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2008, Volume 14, N°2 - Centre d'études et de recherches ...

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Book reviews – Comptes rendus – Buchbesprechungen 171<br />

politique. Livrant une étu<strong>de</strong> à la fois courte <strong>et</strong> foisonnante, le regr<strong>et</strong>té Pierre du<br />

Bois démontre l’intérêt pour un universitaire confirmé <strong>de</strong> se livrer au difficile<br />

exercice <strong>de</strong> la synthèse dans un domaine - l’histoire <strong>de</strong> l’intégration européenne -<br />

où la littérature très spécialisée est maintenant abondante.<br />

Laurent Warlouz<strong>et</strong><br />

Assistant (ATER) à l'Université Paris IV-Sorbonne<br />

Jonathan WRIGHT, Gustav Stresemann. Weimar’s Greatest Statesman, Oxford<br />

University Press, Oxford, 2004, ppbck 588 p. – ISBN-10 0199273294 – ISBN-13<br />

978-0199273294 – 42,99 €.<br />

Since the end of World War Two Gustav Stresemann has been the subject of a wi<strong>de</strong><br />

range of research and scholarly publications in German, English and French. With<br />

the exception of the both magisterial and massive monograph by Christian<br />

Baechler 1 none of them can come up to the biography written by the Oxford<br />

historian Jonathan Wright – both in its sheer length and its rich documentary and<br />

archival base. 2 The author thus was fully prepared to address the major issues<br />

raised by Stresemann’s political biography.<br />

The heart of the <strong>de</strong>bate regarding Stresemann’s achievements concerns the<br />

fundamental political integrity and sincerity of this highly gifted political tactician.<br />

The question is twofold: First, did this ar<strong>de</strong>nt imperialist of the time before<br />

Germany’s <strong>de</strong>feat really become a convert to a diplomacy of international<br />

reconciliation and peaceful change? Secondly, was Stresemann, the former<br />

monarchist, really committed to the parliamentary <strong>de</strong>mocracy of the Weimar<br />

Republic? Or was he merely the opportunist that many of his contemporary and ex<br />

post critics saw in him?<br />

Wright is far from <strong>de</strong>nying the discrepancies b<strong>et</strong>ween Stresemann’s foreign<br />

policy stance before and after 1918: His pre-war hostility vis-à-vis Great Britain as<br />

Germany’s imperial rival “unsurprisingly” (Wright) turned into a radical<br />

annexationism during World War One combined with the un<strong>de</strong>restimation of<br />

America as contributor to the Allies’ war effort. Still, as Wright <strong>de</strong>monstrates,<br />

Germany’s <strong>de</strong>feats first during the war and then in 1923 in the Ruhr conflict<br />

convinced Stresemann of the utter powerlessness of his country and the necessity<br />

of observing henceforth strictly non-violent m<strong>et</strong>hods for promoting its interests -<br />

which above all meant a revision of the Versailles Treaty. The obvious question<br />

then arises wh<strong>et</strong>her Stresemann’s conversion can be judged as a <strong>de</strong>finite one.<br />

Wright is inclined to answer this question affirmatively. In line with previous<br />

historiography he shows that Stresemann’s break with his imperialist past was<br />

1. Chr. BAECHLER, Gustave Stresemann (1878-1929). De l’impérialisme à la sécurité collective,<br />

Presses universitaires <strong>de</strong> Strasbourg, Strasbourg, 1996.<br />

2. Meanwhile a translation into German has come out: J. WRIGHT, Gustav Stresemann 1878-1929:<br />

Weimars größter Staatsmann, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, Stuttgart, 2006.

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