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Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg

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usiness collapsed and the wife lost her job as an accountant, they could no longer pay<br />

the loan instalments. The house was sold in July 2009 for €50,000. They must continue to<br />

repay the huge sums borrowed for a house that is no longer theirs. The bank has the legal<br />

right to sell at its own convenience.<br />

A Latvian association of borrowers, Lakra, estimates that 40,000 people find themselves<br />

in a similar situation, in a population of between 2 and 3 million. Lakra explains that the<br />

lending banks recover these houses at prices that have fallen by up to 70%: if and when<br />

the economy recovers they will be able to resell, making profits of about 300%. The banks<br />

gain in proportion to the people’s losses. This is not some unique malevolence on the part<br />

of banks, but is how banking sometimes works.<br />

Swedish banks control 90% of the Latvian banking sector. Of course these banks have<br />

no vested interest in seeing the Latvian economy collapse: on the contrary. The effects of<br />

their business model are unwanted. Nevertheless, the influx of capital into Latvia helped<br />

launch this precarious real estate boom, rather than financing (for example) industrial<br />

development, so that Latvia is now ill-equipped to recover from the slump. The banks<br />

helped stoke the crisis, and encouraged excessive personal loans. The political question<br />

(in part, a question between Latvia and Sweden) is whether they can now share the cost.<br />

Meanwhile, it is reported that the accident and emergency units of Latvia’s hospitals<br />

are so starved of public funds that they can function only every second day. In other words,<br />

the crisis is already disproportionately affecting the poor, and will continue to do so. Those<br />

sectors of the population, and those countries, which are already marginalised, will be<br />

pushed further into exclusion from the mainstream.<br />

Is a deeper systemic cause identifiable?<br />

We noted certain allegations of moral failure. On the other hand, is it more helpful to<br />

think of the crisis in terms of macro-economic systems, so that moral language becomes<br />

simply irrelevant? From this standpoint the core problem is that the global market lacks<br />

global regulation. That is a function of the intractable complexity, especially in the face<br />

of the constant invention of new macro-financial instruments by the corporate actors. It<br />

is also impeded by our continued adherence to the ‘default’ political concept of national<br />

sovereignty. This framework will not easily be rejected: no one expects the governments of<br />

China or the USA to submit to any external system of economic – or any other – governance.<br />

However, the crisis shows that ‘sovereignty’, in the sense of a nation’s power to control<br />

events, is an illusion. Japan’s economy, for example, has been struggling largely because<br />

other countries cannot absorb its export capacity.<br />

The second problem is that our form of capitalism rests on the principle (or fetish) of<br />

constant growth. We take this for granted. The respected British journal The Economist<br />

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