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Arabic Linguistics

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equires, however, that evidence should be produced that the respective substrate<br />

languages of e.g. JA, N, Sranan and Tok Pisin, all have similar or identical<br />

compounds likely to have served as a model for these pidgins and creoles.<br />

Evidence from JA and N thus shows that greater care needs to be exercized<br />

when attempting to trace back lexicalized compound nouns to the substratal input,<br />

and that identical pidginization strategies may independently yield identical<br />

outcomes across pidgin or creole languages.<br />

8. Conclusions<br />

This paper has attempted to show, on the basis of selected data from JA and<br />

N, that the study of <strong>Arabic</strong>-based pidgins and creoles can bring to light facts and<br />

phenomena of interest first and foremost to pidgin and creole linguistics: the<br />

validity of some diagnostic features suggested in the literature; apparent<br />

grammaticalization and the role of the substratal input and of the ―partial model‖<br />

in the lexifier; the existence of a productive passive formation mechanism; the use<br />

of tone to encode morphosyntactic distinctions; universal pidginization strategies.<br />

Under the circumstances, it is regrettable that textbooks of or introductions<br />

to pidgin and creole studies tend to focus on Atlantic and/or Pacific varieties with<br />

a European lexifier and only infrequently refer to and include data from <strong>Arabic</strong>based<br />

pidgins and/or creoles 16 .<br />

Finally, at least some of the phenomena discussed above, namely the<br />

apparent grammaticalization of a verbum dicendi into a complementizer and the<br />

formation of passives by changing tonal marking on active transitive verbs, should<br />

be of interest to grammaticalization studies and respectively general linguistic<br />

typology as well.<br />

Notes<br />

1. See e.g. Nhial 1975, Owens (1985, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1997, 2001: 260-261), Miller (1993,<br />

2002), Kaye and Tosco (1993), Avram (1994, 1995) and Wellens (2003). Differences between the two<br />

varieties of N (from Kenya and from Uganda respectively) are mostly ignored in this article.<br />

2. See e.g. Nhial 1975, Prokosch (1986), Vincent (1986), Miller (1993, 1994, 2002),<br />

Tosco (1995).<br />

3. For KN cf example (20) in section 2.<br />

4. Note that gal/gále is not the only complementizer. Other complementizers include Ø,<br />

kede and keli (see Miller 2002: 35).<br />

5. A topic marker, according to Pasch and Thelwall (1987: 135).<br />

6. Among the substrate languages belonging to the Bantu family, Luganda is, after<br />

Swahili, the second important source of lexical items in N (Pasch and Thelwall 1987: 140).<br />

7. Cf. also Owens (1990).<br />

37

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