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10/05/2012 - Myclipp

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Bloomberg/ - Politics, Seg, 14 de Maio de <strong>2012</strong><br />

CLIPPING INTERNACIONAL (Supreme Court)<br />

How Roe v. Wade Empowered U.S.<br />

Investors<br />

It’s possible, but unlikely, that small differences in<br />

culture alone can explain the greater economic<br />

success of the U.S. relative to Europe and Japan after<br />

the introduction of the Internet. The U.S. has poured<br />

investment into innovation since the early 1990s. It<br />

opened trade borders to lower costs, freed resources<br />

and relaxed capacity constraints. When besieged by<br />

low-cost unskilled offshore labor, it transitioned quickly<br />

from manufacturing to more productive endeavors that<br />

included innovation and services that cannot be<br />

produced offshore. In contrast, Europe and Japan<br />

remained wedded to manufacturing-based economies<br />

with attendant lower levels of innovation and slower<br />

growth rates. High costs imposed by pro- labor<br />

governments discouraged companies from exiting<br />

manufacturing, laying off workers, and redeploying<br />

them to more productive endeavors. Pro-labor<br />

governments obstructed trade borders to slow<br />

workforce dislocations. In Germany and Japan, about<br />

20 percent of employment remains in manufacturing,<br />

compared with only <strong>10</strong> percent in the U.S.<br />

Manufacturing Transition Europe’s and Japan’s slower<br />

transition out of manufacturing left their best thinkers<br />

mired in a declining sector. Meanwhile, the most<br />

talented U.S. thinkers created communities of experts<br />

around companies such as Google Inc. (GOOG) and<br />

Facebook Inc. (FB) And the U.S.’s more valuable<br />

on-the-job training, lower labor- redeployment costs,<br />

and lower marginal tax rates increased payouts for<br />

successful risk taking. Nonetheless, the questions<br />

remain: Why did these underlying incentives emerge in<br />

the U.S. and not elsewhere? Why does the U.S. have<br />

lower labor redeployment costs, more open trade<br />

borders, lower marginal tax rates and, ultimately, more<br />

tolerance for unequal distribution of income? By the<br />

random dint of history, the landmark Supreme Court<br />

case Roe v. Wade of 1973 brought pro-investment<br />

voters to power in the U.S. The faction of<br />

pro-investment voters, representing about 35 percent<br />

of the electorate, combined with enough of the<br />

now-mobilized social conservatives -- principally the<br />

members of the Christian Right, who vote Republican<br />

and represent 15 percent of the electorate -- to seize<br />

the majority and permanently shift the political<br />

economic center to the right. A similar shift in political<br />

power didn’t occur in Europe and Japan, and<br />

pro-labor, anti-investment majorities continued to<br />

control those economies. These majorities increased<br />

labor- redeployment costs and closed trade borders to<br />

slow the need for redeploying labor; supported<br />

unionism by strengthening trade barriers; failed to<br />

lower marginal tax rates as much as the U.S.; and<br />

discouraged unequal distribution of income and<br />

wealth. The U.S. differs from Europe and Japan in four<br />

ways. Europe and Japan have parliamentary<br />

democracies where parties are represented in<br />

proportion to their share of the vote. In the U.S., it’s a<br />

winner takes all, two-party system and that makes it<br />

easier for a large minority of voters -- in this case, proinvestment<br />

tax cutters -- to join forces with another<br />

large minority of voters -- the Christian Right -- to seize<br />

power. Roe might have had a minimal effect on U.S.<br />

politics were it not for the fact that Christian<br />

fundamentalists are a large enough portion of the<br />

country’s population to affect the outcome of an<br />

election. About 25 percent of U.S. voters identify<br />

themselves as evangelical Christians. Prior to Roe v.<br />

Wade, three-fifths of evangelical Christian voters were<br />

Democrats, and two-fifths were Republicans. Reagan<br />

Embrace When Ronald Reagan endorsed the pro-life<br />

movement, these proportions reversed. Reagan<br />

combined the Christian Right with the pro-investment<br />

tax cutters to create a majority. Pro- investment tax<br />

cutters maintained control of the party, selecting<br />

fiscally conservative, but socially moderate,<br />

presidential candidates such as John McCain, George<br />

W. Bush, Bob Dole, George H.W. Bush and Gerald<br />

Ford. The fact that conservative Southern Democrats<br />

controlled political power throughout the southeastern<br />

U.S. amplified Roe’s political impact. As conservative<br />

pro-life voters defected to the Republican Party<br />

because of the ruling, it became increasingly difficult<br />

for fiscally conservative Southern Democrats to win<br />

elections as Democrats. Over time, these conservative<br />

Southern Democrats changed sides, gradually shifting<br />

political power to Republicans. Most voters don’t<br />

realize that Roe does more than legalize abortion. It<br />

legalizes controversial third-trimester abortions in<br />

certain cases and takes away the electorate’s right to<br />

vote on this issue by making the late procedures a<br />

judicial right rather than a legislative decision.<br />

Third-term abortions are illegal throughout most of the<br />

democratic world. Their legalization by Roe, even if<br />

few women chose to have them, made opposition to<br />

the ruling more tolerable to pro-choice moderates. The<br />

court’s denial of the electorate’s right to vote on an<br />

issue where both sides have legitimate points of view<br />

-- the majority of Americans opposes third-term<br />

abortions -- further increased the tolerance for<br />

opposition to Roe by pro-choice moderates. The denial<br />

208

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