Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
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Revue <strong>de</strong> Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro<br />
<strong>de</strong> la Prensa-Baszn Oz<strong>et</strong>i<br />
in Ankara, Turkey's capital. The lo-member council, including the presi<strong>de</strong>nt, four cabin<strong>et</strong> ministers and the five top<br />
military comman<strong>de</strong>rs, s<strong>et</strong>s the agenda on almost every important issue. It is an arrangement that many say enables<br />
the generals to dominate, because they present a united front while the ministers are often divi<strong>de</strong>d by fractious politics.<br />
The Eur"f-é:an Union i<strong>de</strong>ntified the reduction of the council's role as a top priority for Turkey's membership. Volkan<br />
Vural, the country's general secr<strong>et</strong>ary for European Union affairs, said that the military supports membership and<br />
that the security council is already the advisory body the Europeans <strong>de</strong>mand.<br />
"How this can be clarified, I don't know," said Mr. Vural, a v<strong>et</strong>eran diplomat who is preparing a 900-page outline on<br />
joining Europe for government lea<strong>de</strong>rs this month. Indirect pressure to curtail the military is also coming from the<br />
International Mon<strong>et</strong>ary Fund, which asked the government last month to trim the budg<strong>et</strong> for the armed forces as<br />
part of reforms in r<strong>et</strong>urn for $7.5 billion in emergency aid.<br />
The annual <strong>de</strong>fense budg<strong>et</strong> is about $9 billion, about 3.5 percent of the country's gross domestic product and four<br />
times the amount spent on education. Analysts say billions more are spent through mechanisms that are not reported<br />
in the budg<strong>et</strong>. Turkey is currently on a military buying spree, shopping for about $10 billion in tanks, helicopters<br />
and airborne early-warning systems - an illustration of the military's economic resources that are almost never<br />
discussed, even as the military's political involvement comes un<strong>de</strong>r increasing scrutiny.<br />
Military-owned businesses - including a bank, 47 percent of a leading automobile maker and 10percent of Turkey's<br />
cement-making capacity - are among Turkey's largest enterprises and exist free from taxes. The businesses operate<br />
outsi<strong>de</strong> government control and profits pay for pensions, resorts, and other benefits for members of the armed<br />
forces, helping attract and r<strong>et</strong>ain top personnel and cementing the soldiers' elevated social standing.<br />
Through a large holding company caUed Oyak, the military has financial interests in 24 companies involved in<br />
manufacturing, automobile production, agriculture, construction and finance. It owns a bank, a supermark<strong>et</strong> chain,<br />
extensive real estate and 47 percent of Oyak-Renault, one of the country's two dominant automobile makers. Many<br />
of these businesses are partnerships with the elite of the economic world, from powerful and wealthy families of<br />
Turkey like Sabanci and Koc to multinationals like Goodyear and DuPont. The effect is to align the econorr.ic interests<br />
of the military and important segments of the business establishment.<br />
Oyak, the Turkish acronym for the Armed Forces Trust and Pension Fund, was established by Parliament in 1961,<br />
after the first military coup, to provi<strong>de</strong> economic benefits for military officers.<br />
Comp<strong>et</strong>ing with Oyak and its estimated 30,000 employees can be tough. ~tho~gh it was ~e.tu? ou~i<strong>de</strong> the<br />
government, the company is exempt from taxes and financed by pa.yroUcontributions from military officers and<br />
land donations from the treasury. Describing the history of Oyak m 1998, Taha Parla, a professor at Bosporus<br />
University in Istanbul, conclu<strong>de</strong>d, "The civil servant on horseback already turned politician was further to become<br />
merchant, industrialist, financier and rentier."<br />
The military also controls the Foundation for Strengthening the Turkish Armed. Forces, a si~ter corpor~tion established<br />
in 1987 that has interests in 30 <strong>de</strong>fense-related companies manufacturmg everythmg from arrcraft ~d<br />
artillery to missiles and telecommunications systems. It employs an estimated 20,000 people and 80 percent of Its<br />
income is donated to the armed forces.<br />
Critics like Mr. Parla and Eric Rouleau, a former French ambassador to Turkey who wrote about the Turkish military's<br />
power in Foreign Affairs last month, argue that Oyak and its sister foundation blur the line b<strong>et</strong>ween the private<br />
and public economies and help militarize the soci<strong>et</strong>y.<br />
The traditional respect for the military is un<strong>de</strong>rpinned by a yearlong class that every T~~sh 10th ~ad~r must<br />
attend, taught by a current or r<strong>et</strong>ired military officer using a textbook prepared by the mili~ary. BesI<strong>de</strong>s ~culcating<br />
the principles of Ataturk, the course covers political events fro~ the ~itary perspec~~e, concentrating ~n<br />
threats posed by Turkey's neighbors. "The course has helped internalize the I<strong>de</strong>a that the military has a space m<br />
civilian life," said Ayse Gul Altinay, a cultural anthropologist who interviewed dozens of stu<strong>de</strong>nts an~. teachers on<br />
the topic. "Even stu<strong>de</strong>nts who are critical of what the officer says still believe he is the most qualifIed to speak<br />
about these issues."<br />
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