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Sylvia Moosmüller consonants (Wood 1996): as far as the central vowel is concerned, Wood states: “The articulation of so-called central vowels obviously needs clarification” (Wood 1991b: 64). Fant (2001), on modeling Swedish vowels, assumed 3 areas of constriction: • a “front” region of Xc 48 located less than 4 cm from the teeth • a “mid” region at coordinates between Xc = 4 cm and Xc = 7 cm and a • a “back” region at Xc greater than 7 cm. (Fant 2001: 45f) The region of midvowels was designed to provide a suitable transition between the very different front and back regions (Fant 2001), which is necessary for sequences like e.g. [ja], where a neutral state is involved but not completely reached (Lin & Fant 1989). For the Swedish vowels, with the exception of [u] at Xc = 6.5 cm from the teeth (Fant 2001) and the neutral vowel [W] at Xc = 6.4 cm from the teeth (Fant & Båvegård 1997), no vowel was found well in the mid-range. The central vowels [I] and [è] have moved towards the front and the back respectively. The constriction location for [I] is even more front than the one for [i] (Xc = 2.8 cm vs. Xc = 3.1 cm from the teeth respectively), and [è] has its location near [o] (Xc = 8.8 cm vs. Xc = 8.2 cm respectively) (Fant 2001). On the whole, Fant’s results are in agreement with the constriction locations spotted by Wood (1979). Russian is described as having a high central vowel [I] as well. The area function 49 created in Fant (1980 = 2004) shows a constriction at about the same location as for [i] which is, however, wider and shorter. The difference between [i] and [I] lies in the specific cavity affiliation of the first and second formant: in [i], F2 is affiliated with the cavity behind the constriction and F3 with the cavity in front of the constriction, whilst in [I], the cavity affilitations are reversed, F2 is affiliated with the cavity in front of the constriction and F3 with the cavity behind the constriction. 48 Xc is the constriction coordinate. 49 It has to be considered that an area function is not in itself an articulatory parameter (Boë et al. 1992, Wood 1991a) 40
41 Vowels in Standard Austrian German In the same way as in Fant (2001), schwa-vowels are described as either front or back vowels by Stratka: “Pour la voyelle W, la langue semble pouvoir se placer, selon les idiomes et les locuteurs, d’un côté ou de l’autre de la limite entre les voyelles alvéolaires et les voyelles pharyngales. En anglais le W apparaît tantôt alvéolaire, tantôt pharyngal (…), tandis que dans d’autres langues, il est plutôt pharyngal: ainsi en allemand (…), en catalan (…), en bulgare (…), en chinois (…), et peut-être aussi en français (…).” (Stratka 1978: 450) The so-called “indeterminate” vowel of Bulgarian, which is often denoted as /W/ is described as exposing the same low pharyngeal tongue body gesture as /a/, but with a small mouth opening (Wood & Pettersson 1988, Wood 1996). The vowel is therefore characterized as “close pharyngeal”. It seems that constriction locations in the mid range of the vocal tract are avoided and that at least phonological central vowels have an active constriction gesture either in the front or in the back of the vocal tract. Given the high and context-independent variability of both phonemic and allophonic ”central vowels” (e.g. Eastern Arrernte, see Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996, or Albanian, see Granser & Moosmüller 2002, Moos- müller & Granser 2003, 2006), it has been proposed that central vowels are not specified for constriction location (Bates 1995) and can consequently take either a front or a back configuration. Schwartz et al.’s (1997) evalutation of the UPSID phoneme inventory concludes that phonemic “/W/ is a “parallel” vowel which exists because of intrinsic principles (probably based on vowel reduction) different from those of other vowels” (p. 251) and does not seem to interact with other vowels. As a consequence, its presence or absence should not modify the structure of the vowel system. This seems to be the case in Québécois, where the schwa has merged with [ê] (Martin 1998). The observation that allophonic schwa vowels exhibit a high level of context- dependency (van Bergem 1994, Bates 1995) and that they are more readily assimilated (e.g. in Danish, Jensen 2001) or deleted (Gheg variety of Albanian, Camaj 1969) than other unstresssed vowels, led to the concept that schwa vowels are vowels without a target (van Bergem 1994) or that they are vowels with an active gesture that is
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Page 3 and 4: Vowels in Standard Austrian German
Page 9 and 10: 1. Introduction: Setting the Theore
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Page 59 and 60: 4. Vowel inventory and features 51
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5.3. Processes vs. Coarticulation 1
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� F3 shows a high variability in
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c(xmin, xmax) 0.000 0.001 0.002 0.0
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6.2. Undershoot vs. Processes 179 V
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Hz 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 50
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Therefore, it can be observed that
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c(xmin, xmax) 0.00 0.02 0.04 0.06 0
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Variability coefficient 40,000 35,0
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6.6.3.4. The vowel /E/ 215 Vowels i
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6.6.3.6. The vowel /u/ 217 Vowels i
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z-score 5,00 4,00 3,00 2,00 1,00 0,
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Appendix 269 Vowels in Standard Aus
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