Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg
Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg
moving away from the breadwinner/caregiver model to a dual-earner norm. Moreover, most welfare reform endeavours have remained deeply embedded in normative notions of equity and solidarity, shared cognitive understandings of the efficiency-enhancing effects of well-designed social and labour market policies. And while many reforms were unpopular, it is important to highlight that a fair amount occurred with the consent of parties in opposition, trade unions and employer organizations. 5. Conjecturing Regime Change under Low Growth Prospects In democratic systems, it is ultimately politics that decides over matters of social and economic governance. Once again, the current economic crisis is fundamentally redrawing the boundaries between states and markets, calling into question many issues of economic policy, ranging from central banking, fiscal policy, financial regulation, global trade, welfare provision, economic governance and assumptions about human behaviour and rationality. Many observers, experts, and policymakers are seeking new answers, and looking for solutions to the new questions posed by the crisis. Thus far, intellectual and policy attention has focused on immediate crisis management, especially with respect to financial sector risk management. Little systematic thinking has been devoted to the question of whether and to what extent the crisis creates momentum for more fundamental welfare regime change. To be sure, it is still too soon to draw conclusions about the future economic, social, cultural, and political consequences of this momentous economic shock. On the other hand, these questions are among the most politically and intellectually pressing of our times. Any tentative exploration of these questions has to start with a diagnosis of the crisis. Does the current credit crunch bear any similarity to the Great Depression or is it more similar to the 1980s crisis of stagflation? The current downturn was triggered by a financial crisis, not by a ‘real’ economy crisis, and in this regard, it is more similar to the Great Depression than to the 1970s crisis of stagflation. Barry Eichengreen and Kevin H. O’Rourke 32 have concluded that today’s crisis is surely as bad as the Great Depression. In 2008, industrial production, trade, and stock markets plummeted even faster than in 1929-30. However, whereas after the 1929 crash, the world economy continued to shrink for three successive years, in the wake of the 2007 crisis, policy responses were much better, and led to a swift upswing in trade and stock markets in the first half of 2009. This suggests that the biggest difference between this crisis and the one in the 1930s was timely, effective and coordinated crisis management to arrest economic collapse. Monetary expansion 32 Eichengreen & O’Rourke (2009). 161
has been more rapid, and the willingness to run deficits is considerably greater. In short, policymakers today have been able to avoid the deflationary, protectionist, and nationalistic policy responses that aggravated the decline in the 1930s. This can in part be attributed to the fact that policymakers in developed countries learned from the mistakes of the 1930s, and are now firmly committed to open economies. A second related factor, perhaps is that international economic interdependence has progressed so far (especially in the EU) that protectionism is simply no longer a viable option. The crisis indeed revealed how much the world economy has fundamentally transformed over the past three decades, and this makes the crisis circumstantially different from any historical precedent. The swift global fallout after the US sub-prime mortgage crisis demonstrates the stark reality of 21 st century global economic interdependence – hardly any country in the world has remained unaffected. The fast response of public authorities, national governments and central banks in concert attests to effective crisis management, which was so sorely lacking in the 1930s. Of course, earlier crises may offer interesting analogies but the present circumstances are radically different to previous crisis situations. In his inaugural speech, Barack Obama 33 claimed that the economic crisis was ‘a consequence of greed and irresponsibility’. But conspicuous consumption and greed are not new. As such, they cannot explain the speed or the depth of the global crisis after 2007. What then are the deeper, more structural and systemic causes of the crisis? Why did academic economists fail to anticipate the coming crisis? In retrospect, three factors can be identified that began to merge in the early years of the 21 st century, and eventually created an unforeseen but lethal combination: (1) loose monetary policy; (2) the global trade imbalance between the US and China; and (3) lax financial regulation as a result of the liberalisation of capital markets in the 1980. In addition to these, a fourth contributing factor was the theoretical bias that developed in the academic profession towards the economics of market efficiency and human rationality. Loose monetary policy The origins of the crisis date back to the aftermath of the ‘dotcom’ bubble in 2000. When the Fed realised that US aggregate demand was falling sharply and had the potential to throw the entire economy into a full-blown recession, it responded by radically lowering interest rates to one percent. Initially, as the US housing sector remained stable, there were no signs of overheating. However, after another interest rate cut by the Fed, a housing bubble began to expand. With lower interest rates, people could afford much larger home mortgages. Greenspan’s loose monetary policy worked well in the beginning: The US 33 Obama (2009). 162
- Page 111 and 112: Graphique 6a : Revenu mensuel total
- Page 113 and 114: 5. Quid d’un deuxième salaire da
- Page 115 and 116: Enfants âgés de 12 ans et plus 2
- Page 117 and 118: deux en profitent), ont toujours dr
- Page 119 and 120: au sein d’un ménage. Cette const
- Page 121 and 122: Parmi les discriminations les plus
- Page 123 and 124: -- celle du 29 juin 2000 : la direc
- Page 125 and 126: en 2006 15 . Pour le Luxembourg, ce
- Page 127 and 128: que la crise aura un impact négati
- Page 129 and 130: groupe auquel il appartient. Cela f
- Page 131 and 132: COMMISSION EUROPEENNE (2008) : La d
- Page 133 and 134: Wie sieht denn Kinderarmut im ‚re
- Page 135 and 136: eträgt dieser Anteil bei den Luxem
- Page 137 and 138: Ein Kind wird in eine Lebenslage hi
- Page 139 and 140: (Klima, kindzentrierte Alltagsgesta
- Page 141 and 142: unbedingt dem Tatbestand der akuten
- Page 143 and 144: Das ONE könnte im Sinne der Armuts
- Page 146: 2. Teil Aus der Krise in die Armut?
