Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg
Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg Sozialalmanach - Caritas Luxembourg
will have to deal with it in one way or the other. Politically, it is therefore unrealistic to count on rebalancing the budget solely through reductions in expenditures. Governments need operational authority and power to address the social consequences of the crisis. 3. From ‘Embedded Liberalism’ to the ‘Washington Consensus’ Deep economic crises expose both the strengths and weaknesses of existing policy repertoires and institutional structures. As a consequence, they encourage fresh thinking about the institutional arrangements embedding contemporary market economies. In the aftermath of both the Great Depression of the 1930s as well as the crisis of stagflation (low growth and high inflation) in the 1970s, economic and social policy regimes were transformed in quite fundamental ways. The Great Depression and the Second World War have had a profound impact on the institutional architecture of North America and Western Europe after 1945. The experience of the deflation in the 1930s as well as the foolish adherence to the gold standard, led post-war policymakers to embrace Keynesian economic management 5 . The extent of market regulation and social protection differed from one country to the next, but governments in all advanced democracies took an active and strategic role in the stabilisation of the economy and the distribution of post-war prosperity. The lessons of mass unemployment and debt deflation from the Great Depression were taken to heart. Social protection came to be firmly anchored in an explicit normative commitment to granting social rights to citizens, protected by the nation-state. An impressive set of welfare programs was developed: an expanded education system improved the equality of opportunity; a comprehensive health insurance system spread the benefits of healthcare to the population as a whole; and a full range of income transfer programs – unemployment insurance, workers’ compensation, disability benefits, old age pensions, survivors’ benefits, children’s allowances, and social assistance – were introduced to protect citizens from the economic risks associated with modern industrialism. The mixed social and market economy was based on the axial principle of full employment for male breadwinners, and promoted a growth-oriented industrial policy to achieve this end. The dominant consensus among policymakers was that governments, collective bargaining, and the welfare state had key roles in ‘taming’ the capitalist economy through Keynesian demand management and market regulation. In trying to understand what went wrong in the Great Depression, Keynes introduced a completely new brand of economics focusing on the study of the behaviour of the economic system as whole, rather than the behaviour of individual actors. If the Great 5 Temin (1989). 151
Depression gave rise to Keynesian economics, the 1950s and 1960s vindicated Keynesian demand management as a standard tool of economic policy. Keynesian macroeconomists in academia and public office proclaimed that enduring recessions would be a thing of the past. The objectives of full employment and welfare protection were supported at the level of the international political economy by what John Ruggie later described as a regime of ‘embedded liberalism’. On the one hand, governments encouraged the liberalisation of the economy through successive rounds of GATT negotiations that slowly broke down the regulatory regimes and trade barriers put in place during the Depression and the Second World War. On the other hand, the expansion of social programs compensated for the risks inherent in economic liberalisation. Western governments embraced the change and dislocation that comes with liberalisation in exchange for containing and socialising the costs of adjustment 6 . As a consequence, the constraints imposed on national economic policies by the classical gold standard were relaxed, and the pursuit of ‘free trade’ was replaced by the goal of non-discrimination. Against the backdrop of the Cold War, the goal of price stability was sacrificed when this was deemed necessary to maintain an open international economy 7 . The Bretton Woods monetary system of stable exchange rates laid the groundwork for the regime of embedded liberalism, allowing national policymakers freedom to pursue relatively independent social and employment policies without undermining international economic stability. It should be emphasised that the compromise of embedded liberalism was tailored to a world in which international competition remained limited and foreign investment was conspicuously based on a regime of capital controls. The era of embedded liberalism was an era of institution building. The post-war domestic and international communities were resolved to contain the economic and political instabilities of the 1930s and 1940s. At the international level, the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the European Community were established. Together, the Bretton Woods institutions, the national welfare state, and the European Community were all launched with an eye to avoiding the crises of the early 20th century. During the Golden Age of economic growth between 1945 and the early 1970s, each of the advanced industrial societies developed their own country-specific brands of mixed economy and welfare capitalism. What came out of the post-war era was therefore an international system of national capitalisms, not a global economic system 8 . Despite the historically unprecedented achievements of the post-war mixed economies in promoting civil liberty, economic prosperity, social solidarity, and public well-being, there 6 Ruggie (1982). 7 Maier (2009). 8 Berger & Dore (1996); Berger (2005); Rodrik (2007). 152
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Depression gave rise to Keynesian economics, the 1950s and 1960s vindicated Keynesian<br />
demand management as a standard tool of economic policy. Keynesian macroeconomists in<br />
academia and public office proclaimed that enduring recessions would be a thing of the past.<br />
The objectives of full employment and welfare protection were supported at the level<br />
of the international political economy by what John Ruggie later described as a regime<br />
of ‘embedded liberalism’. On the one hand, governments encouraged the liberalisation of<br />
the economy through successive rounds of GATT negotiations that slowly broke down the<br />
regulatory regimes and trade barriers put in place during the Depression and the Second<br />
World War. On the other hand, the expansion of social programs compensated for the<br />
risks inherent in economic liberalisation. Western governments embraced the change and<br />
dislocation that comes with liberalisation in exchange for containing and socialising the costs<br />
of adjustment 6 . As a consequence, the constraints imposed on national economic policies by<br />
the classical gold standard were relaxed, and the pursuit of ‘free trade’ was replaced by the<br />
goal of non-discrimination. Against the backdrop of the Cold War, the goal of price stability<br />
was sacrificed when this was deemed necessary to maintain an open international economy 7 .<br />
The Bretton Woods monetary system of stable exchange rates laid the groundwork for<br />
the regime of embedded liberalism, allowing national policymakers freedom to pursue<br />
relatively independent social and employment policies without undermining international<br />
economic stability. It should be emphasised that the compromise of embedded liberalism<br />
was tailored to a world in which international competition remained limited and foreign<br />
investment was conspicuously based on a regime of capital controls.<br />
The era of embedded liberalism was an era of institution building. The post-war<br />
domestic and international communities were resolved to contain the economic and political<br />
instabilities of the 1930s and 1940s. At the international level, the United Nations, the<br />
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the European Community were<br />
established. Together, the Bretton Woods institutions, the national welfare state, and the<br />
European Community were all launched with an eye to avoiding the crises of the early 20th<br />
century. During the Golden Age of economic growth between 1945 and the early 1970s,<br />
each of the advanced industrial societies developed their own country-specific brands of<br />
mixed economy and welfare capitalism. What came out of the post-war era was therefore<br />
an international system of national capitalisms, not a global economic system 8 .<br />
Despite the historically unprecedented achievements of the post-war mixed economies<br />
in promoting civil liberty, economic prosperity, social solidarity, and public well-being, there<br />
6 Ruggie (1982).<br />
7 Maier (2009).<br />
8 Berger & Dore (1996); Berger (2005); Rodrik (2007).<br />
152