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1957 - United Nations Statistics Division

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Limitations: Because marriage, unlike birth or death, is a<br />

legal act rather than a biological fact, the problem of<br />

comparability takes on a somewhat different aspect in<br />

relation to these data. This is especially so in relation to<br />

"completeness".<br />

This table, like all corresponding trend tables, includes<br />

a quality-of-data code which appears as "C" or "U" in<br />

the first column of the table. The elements of the code<br />

and its implications have been described on p. 24 and<br />

above. However, the concept of "completeness" is difficult<br />

to define in the case of marriages because, in most countries<br />

of the world, the act of legalizing the union is at the<br />

same time the legal "registration" of the union. In<br />

countries where the act of registering a marriage in the<br />

civil register is a separate and distinct function from the<br />

performance of the marriage ceremony, there may be a<br />

discrepancy between the number of marriages actually<br />

performed and the number which are registered. 54<br />

The existence or non-existence of a time interval between<br />

the performance of a marriage and its registration<br />

is pertinent also to the understanding of the implications<br />

of the symbol (t) used in Table 22, as it is in other tables,<br />

to indicate that statistics were tabulated on a date-ofregistration<br />

basis rather than by date of occurrence. As<br />

was pointed out previously, the qualification is most<br />

meaningful in relation to live births; nonetheless, this<br />

factor, together with information on the type of data<br />

included, should be kept in mind in using marriage statistics<br />

from Table 22.<br />

Variation is introduced also by the composition of<br />

marriage statistics within the framework of each country's<br />

legal definition of marriage. Some countries compile<br />

statistics only for civil marriages, although religious marriages<br />

may also be legally recognized; in other countries,<br />

the only records available are church registers and the<br />

statistics, therefore, relate to religious marriages only. In<br />

one or two countries, statistics relate to the marriage<br />

licenses issued, that is, to the documents granted by the<br />

State, certifying to the fact that the prerequisites for legal<br />

marriage, i.e., age, consent, health, and so forth, have<br />

been met. The number of marriage licenses issued necessarily<br />

overstates the number of marriages performed,<br />

since such licenses are declarations of intent not followed<br />

in all cases by a marriage ceremony. In the absence of<br />

statistics of marriages performed, however, they do give<br />

a fair approximation of the actual number of marriages<br />

which occurred.<br />

By virtue of their nature, marriage statistics exclude<br />

consensual unions, except as special measures for legalizing<br />

them may bring them into the category of legal<br />

marriages. In some countries, such unions are as frequent<br />

as formal marriages and are accepted as marriages in the<br />

local mores. For these countries marriage statistics based<br />

on registered ceremonies are misleading as indicators of<br />

the actual rate of family formation.<br />

Finally, crude marriage rates, like crude birth and<br />

death rates, are of only limited value for analytical purposes.<br />

Marriages are more appropriately related to the<br />

"marriageable" population, i.e., widowed and divorced<br />

persons and single persons who have reached the age of<br />

consent. However, crude rates do measure changes and<br />

differences in the frequency of marriage in a total popu-<br />

54 For details of the registration process in various countries, see the<br />

Handbook of Vital <strong>Statistics</strong> Methods, op. cit.<br />

39<br />

lation, and fluctuations in the rate are often found to<br />

reflect changes in economic and social conditions.<br />

Table 23<br />

5. Divorce statistics<br />

<strong>Statistics</strong> of divorce are shown in only one table in this<br />

Yearbook, namely in Table 23. For this reason, the explanatory<br />

notes for divorce statistics will be given in<br />

connexion with this table, rather than as a separate<br />

section.<br />

Table 23 presents the number of divorces, together<br />

with the crude annual divorce rates for each year 1948­<br />

1956.<br />

The definition of a divorce used in this table is that<br />

recommended by the <strong>United</strong> <strong>Nations</strong> in Principles for a<br />

Vital <strong>Statistics</strong> System 55 and reads as follows:<br />

Divorce is a final legal dissolution of a marriage, that<br />

is, the separation of husband and wife by a judicial<br />

decree which confers on the parties the right to civil<br />

and/or religious remarriage, according to the laws of<br />

each country.<br />

This definition automatically excludes "legal separations"<br />

and "annulments."<br />

These final decrees may be granted by religious or civil<br />

courts according to the law in each country; they may be<br />

registered either by the courts alone or by the courts and<br />

the civil registrar; and statistics may be based on court<br />

records or on statistical reports of divorce. These factors<br />

have no real bearing on the nature of the data, although<br />

the type and character of the statistics are noted in the<br />

tables when specified in the source.<br />

In so far as possible, divorce statistics refer to final<br />

divorce decrees registered in the present-in-area population<br />

of the geographic unit specified. Divorces among<br />

tribal or indigenous groups isolated from the dominant<br />

culture are invariably excluded from the data, because<br />

they are not granted by the usual court procedures nor<br />

do they come within the jurisdiction of the registration<br />

system.<br />

Coverage: Unless otherwise noted, statistics in Table 23<br />

relate to the present-in-area popUlation of 110 geographic<br />

areas. This coverage, while relatively extensive for divorce<br />

statistics, is still somewhat below the potential coverage<br />

due to several factors. As in similar time-trend tables<br />

presented in this Yearbook, coverage was limited by the<br />

fact that for some areas, the incidence of divorce was too<br />

small to provide an adequate base for a rate. In this<br />

table also, the coverage for Africa is extremely limited,<br />

principally because of the nature of the data.<br />

Rate computation: Crude divorce rates are the number of<br />

final divorce decrees reported in the time period per 1,000<br />

persons in the midyear or other annual estimate of population.<br />

In general, the popUlations on which the crude<br />

rates are computed are those official estimates or censuses<br />

presented in Table 3. Reference to this table will provide<br />

information on the character of the denominator of the<br />

rates in respect of its type and coverage and also as to<br />

its revised or unrevised nature.<br />

It will be seen from the footnotes to the table that strict<br />

correspondence between the numerator and the denominator<br />

was not always possible. For example, divorces<br />

reported among selected communities are sometimes re-<br />

550p. cit. Principle 202.

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