- Page 149 and 150: mortgage defaults and rising insolv
- Page 151 and 152: egulation, economic growth, levels
- Page 153 and 154: Depression gave rise to Keynesian e
- Page 155 and 156: economies. The key goal of neo-libe
- Page 157 and 158: the European Union (EU) have undert
- Page 159 and 160: linking the amount of benefits rece
- Page 161: female employment growth came much
- Page 165 and 166: capacities of the real economy. The
- Page 167 and 168: The above three features of loose m
- Page 169 and 170: eturned to the top of the political
- Page 171 and 172: despite its successes, the G20 has
- Page 173 and 174: ideological strife and polarising a
- Page 175 and 176: Eastern Europe, surely puts a break
- Page 177 and 178: Integrate migrants through particip
- Page 179 and 180: maintaining general financial stabi
- Page 181 and 182: social protection. What these obser
- Page 183 and 184: FERRARA, MAURIZIO & HEMERIJCK, ANTO
- Page 185 and 186: PIERSON, PAUL (1998): Irresistible
- Page 188 and 189: Croissance économique et cohésion
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- Page 192 and 193: Lien entre taux de pauvreté, reven
- Page 194 and 195: sur la croissance économique « qu
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- Page 198 and 199: Conclusion générale Dans ce papie
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- Page 204 and 205: abzuwälzen. Fraglich ist allerding
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has been more rapid, and the willingness to run deficits is considerably greater. In short,<br />
policymakers today have been able to avoid the deflationary, protectionist, and nationalistic<br />
policy responses that aggravated the decline in the 1930s. This can in part be attributed to<br />
the fact that policymakers in developed countries learned from the mistakes of the 1930s,<br />
and are now firmly committed to open economies. A second related factor, perhaps is that<br />
international economic interdependence has progressed so far (especially in the EU) that<br />
protectionism is simply no longer a viable option. The crisis indeed revealed how much the<br />
world economy has fundamentally transformed over the past three decades, and this makes<br />
the crisis circumstantially different from any historical precedent. The swift global fallout<br />
after the US sub-prime mortgage crisis demonstrates the stark reality of 21 st century global<br />
economic interdependence – hardly any country in the world has remained unaffected.<br />
The fast response of public authorities, national governments and central banks in concert<br />
attests to effective crisis management, which was so sorely lacking in the 1930s. Of course,<br />
earlier crises may offer interesting analogies but the present circumstances are radically<br />
different to previous crisis situations.<br />
In his inaugural speech, Barack Obama 33 claimed that the economic crisis was ‘a<br />
consequence of greed and irresponsibility’. But conspicuous consumption and greed are<br />
not new. As such, they cannot explain the speed or the depth of the global crisis after<br />
2007. What then are the deeper, more structural and systemic causes of the crisis? Why<br />
did academic economists fail to anticipate the coming crisis? In retrospect, three factors<br />
can be identified that began to merge in the early years of the 21 st century, and eventually<br />
created an unforeseen but lethal combination: (1) loose monetary policy; (2) the global<br />
trade imbalance between the US and China; and (3) lax financial regulation as a result of<br />
the liberalisation of capital markets in the 1980. In addition to these, a fourth contributing<br />
factor was the theoretical bias that developed in the academic profession towards the<br />
economics of market efficiency and human rationality.<br />
Loose monetary policy<br />
The origins of the crisis date back to the aftermath of the ‘dotcom’ bubble in 2000.<br />
When the Fed realised that US aggregate demand was falling sharply and had the potential<br />
to throw the entire economy into a full-blown recession, it responded by radically lowering<br />
interest rates to one percent. Initially, as the US housing sector remained stable, there were<br />
no signs of overheating. However, after another interest rate cut by the Fed, a housing<br />
bubble began to expand. With lower interest rates, people could afford much larger home<br />
mortgages. Greenspan’s loose monetary policy worked well in the beginning: The US<br />
33 Obama (2009).<br />
162