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VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...

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245<br />

Vowels in Standard Austrian German<br />

distinguish their vowels by the feature [±constricted], but rather by the feature<br />

[±long] 159 (Dressler/Wodak 1982, Moosmüller 1987). Therefore, a sound change in<br />

progress might be at work, changing the vowel qualities of the vowels of Standard<br />

Austrian German. This change in quality will affect the feature [±constricted] in the way<br />

that the [–constricted] vowels /ç/, /Y/, and /ï/ become [+constricted]. By such a change,<br />

not only the vowel system of Standard Austrian German would be reduced, but,<br />

concurrently, the pre-palatal constriction location would be given up (as could already<br />

be observed for the youngest speaker, sp127). The pre-palatal location is acoustically<br />

instable and exploited by only a few languages. Therefore, as soon as a vowel system<br />

shrinks, the palatal constriction location suffices for distinguishing the front vowels.<br />

Phenomena usually termed as coarticulation, e.g. anticipatory lip protrusion or<br />

palatalisation, are found to be processes. In Standard Austrian German, both lip<br />

protrusion and palatalisation start at plosive release and do not affect the<br />

transconsonantal vowel, as long as the transconsonantal vowel and the plosive are<br />

separated by a word boundary.<br />

The vowel /i/ causes a palatalisation of the preceding plosive, resulting in a<br />

plosive configuration similar to the one observed for Russian palatalised plosives.<br />

However, Russian palatalised plosives change the quality of the vowel /i/, whereas in<br />

Standard Austrian German, it is the vowel which changes the plosive. Therefore, such<br />

phenomena are to be described as processes guided by the phonology of the language.<br />

The three places of articulation distinctive for Standard Austrian German plosives<br />

(bilabial, alveolar, and velar) could be discriminated via the transition of F2 when the<br />

preceding vowel was /A/. F2 transition discriminated the alveolar plosive preceding the<br />

vowels /u/ and /o/ from the velar and bilabial plosives. In velar and bilabial contexts, F2<br />

is lower at vowel onset. Preceding the vowel /i/, the bilabial context was discriminated<br />

by all speakers, whilst the differentiation of alveolar and velar context was less secure.<br />

159<br />

Whether a feature [±long] is to be assumed for the Viennese dialect, has still to be<br />

examined.

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