Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris
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REVUE DE PRESSE-PRESS. REVIEW-BERHEVOKA ÇAPÊ-RwISTA STAMPA-DENTRO DE LA PRENSA-BASIN ÖZETi<br />
14<br />
Turkish Probe August 3, 1993<br />
As the PKK Grows... and Grows<br />
;, ,<br />
.ism<strong>et</strong> G.ims<strong>et</strong><br />
The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is, hope-<br />
. fully,. releasing all foreign hostages in its<br />
_. hands, partly for tacticalreasons, and partly<br />
out of goodwill. But this tloes not mean the crisis is<br />
over. In fact, it is only <strong>de</strong>epening.<br />
The party's lea<strong>de</strong>rship has already revised its policy<br />
for the rest of 1993, in y<strong>et</strong> another bid to outrun<br />
Turkey. Knowing of Ankara's pledge to crush its activities<br />
within a one-year <strong>de</strong>adline, it is now focusing<br />
on survival.<br />
In.gued:ill~ jargon, alt~oughit has reached the "active<br />
resistance" stage, and believes it could even reach<br />
the stage of "balances of forces," it is preparing<br />
to take a position somewhere b<strong>et</strong>ween passive and<br />
activ,e resistance by the winter. It will keep a lower<br />
profile, avoid all high-risk operations, but continue<br />
attacks in areas where it is strong.<br />
The reason for this tactical change is awareness<br />
that the ongoing military campaign in the Southeast<br />
. actually --and painfully-- serves the longer term inte-.<br />
rests of the PKK. Government troops are requiting<br />
for the PI(K, producing new guerrillas or "fighters:' by<br />
the day. Even more successfully than the PKK could<br />
manage by itself.<br />
The party lea<strong>de</strong>rship, which has managed to survive<br />
over the years without former East Blok manipulation<br />
,like other organizations, and which boasts of<br />
not having "a bureaucraticmechanism" like the polit- -<br />
buro, has already<br />
near future.<br />
assessed Turkey's strategy for the<br />
As far as PKK lea<strong>de</strong>rs are concerned, the war on<br />
them is closely related to the war for power in Anka-<br />
_ ra. They intend now to make the most out of such.<br />
weaknesses. And, the recent changes in the military<br />
power structure in Ankara have, frankly, raised ho- .<br />
pes in rebel ranks.<br />
Gen. Dogan Güre~, perhaps aware that his term in<br />
office-as the chief of general staff would be exten<strong>de</strong>d<br />
for another year, has pledged to eliminate the PKK<br />
in this time span, or rather, "by the end of winter .•<br />
His alternative is possible martiallaw. Ethically, this<br />
is no legitimate argument. First, because there appears<br />
to be no chance that the army's current campaign<br />
alone, without the support of political-cultural<br />
reforms as much as the restoration of human rights,<br />
can solve the problem. Secondly, because the justification<br />
for martial law is in the nature of authority.<br />
The military already has full authority, as much ä.s<br />
authority can be <strong>de</strong>livered within boundaries of the<br />
minimum standards of human rights.<br />
Mostly, however, the army has a free hand and<br />
may do whatever it likes, as long as the repercussions<br />
are not too outrageous. Some officials in Ankara,<br />
mainly those of the mo<strong>de</strong>rate pro-government<br />
flank, would argue against this. They would challenge<br />
the view that the Tansu Çiller government has given<br />
full authority to the.army, and claim that it still<br />
seeks to solve the crisis in peaceful ways.<br />
Their argument, in compl<strong>et</strong>e goodwill, is actually<br />
one of a dangerous nature. For it is based mainly on<br />
the claim that "full authority,. the real "full authority,.<br />
means giving the military permission to go ahead<br />
3