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Arabic Linguistics

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In conclusion, in light of the data from JA and N, the picture that emerges<br />

with respect to the role of tone in pidgins and creoles turns out to be more<br />

complex than assumed by McWhorter (1998, 2000 and 2003).<br />

7. Lexicalized compound nouns<br />

Lexicalized compound nouns, which occur rather frequently in pidgins and<br />

creoles, raise, among others, the issue of their origin. Consider, for instance,<br />

eyewater ‗tear‘, which is, according to Baker and Huber (2001: 198) a diagnostic<br />

feature of Atlantic English creoles.<br />

It is certainly true that this feature is ―extremely common both in Atlantic<br />

Creoles and in West African languages‖, as noted by Parkval (2000b: 113). Holm<br />

(1992: 191), for instance, mentions among others Igbo aŋa-mmiri, Twi ani-suo<br />

and Yoruba omi oju, all literally ‗eye water‘. It is equally true that ―[t]here are<br />

many lexemes in Afro-American dialects which reveal a labelling pattern whereby<br />

objects are named in terms of an association between two primary named objects‖<br />

(Alleyne 1980: 114). Therefore, eyewater may be one of the ―readily convenient<br />

calques from a number of African languages‖ Allsopp (1980: 91).<br />

However, a number of arguments can be adduced against tracing it back to<br />

an West African substrate language. First, according to Allsopp (1980: 91), ―each<br />

of those African bases was likely to have its own synonymous form which did not<br />

lend itself so readily to calquing‖. He further writes that e.g. ―Yoruba, in common<br />

with many West African languages, has the relevant compound omi ojú (<<br />

―water‖ + ―eye‖) ~ omijé (= ―a tear‖) but it is rarer than kún (= ―sorrowful<br />

weeping‖)‖ (Allsopp 1980: 91).<br />

Second, as shown in Avram (in press), the compound at issue is also attested<br />

in Tok Pisin, a Pacific variety of restructured English: aiwara ‗tears‘. It follows<br />

that eyewater ‗tear‘ should be reclassified as a world-wide feature.<br />

Third, a structurally identical compound noun occurs in both JA and N 15 :<br />

(67) móya ena JA (Miller 1993: 159)<br />

water eye<br />

‗eye‘<br />

(68) moy-ééna N (Prokosch 1986: 85)<br />

water eye<br />

‗tear‘<br />

Consider next the compound doormouth ‗threshold‘, which is also listed as<br />

a diagnostic feature of Atlantic English pidgins and creoles in Baker (1999: 330)<br />

and in Baker and Huber (2001: 198). It is widely assumed to be a calque of<br />

similar compounds in West African languages. Baker (1999: 330), for instance,<br />

35

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