skeptical about the view that the reading process can be understood by using a single experim<strong>en</strong>talparadigm. Surely, differ<strong>en</strong>t reading tasks (e.g., LDT, naming task, perceptual id<strong>en</strong>tification task)capture some id<strong>en</strong>tical and some differ<strong>en</strong>t aspects of the reading process. However, there is no model-freeway to determine which of those aspects are relevant to an understanding of the reading process, and whichare purely task-specific. Pursuing our stratagem of modeling functional overlap illustrated in Figure 1(Grainger & Jacobs, 1996 ; Jacobs, 1994 ; Jacobs & Grainger, 1994), in the pres<strong>en</strong>t paper we attempt togain a better understanding of phonological processes that may be common to sil<strong>en</strong>t reading and readingaloud, as assessed by the LDT, perceptual id<strong>en</strong>tification and naming task.Finally, we are skeptical about the view that reading can be fully understood by viewing it as a one-wayprocess, which exclusively proceeds from print to sound. In practice, this classical view has led to a separationof models, methods, factors (variables), and effects stressing either orthographic or phonological aspects.An example is the separation of experim<strong>en</strong>tal psychologists in an "orthographic" and a "phonologicalcamp". For example, the orthographic camp prefers the LDT, orthographic variables (e.g., measures of orthographicneighborhood), and models that focus on the explanation of orthographic effects. In contrast, thephonological camp favors the naming task, phonological variables (e.g., consist<strong>en</strong>cy measures), and modelsthat focus on the explanation of phonological effects (see rec<strong>en</strong>t special section of the Journal of Experim<strong>en</strong>talPsychology : Human Perception and Performance, 1994, on modeling visual word recognition). If the3 Regardless of the reasons for the variability in the spelling-to-sound and sound-to-spelling mappings, evolutionaryperspectives of cognitive psychology (e.g. Anderson, 1990 ; Shepard, 1994) must start with thepremise that users of variable linguistic <strong>en</strong>vironm<strong>en</strong>ts optimally adapt(ed) to their corresponding orthography-to-phonologyand phonology-to-orthography mappings. Such an optimality assumption facilitatesformal analyses (Massaro & Friedman, 1990), which are applied here to the domain of orthographic andphonological processing in differ<strong>en</strong>t tasks and languages.
App<strong>en</strong>dice I 227reading system is interpreted as an interactive, dynamical system 4 (Grossberg & Stone, 1986 ; Korte, 1923 ;Rumelhart, 1977 ; Stone et al., 1997 ; Van Ord<strong>en</strong> & Goldinger, 1994), models, methods, and measuresmust be developed that adequately reflect and help analyze the functioning of such a complex nonlinear system.According to our view (e.g., Ziegler, Van Ord<strong>en</strong>, & Jacobs, in press b), reading is a two-way system :Phonological information and phonological skills influ<strong>en</strong>ce orthographic processing, and orthographic informationand orthographic skills also influ<strong>en</strong>ce phonological processing (Jakimik, Cole, & Rudnicky,1985 ; Dijkstra, Roelofs, & Fieuws, 1995 ; Wagner and Torges<strong>en</strong>, 1987). From this perspective, singletaskapproaches to reading, measures of orthographic neighborhood (Coltheart, 1978), metrics of spelling-tosoundconsist<strong>en</strong>cy (Rosson, 1985 ; Treiman, Mull<strong>en</strong>nix, Bijeljac-Babic, & Richmond-Welty, 1995 ;V<strong>en</strong>ezky & Massaro, 1987), or monotask models of performance must necessarily remain incomplete approximations.The study of bidirectional, two-way consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects (Stone et al., 1997 ; Ziegler et al.,1996, in press a ; Ziegler, Montant, & Jacobs, in press c) which we will discuss below, and our pres<strong>en</strong>t attemptto model them repres<strong>en</strong>t a step beyond this one-way approach to reading.A PRINCIPLED APPROACH TO COGNITIVE MODELINGIt is useful to note here that our approach to understanding the reading process by help of formal cognitivemodels follows a set of pragmatic stratagems and principles that are outlined in several rec<strong>en</strong>t papers(Grainger & Jacobs, 1996 ; Jacobs, 1994 ; Jacobs & Grainger, 1994) and further discussed in Grainger andJacobs (pres<strong>en</strong>t volume). The most relevant stratagem for the pres<strong>en</strong>t paper is nested modeling, that is theidea that a new model should either include the old one as a special case by providing formal demonstrationsof the inclusion, or dismiss with it, after falsification of the core assumptions of the old model. The developm<strong>en</strong>tof our M ultiple R ead- O ut M odel (MROM) gives a detailed example of nested modeling in the domainof orthographic processing in lexical decision and perceptual id<strong>en</strong>tification tasks (Grainger & Jacobs,1996). In the pres<strong>en</strong>t paper, we further pursue our efforts concerning nested modeling of visual word recognitionby including elem<strong>en</strong>tary p honological processes into the MROM that thus becomes the MROM-P.SUBJECT AREAIn this section two empirical ph<strong>en</strong>om<strong>en</strong>a that are considered as