2008, Volume 14, N°2 - Centre d'études et de recherches ...

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Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen
Wright concludes by calling Stresemann an “integrationist” not only in the
domestic but also in the foreign sphere. Thus this statesman became the vital centre
of the Weimar Republic. His domestic successes appear all the more remarkable, as
his home base was anything but solid. In Weimar-Germany’s multiparty system
leading, as it did, to a rapid succession of governments, political wrangling to form
a coalition government was a daily fare. More often than not support for his foreign
policy depended on concessions regarding domestic trivia like the expropriation of
the former German royals. Worse still, Stresemann never could take for granted his
own party’s support. As Wright shows, he always had to fend off demands of the
right-wing of the DVP for an alliance with the conservatives and a share in their
irresponsible, but vote-getting nationalist campaign. To Wright this situation
pointed to one of Stresemann’s weaknesses – his inability to develop lasting
personal ties with the Reichstag deputies of his party. But such blemishes do not
keep the author from ascribing highest statesmanlike qualities to this pragmatist -a
realist – but one imbued with the vision of a democratic and peaceful Germany as a
great European power.
Wright presents a rich multifaceted picture that solidly rests on contemporary
evidence like e.g. Stresemann’s sometime anonymously published newspaper
articles or his diaries. The narrative follows a strictly chronological structure –
inevitably so, one must add, to make the reader aware of the interaction between
the domestic and the diplomatic elements that motivated Stresemann’s policies. As
Wright aptly summarizes, to Stresemann achievements abroad were a prerequisite
of his domestic standing, and prevailing at home provided the indispensable basis
for diplomatic success. There are perhaps some minor details in this well written
book to find fault with like, maybe, a few overly long and at times redundant
quotations from some of Stresemann’s speeches or a too cursory treatment of the
disarmament issue. What counts is the final message the author conveys - i.e. that
Stresemann’s premature death destroyed the most effective political barrier that
kept from power Hitler’s hordes, which Stresemann came to detest more strongly,
the more they gained strength.
Klaus Schwabe
Frédéric BOZO, Marie-Pierre REY, N. Piers LUDLOW, Leopoldo NUTI
(eds.), Europe and the End of the Cold War. A reappraisal, Routledge, London
and New York, 2008, 288 p. – ISBN 978-0-415-44903-8 – 138,60 €.
What is there to be said or written on the end of the Cold War that is not already
known?
The editors of this book were perfectly aware of this question and of other
possible objections that an informed reader might present. However, they were also
perfectly aware that the writing of history is an ongoing process affected by the
availability of primary sources and influenced by the environmental context. As
clearly stated in the introduction of the book, the editors thought that the time had