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Revue celtique - National Library of Scotland

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340<br />

The Loss <strong>of</strong> Îndo-European p<br />

thèse Ir. ire, comparative ireiu, 'ulterior', and he sees the objection ari-<br />

sing from tlie // and r, to dispose <strong>of</strong> which he gives O. Ir. ferr, 'better'<br />

= Welsh gwell 'better' ; but neither is this convincing. Ir. jerr 'better'<br />

and Welsh goraa possibly go together but gwell I should refer to another<br />

root and range it, as he once did, with Curtius' 659th group. As to<br />

pellj there are unfortunately rather too many than too few possibiHties<br />

<strong>of</strong> Connecting it with other words in other languages al! implying an<br />

Indo-European qv (^ h] as the antécédent <strong>of</strong>p in the Welsh form.<br />

Among others, a) it may be ranged with Curtius^ no. 48 ; h] it may be<br />

connected with Gr. rr^inz, yïlolic râ^K\ji, etc. (Curtius p. 482) ; c) it<br />

might possibly be related to Sanskr. cira, 'long' (<strong>of</strong> time : so pell fre-<br />

quently in Breton) ; d) pell more probably stands for spalja-oï which the<br />

s is still retained, I think, m anghyspell (= " an-cy-spell) 'distant, outland-<br />

ish, inaccessible' ; thus pell v/ould be referrable to the root SKAR 'to<br />

separate or sever, and would mean originally separaîed, severed and<br />

then remote or jar, but compare Fick's (p. 61 5) SK.ARSA whence Lith.<br />

skersas, 'quer,' 0. Bulg. crêsu, praep. 'durch, hinùber, quer durch,'<br />

0. Prussian kirscha, etc. prsep. c. ace. 'ûber.'<br />

10 (358). Welsh gwobr, gwobrwy, 'reward', gobryn, 'merit', are<br />

connected with 'Kspâw by Stokes : but they cannot be separated from<br />

Welsh pryn-u, to buy', and Ir. crenas, 'qui émit', which hâve been most<br />

satisfactorily equated by Windisch with Sansk. kvinâmx, 'I buy'. Besides<br />

were thèse words connected with Tcspato and the like, we should e.xpect<br />

them to mean to sell rather than to buy.<br />

1 1 (366). Gaelic pailt, 'plenteous,' retains, as Stokes thinks, the<br />

original /? <strong>of</strong> -([xi^Xr/iJ.-., etc. Thisis an instance which I cannot pr<strong>of</strong>ess to<br />

dispose <strong>of</strong>, but pailt does not look unlike a word borrowed from the<br />

English plenty, plenteous, or perhaps, together with Breton paot, Cornish<br />

pals, fromsome such a word as Low German palte, 'hppeu,' paît, 'stùck'<br />

(for instance <strong>of</strong> bread) : see Dietz, ii, 51, and compare Eng. paltry.<br />

12 (536 b). Welsh lleibio, 'tolick'^ Bret. lipat, point toarootLAP, as<br />

Stokes suggests, while Welsh llyfu points to a LAB or LABH ; but it<br />

may be objected that a nasalized LAMB or LAMBH would also account<br />

for lleibio; Fick (p. 392) postulâtes LAB and LAP for Lat. lambo, Gr.<br />

XacTUTio, 0. Pruss. lap-inis, 'â spoon', etc.<br />

13 (630). With respect to Welsh poeth, 'hot', pohi, 'to bake' and the<br />

other Celtic words referred to the root PAK, I hâve only to add, that<br />

even supposing PAK to be correctly assumed for the Indo-European<br />

mother-tongue, as to which Curtius expresses a very reasonable doubt,<br />

still for the Italo-Celtic branch one must postulate QVAQV (KAK). A

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