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Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista Stampa-Dentro La prestation de velle mosquée. Les « récom~ serment de Sad- penses» pleuvent sur les imams dam Hussein, fidèles au régime: voitures prononcée au neuves, résidences somptueuses. lende.m.aiILdu Le régime justif!e_égalernent référen.dum qui son grand écart.idéologique par ta reconduit au la « trahison» américaine. : pouvoir la se- Comme le dit un expert maine dernière, français : « Bagdad reproche ~ était truffée de l'Occident et aux États-Ums références au Coran. En posant d'avoir utilisé sa laïcité pour sa main sur le livre saint, le dirt- lutter contre l'État théocratique geant irakien avait les yeux hu- iranien, àoant de se retourner mides. Que s'est-il passé au pays de contre lui. Aujourd'hui les Irakiens se disent: puisqu'on ne Saddam ? «Dans les années 80, peut plus compter sur l'Occile régime a cassé les tribus pour imposer la laïcité, l'un des prindent. rapprodlOns-nous frères arabes. » de nos cipaux objectifs du parti Baas. C~s arguments politiques sont Dix ans plus tard, il a instru- écaités d'un geste par le secrémentalisé les tribus et la religwn taire général de la conférence ispour mieux contrôler la lamique, le D' Abdulatif Husociété », résume un diplomate mairne, pour qui « l'islam occidentaL Le point de départ de progresse en Irak car il prola campagne religieuse orches- gresse dans le monde entier ». trée par le régime remonte à la Le responsable religieux avance guerre du Golfe.Afin de rallier à ses arguments en égrenant son sa cause la oumma, la commu- collier passe-temps: «Après. nauté des croyants, Saddam avoir essayé le marxisme et le Hussein a fait rajouter « Allah capitalisme, les musulmans Ouakbar » JDi.eu est grand) sur sont arrivés à la concluswn que le drapeau il-a.kien.Le tournant leurs problèmes ne pouvaient religieux a ensuite été accentué pas être résolus par ces deux avec!' embargo de l'ONUet la ré- systèmes et qu'il fallait tenter volte des chiites, majoritaires: une troisième voie, un mélange danS le pays, qui se sont soule- d'islam et de modernité. Après vés contre le régime au lende- la chute de l'URSS, la politique main de la guerre du Golfe. américaine, devenue unilaté- « Après avoir écrasé leur ré- raie, a tenté d'imposer ses vabellwn dans le sang, le régime a leurs dans le monde, tentant de voulu ménager les chiites et gommer l'identité des musulapaiser les islamistes en leur ac- mans. L'inégalité entre le Nord . .cordant des gages religieux. De- et le Sud s'est creusée. En./ùt. les puis, la religWn est devenue le ci- musulmans ont décidé de ment supposé du régime », prendre leur destin en main, de poursuit le diplomate. La pra- participer à la marche du tique de l'islam est encouragée . monde plutôt que de la subir. » dans tout le pays. Les provinces . A Bagdad, l'islamisation prosont exemptées d'impôts lorsqu'elles construisent une nougressive.
Revue de Presse-Press Review-Berhevoka Çapê-Rivista,Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basm ()zeti The Los Angeles limes 25 October 2002 by Jeffrey Fleishman Kurdish Dream of Nation Is a Nightmare for Turkey Many messy sideshows are expected in a war to topple Saddam Hussein, but few will be more dangerous than in the mountains of northern Iraq, where Turkey's national security will collide with Kurdish dreams of a homeland. As diplomats bicker over the language ofU.N. resolutions, tensions are hardening along the 220-mile Turkish-Iraqi border. Tents are being shipped in for refugees as the Turkish government prepares for possible deployment of thousands more troops. These forces, according to Western diplomats and Turkish military analysts, probably would seize control of northern Iraq shortly after missile strikes on Baghdad, to prevent the ~reation of a Kurdish state. The focus is on the future of 3.5 million Kurds who are protected from Iraqi troops in the "no-fly" zone in the north. For generations, the Kurds have wanted their own country, and, with the protection of U.S. planes, they have formed a de facto state in the mountains. The prospect of an independent Kurdistan emerging from war's ashes, however, is unacceptable to Turkey, whiçhhas spent billions fight!ng separatists among its own 13 million Kurds. "If the Kurds declare an independent entity, it wouldn't.last more than a couple of days," one Western diplomat said. "The Turkish army will go in and shut it down. How' wouldthe U.S. respond? What's more important to the U.S. -- an independent Kurdistan or a valuable, strategic ally like Turkey?" The dilemma is sensitive for Washington. Morethan 50,000 Iraqi Kurd fighters could help defeat the Iraqi president. But Washington's relationship with the Kurds is angering Turkey, a North Atlantic Treaty Organization partner with airbases and staging grounds for U.S. forces. Turkey is pressuring the U.S. to make participation in the war more palatable by reining in the Iraqi Kurds and by providing economic aid to offset costs Turkey cannot afford. U.S. Army Gen. Tommy Franks met with Turkish military officials this week to discuss what role their nation would play in an Iraq invasion. The talks came as Turkish leaders expressed reluctance to join a conflict that would destabilize the region and create more economic turmoil. And they complained that Washington has sent mixed messages about its intentions for war and has provided no plan for the aftermath of any ouster of Hussein's regime. The Turks want a clear signal from Washington that the Iraqi Kurds will be h~rd in check. Turkey already has 3,000 to 5,000 troops in northern Iraq to contain the remnants of the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, rebel group that fled Turkeyafter a cease-fire in 1999. In one possible scenario, these soldiers, along with thousands of others, would sealoff northern Iraq, preventing the escape of Iraqi soldiers and allowjng the Turks to crush any Kurdish move toward independence. The Iraqi Kurds appear to sense the risks of declaring independence too soon after a war. Members of their two main political parties -- the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Kurdistan Democratic Party -- have been shuttlin~ to Ankara, the .Turkish capital, in recent weeks in efforts to calm tensions. The Kurds say they are only seeking an autonomous enclave in a postwar Iraqi federation. "Wewant a federal structure to safeguard our people so that no government in Iraq can conduct war or genocide against us," said Safeen M. Dizayee of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. "We want to keep Iraq unified .... So long as Kurds do not have the ambition of an independent state, it should not bother our neighbors." But it does. Turkey worries that the Iraqi Kurds will claim independence in the chaos of war. "That is the nightmare scenario,"said Hnur Cevik, editor of the Turkish Daily News .. The Kurds are this region's orphans. Nearly 22 million Kurds are scattered across Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran. They have longed for an independent homeland, but language, political infighting and the Middle East's existing borders have .made it impossible. Turkey fears that if Iraqi Kurds are granted too much autonomy or independence, it will stoke similar aspirations among its own Kurdish population. More than 37,000 people, mostly Kurds, were killed and hundreds of villages were destroyed in Turkey's IS-year war with the PKK. Iran also is worried that its 6 million Kurds will becomè restive. . . The prospect of granting Iraqi Kurds aspecialstatus could incite unrest among ethnic populations a~ross the region, said Hasan Koni, a political science professor at Ankara University. "When you look at the Middle East, you are looking at a place of ethnic tribes," Koni said. "If one tribe gets a federation, "they'llall want federations and this means a whole resettlement of the Middle East will occur. If you give something to one ethnicity, you have to give it to all. This is the danger ....The Turkish government is also loath to accept an independent Kurdistan carved out of Iraq that would include the oil-rich towns of Mosul and Kirkuk, once part of the Turkish Ottoman empire and a rallying cry for Turkish nationalists. 89
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