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Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg

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The above three features of loose monetary policy, the savings and trade imbalance,<br />

and lax regulation ultimately exacerbated the pro-cyclical and self-reinforcing nature of the<br />

downturn. For the past two decades, increase in US debt came from the financial innovation,<br />

rather than the real economy. Once, a home owner took out a mortgage, and household<br />

debt increased. But since the late 1990s, mortgages could be used to secure mortgagebacked<br />

securities, and those securities could in turn be used to secure a collateralised<br />

debt obligation. The end result was more borrowing, but no more real economy activity.<br />

Moreover, when assets, driven by cheap money, came to be bought not because of the rate<br />

of return on investment but in anticipation that such assets and securities can be sold at a<br />

higher price, the stage was set for an asset bubble of overvalued stocks in relation to real<br />

economy fundamentals. The history of the current crisis is therefore perhaps less a tale<br />

of greed or improvident borrowing than it is a tale of profligate lending. Examining the<br />

supply of credit provides a far more telling analysis than looking at its demand by ordinary<br />

consumers. Maier 40 claims that while governments adopted the imperatives of balanced<br />

budgets, inflation targeting, deregulation, and privatisation (thus constraining the money<br />

supply), the private financial sector was allowed to use financial innovation to create as much<br />

money as it saw fit. This led to massive – though fictitious – wealth creation throughout the<br />

1990s. It was thus not greed, but rather the necessity and availability of credit that led to the<br />

overwhelming indebtedness of American citizens. In retrospect, it can be argued that the<br />

compression of incomes in the US throughout the neo-liberal period was compensated by a<br />

reduction in household savings and mounting private indebtedness, which allowed spending<br />

patterns to be kept virtually unchanged. At the same time, limited social safety nets forced<br />

the government to pursue active macroeconomic policies to fight unemployment, which<br />

increased government indebtedness as well. Thus, growth was maintained at the price of<br />

increasing public and private indebtedness, adding to the already existing macro imbalance.<br />

Privatized money production on a hitherto unknown scale can be understood as a<br />

response to the general stagnation of growth and profitability after the 1970s. The inevitable<br />

result was a rapidly growing debt pyramid vastly in excess of the real economy’s ability<br />

to pay. In the era of neo-liberalism, structural inequalities were allowed to persist and<br />

widen further, both within and between countries. Indeed, Tony Atkinson 41 finds that<br />

while many developed countries saw their GDP increase by up to 25% over the past fifteen<br />

years, median incomes barely rose at all (and in some countries even declined), revealing<br />

a highly skewed distribution of growth. In macroeconomic parlance, increased inequality<br />

implies weak domestic demand: the skewed wealth distribution and high unemployment<br />

40 Maier (2009).<br />

41 Atkinson et al. (2002).<br />

166

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