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Revue celtique - National Library of Scotland

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5 j2<br />

The Loss <strong>of</strong> Indo-European p<br />

be hard not to identify Ir. Doinhnall with Welsh Dyfnwal (the same rn<br />

is, I believe, called Domhnall Breac in Irish, and Dyfnwal Frych inW(jh<br />

tradition)^ and Ir. Conall with Welsh Cy/?u'a/. In Welsh *m/ survives ;o<br />

in the adjective dy-wal, 'crudelis, atrox' (Davies), whence has bji<br />

formed dywal-gi; 'a tiger' ; how or whether gwal-adr in such name:;s<br />

Cadwaladr is related to the words in question is not clear to me it<br />

would seem to imply a verbal thème valpa-.<br />

6i. The early Welsh proper name VLCAGN-VS and VLCAGN-I, n<br />

Irish Ogam Ulccagn-i which Stokes identifies with the modem 1 h<br />

Olcdin (p. 29). The termination gna-, genitive gni one is inclineclo<br />

identify with the Gaulish -cnos, genitive -cni in such names as Oppii-<br />

knos, Toutissicnos, Drutikni, etc. : compare the ending<strong>of</strong>the Greek wcis<br />

xuXi'xv^, '::t/d'/yri,T.ok'.'/rr,^ r.iixyyov also rÀ'cr/.vo') (Curtius 4 pp. 2t,<br />

493). With Ulcagnus, compare Maglagni on an early inscribed stomjn<br />

S. Wales, and such Ogam iorms as Artagni, Mailagni, Talagni^ Tasegal<br />

Dalligni, Qunilocgni in Ireland : thus we seem to hâve in Ulcagni a t!e<br />

* Ulca which I take to stand for * Pulca to be compared with thej.<br />

German name Fulco, and the English Foulke, in which, suppoi^<br />

Grimm's Law to hâve been observed, we must suppose thecor k to std<br />

for an earlier g and so in the Welsh and Irish name : Stokes cites a Gi-<br />

lish form VLKOS (Rev. Celt. I, 298). In the Celtic languages metathis<br />

has very commonly taken place where the séquence was mute, vov',<br />

liquid (/ or r), mute, but the provection <strong>of</strong> the mute took place still ( -<br />

lier as in the following instances :<br />

a) Welsh drych, *a looking-glass' ; the aspect or look<strong>of</strong> athing' [edr-<br />

'to look'; for ' dricc =: * dercc <strong>of</strong> the same origin as oÉpy.-to, Sansk. d. ,<br />

perfect, dadarça.<br />

b) Welsh crocli' 'rough, véhément', = " corcc = A. Sax. h ^<br />

hreâh, ''rough, fierce, stormy, cruel'.<br />

c) 0. Welsh gulip [i. e. gwlip), nov^ gwlyb, 'wet', Ir. fliuch, fromwljh<br />

one cannot separate Welsh golclii (for gwolchï), 'to wash', Ir.folcifi<br />

'humecto, lavo', and Welsh gwlych-u, 'to wet, to moisten' ; but how le<br />

they connected ? They are ail traceable to Fick's (pp. 544, 609) V<br />

whence he dérives Lith. vilg-yîi, 'naessen, anfeuchten/ Pruss. )\\<br />

'Schnupfen, Rheuma,' 0. Bulgarian vlaga, A. -Sax. wlaec, 'warm, kf-<br />

warm, slack, remiss' (Bosworth), Eng. welkin, Germ. welck, Wolke. N|v<br />

Fick's VALG, as the g is not palatalized in the Litu-Slavic langua{|,<br />

should rather be written VALGv, which in Celtic became VALQv wheje<br />

by metathesis the vliqv- which would regularly resuit in 0. Welsh gb<br />

and ir. jUuch ; by the way it may be noticcd that the change from VL\v<br />

;<br />

,

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