Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
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Revue <strong>de</strong> Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro<br />
<strong>de</strong> la Prensa-Baszn Oz<strong>et</strong>i<br />
Jerusalem Post Editorial<br />
January 16 2001<br />
A new policy on Iraq<br />
(J 16) - When Secr<strong>et</strong>ary of State-<strong>de</strong>signate Colin Powell faces his confirmation hearing today in the US Senate,<br />
a =:.rc anniversary should be noted: Ten years ago this week Iraqi Scud missiles began landing in Israel.<br />
Unfortunately, this anniversary has more than historic significance because the same Saddam Hussein that Powell<br />
faced 10 years ago is there today and is likely racing to build a nuclear bomb.<br />
An Iraqi <strong>de</strong>fector has now confirmed the obvious, that once S~ddam was f~ of UN inspections, he ~ould resume<br />
his nuclear program, which was close to fruition when Iraq mva<strong>de</strong>d KuwéUt, a .<strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong> ago. Accordmg to Salman<br />
Yassin Zweir, who was a <strong>de</strong>sign engineer for the Iraqi Atomic Energy C~mnusSl~~ for 13 years, Saddam gave the<br />
or<strong>de</strong>rs to build a bomb two years ago. Zweir, who was tortured for refusmg to l'eJom the nuclear program, escaped<br />
to Jordan and spoke out for the first time last month. "Saddam is very proud of his nuclear team," Zweir told the<br />
London Sunday Trmes. "He will never give up the dream of being the first Arab lea<strong>de</strong>r to have a nuclear bomb."<br />
During the Clinton administration, US policy toward Iraq ero<strong>de</strong>d from a <strong>de</strong>termination to prevent Saddam from<br />
obtaining nuclear weapons through international inspections to an amorphous commitment to do som<strong>et</strong>hing if<br />
Saddam ever does acquire the bomb. But the collapse of the UN inspection regime did not invalidate the UN resolution<br />
that created it, or the rationale of the Gulf War, for that matter. The Gulf War was fought not just to eject Iraq<br />
from Kuwait but to prevent Iraq from threatening its neighbors. Accordingly, at the end of the war, UN Security<br />
Council Resolution 687 invoked the binding section of the UN Charter (Chapter VIT)in requiring Iraq to unconditionally<br />
accept "the <strong>de</strong>struction, removal, or ren<strong>de</strong>ring harmless" of its weapons of mass <strong>de</strong>struction programs and<br />
ballistic missiles with a range over 150 kilom<strong>et</strong>ers.<br />
The Clinton administration respon<strong>de</strong>d to the failure to enforce the international commitment to disarm Saddam<br />
by abandoning that commitment. The Bush administration should revive the goal of disarming Saddam the only<br />
way left to do so: supporting his removal from power.<br />
The act of removing international recognition from an outlaw regime is not unprece<strong>de</strong>nted: The Organization of<br />
American States did so when it expelled the government of Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua and effectively recognized<br />
the Sandinista opposition movement. The apartheid regime in South Africa was also essentially stripped of<br />
its legitimacy by UN actions. The Milosovic regime in Yugoslavia was also treated as criminal one by the international<br />
community.<br />
Saddam Hussein's reign of terror against the Iraqi people and the proven threat he poses to the region make him<br />
at least as clear a candidate for <strong>de</strong>recognition and removal than the unsavory regimes that the international community<br />
has gathered against in the past. The task of the incoming Bush administration is to transform the means<br />
of enforcement of Security Council Resolution 687 from inspections to a transfer of legitimacy from Saddam<br />
Hussein to his <strong>de</strong>mocratic opponents. The US Congress has already earmarked $100 million for the Iraqi opposition<br />
(most of which the Clinton administration refused to spend), and two supporters of this policy are slated to<br />
become secr<strong>et</strong>ary and <strong>de</strong>puty secr<strong>et</strong>ary of <strong>de</strong>fense. Even Presi<strong>de</strong>nt Clinton <strong>de</strong>ci<strong>de</strong>d last week to release $12 million<br />
in humanitarian assistance for distribution insi<strong>de</strong> Iraq by the Iraqi National Congress.<br />
According to Sunday's Washington Post, however, Powell expressed "<strong>de</strong>ep skepticism" about the opposition's<br />
capabilities. Though it is obviously responsible for the US to question the viability of an opposition movement<br />
before leaping to support it, those resisting support for the !NC generally argue what amounts to a self-fulfilling<br />
prophesy. Outgoing National Security Adviser Sandy Berger, for example, claimed that "I don't know any countries<br />
around Iraq who believe that's a viable option, that they could constitute a serious threat to Saddam Hussein<br />
in that way." Such disingenuous arguments capture the fatallack of lea<strong>de</strong>rship that has been shown by the Clinton<br />
administration on Iraq, and the dire need for a new policy by the new team. Obviously, Iraq's threatened neighbors<br />
are not about to back the Iraqi opposition before they see a serious <strong>de</strong>gree of support from the US.<br />
A serious US policy of "regime change" for Iraq will require an astute combination of diplomacy and action, including<br />
both unilateral and multilateral elements. If the secr<strong>et</strong>ary of state is not fully on board with such a policy, it<br />
will be difficult for it to work. What we do know is that Saddam's nuclear agenda will not suffer such internal divisions.<br />
Powell should be urged to put his consi<strong>de</strong>rable talents and experience toward making the emerging new<br />
Bush policy toward Iraq work, rather than burying it in internecine American policy divisions.<br />
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