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Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basm Özeti I~ o 0, N a: UJ 5 z~ 0\ ~ oUJ a: o z UJ > -- UJ o z allait être épirigIé ! « Ça va se debloquer. On attend le signal de l'Elysée », répétait M. Poncelet à M. Govciyan. Le signal ne venant pas,-les -Arméniens-ont-joué-des symboles. Le 24 avril 2000, ils ont , défilé à Paris en scandant « Chirac, t'auras' plus nos voix! Jospin, tu ne les as encore pas! » Le 18 juin - date anniversaire de l'appel du général de Gaulle, mais celle de la reconnaissance du génocide arménien par le Parlement européen, en 1987 -, deux délégations étaient reçues à Matignon et à l'Elysée. LE « SIGNAL » ~TAIT DONN~ Apparemment, le..message trans- , ~ Une histoiretaboue W ...J • Entre 1915 et 1923, le~ déportation~ versJ~~YfÏe et les massacres de la population wmém~rme. ~~ "I;mpJr~ 9~man, accusée de, «trahison ,» avec les 'RUsses qui OCcupaient le nord de la TUrquie, auraient fait entre 1,2 million et 1,5 million de morts, selon les Arméniens, entre 300 QOO et 500 000, selon les Turcs. Répression et massacres avaient commencé dès 1894, sous le règne . du sultan Abdul-Hamid, ou en 1909 à Adana, à l'initiative des, , Jeunes-Turcs. • En 1919,I'E~ire (),ttoman, sous forte pressi()n ~ritantlique -: les Alliés occupaient ConstantlnÔple, aujourd'hui Istiribul-; mit en place trois tribunaux de guerre,' , extraordiIléiires, composés de civils ,et militaites chargés de juger les auteurs des exactions et de les ' condamner. MàÏs en 1921, ces cours sont abolies, leurs conclusions annulées. Leurs condamnés sont réhabilités en 1923, à la faveur.du traité de lausanne, qui re
Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basm Özeti EUROPE The battle-lines ANKARA in Turkey Can the Turks who want their country to become a modem democracy stand up to the generals? F OR Turkey, 2001 got off tQ a grey start. In rule of law to be upheld, and for Turkey's the past few weeks, the country has had politics to meet European standards. The its worst financial crisis in recent years, a series unpretentious new president, whose motor- ofbloody prison rebellions that claimed cade actually stops at red traffic lights, has 32lives, and a wave of terrorist attacks in its warmed millions of Turkish hearts; for the business capital, Istanbul. Pictures of dead first time since Ataturk, a president is beating policemen and the mangled remains of a the army in the opinion polls. And the government suicide bomber have reminded many Turks since 1999,an unlikely-looking alli- of the street violence between right-wing ance of a leftish prime minister, Bulent Ecevit, and left-wing extremists which led to their the conservative Mr Yilmaz and a hard- generals' most recent military coup, in 198. nosed right-winger, Devlet Bahceli of the Indeed, on January 9th Mesut Yilmaz, the Nationalist Action Party, has given Turkey its leader of the centre-right Motherland party most stable administration in years. and a deputy prime minister in Turkey's Under this coalition, Turkey has embarked three-party coalition, publicly accused "certain on an ambitious economic-reform forces" of "seeking to push the country programme, helped by the IMF, which has towards a military regime". Mr Yilmaz's uncharacteristically brave brought inflation down to its lowest annual figure in over a decade, from 70% a year ago remark sums up the confrontation that has to 39% now. Just as strikingly, the interior been taking shape ever since 1999,when the minister, Sadettin Tantan, has been waging European Union's leaders at last got round to an unprecedented waron corruption. saying that Turkey was a candidate for full Entire gangs have been arrested, and EU membership.The battle pits a majority of some very big fish have been netted. Yahya Turks, who want their country to become a Murat Demirel, a nephew of ex-President proper European democracy, against those Suleyman Demirel, is now in an Ankara jail, senior soldiers and other rich and powerful accused of siphoning off billions of dollars people who willlose much of their clout if Turkey makes the changes needed tojoin the European club. Only months ago, it looked as if the liberal side was winning.The man who became the country's president last May, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a former head of the constitutional court, has repeatedly called for the from a bank he owned before it collapsed. Half a dozen senior people in the energy ministry, recently sacked on suspicion of taking bribes, may well join him. Last year the interior minister also managed to crush Turkey's most vicious group of armed Islamists, Hizbullah. This was all the more heartening because some powerful people in the security forces have egged on Hizbullah, whose targets were the same as their own-nationalist Kurds and guerrillas of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the PKK. The Kurdish problem had already been eased by the PKK'S decision to call off its 15- year war for Kurdish independence after the capture in 1999 of its leader, Abdullah Ocalan. The trial of Mr Ocalan on treason charges was described by most European observers as largely fair and free, not least because the government passed legislation removing military judges from the court before a verdict was reached. The death sentence passed on Mr Ocalan has been stayed pending a review ofhis case by the European Court ofHuman Rights, a process that could take years. Few believe he will be hanged. In November the national intelligence chief, Senkal Atasagun, said it was in Turkey's interest to lift the ban on broadcasting in the Kurdish language. Togeneral astonishment, he was supported by Mr Ecevit. Previously the prime minister could not bring himself to pronounce the word "Kurd", preferring to call the country's 12m or so Kurds "our south-eastern citizens". So far, so good. But then things began to go wrong.The Turkish general staff chose the day on which Mr Ecevit flew to France for last month's EU summit meeting to liken people who advocate Kurdish cultural rights to those "who speak the same tongue as the PKK". Relations between Turkey and Greece, which had seemed to be on the mend, blew up again in a row during NATO exercises in the Aegean. The gap between Turkey and Europe seemed once more to be widening. There followed the financial mess, set off by a government investigation into ten failed banks; an IMF pledge to provide more than $7 billion in emergency loans over the next year was needed to fend off a serious crisis. And on December 19th Turkish troops started to attack 20 prisons across the coun- THE ECONOMIST JANUARY 13TH 2001 65
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