evid<strong>en</strong>ce for phonological and bidirectionalinflu<strong>en</strong>ces on visual word recognition, the pseudohomophone effect and the bidirectional consist<strong>en</strong>cyeffect, are used as empirical touchstones to test the MROM-P.THE PSEUDOHOMOPHONE EFFECTThe first ph<strong>en</strong>om<strong>en</strong>on is the classical pseudohomophone effect. As regards the LDT, it refers to the observationthat nonwords that sound like words wh<strong>en</strong> read aloud (e.g., BRANE) are more difficult to rejectthan nonpseudohomophonic control stimuli (e.g., FRANE ; Rub<strong>en</strong>stein, Lewis, & Rub<strong>en</strong>stein, 1971).Since the precursor of our pres<strong>en</strong>t model, the MROM (which is briefly discussed in the next section) doesnot include any phonological processes, it should not be able to simulate the pseudohomophone effect in theLDT, if the effect is a g<strong>en</strong>uine phonological one. Thus, the first critical test for the MROM-P is to evaluateits ability to capture the pseudohomophone effect. As a testing ground, we chose the classical set of data byColtheart, Davelaar, Jonasson, and Besner (1977), and a set of data from a more rec<strong>en</strong>t replication study bySeid<strong>en</strong>berg, Peters<strong>en</strong>, MacDonald, and Plaut (1996).THE FEEDFORWARD AND FEEDBACK CONSISTENCY EFFECTSThe second ph<strong>en</strong>om<strong>en</strong>on, only very rec<strong>en</strong>tly discovered, provi<strong>des</strong> perhaps the strongest experim<strong>en</strong>tal evid<strong>en</strong>cefor an interaction betwe<strong>en</strong> orthographic and phonological processes in visual word recognition. Itcombines two effects : the traditional feedforward consist<strong>en</strong>cy effect and the newly discovered feedback consist<strong>en</strong>cyeffect (Stone et al., 1997 ; Ziegler & Jacobs, 1995 ; Ziegler et al., in press c).Effects of spelling-to-sound (feedforward) consist<strong>en</strong>cy have be<strong>en</strong> studied ext<strong>en</strong>sively in the naming task,i.e., a task requiring overt pronunciation. The standard result is that naming lat<strong>en</strong>cies are longer and/or spellingerrors more frequ<strong>en</strong>t for inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words that have multiple spelling-to-sound mappings than for consist<strong>en</strong>twords whose spelling bodies are always pronounced the same. Thus, an inconsist<strong>en</strong>t word whosebody has several possible pronunciations like _OUGH in COUGH, DOUGH, THROUGH, BOUGH,TOUGH will be harder to pronounce than a consist<strong>en</strong>t word like DUCK that has a unique spelling body(_UCK). The known conditions favorable to obtaining this effect (see Ziegler et al., in press c) include alphabeticwriting systems (e.g., abs<strong>en</strong>ce of consist<strong>en</strong>cy effects in a logographic writing system such as JapaneseKanji ; Wydell, Butterworth, & Patterson, 1995), inconsist<strong>en</strong>t words of low frequ<strong>en</strong>cy (Andrews, 1982; but see Jared, 1995), and words with a consist<strong>en</strong>cy ratio smaller than .5 (i.e., the ratio giv<strong>en</strong> by the4 A view now shared by extant former repres<strong>en</strong>tants of traditional mo<strong>du</strong>lar, noncomputational, feedforwardmodels of the reading process (e.g., Coltheart et al., 1993 ; Coltheart & Rastle, 1994 ; Norris, 1994 ; for adiffer<strong>en</strong>t view see Massaro & Coh<strong>en</strong>, 1994).
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CHAPITRE 7 : LE FUM . . . . . . . .
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8IntroductionPour cela, notre domai
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10Introduction• au niveau lexical
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12Introduction• sa forme visuelle
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16Méthodologiespulations sur les i
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18Méthodologies2.1. Protocoles exp
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Chapitre 3Orthographe et phonologie
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42Orthographe et Phonologie3.1. Var
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44Orthographe et PhonologieLa Figur
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46Orthographe et PhonologieJacobs,
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72Modèles de la perception visuell
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74Modèles de la perception visuell
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166Les mots polysyllabiquesmots mon
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168Les mots polysyllabiquesTableau
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170Les mots polysyllabiques9.2. Exp
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172Les mots polysyllabiques19001890
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174Les mots polysyllabiquesnexe XI
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- Page 184 and 185: 184BibliographieAderman, D., & Smit
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- Page 202 and 203: 202AnnexesAnnexes
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- Page 224 and 225: 224Appendice IMROM-P : An interacti
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