VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...

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Sylvia Moosmüller critique). Ramus et al. (1999) assume that stressed-timed languages allow more complex syllables than syllable-timed languages and classify languages according to the percentage of duration taken up by vocalic intervals (%V) and the standard deviation of the duration of consonantal intervals within a sentence (ΔC). The approach of Low & Grabe (1995) and Grabe & Low (2002) “took a direct route from impressionistic observations of rhythmic differences between languages to the acoustic signal” (Grabe & Low 2002: 519). The rhythmic differences should be reflected in the duration of vowels and the duration of intervals between vowels. Additionally, Low et al. (2000) analysed the degree of reduction of vowels (F1, F2), which they found to be higher in British English than in Singapore English. Galves et al. (2002), on the other hand, assume that rhythmic class discrimination is based on a rough measure of sonority. Rouas et al. (2005) relied on pseudo-syllabic patterns by automatically segmenting the speech chain in vowel and non-vowel segments. The results of these approaches more or less corroborated the traditional distinction of languages as stress-timed, syllable- timed, and morae-timed. The analyses discussed above are mainly based on diverse durational relations, without questioning whether duration is really the basic unit that typologically keeps languages apart 150 . However, what is even more important is the fact that rhythm is conceived as an alternating dichotomic pattern of “a” and “b”, where “a” and “b” can, in principle, stand for anything: an alternating succession of vowels and consonants or consonant clusters, of sonority and non-sonority, of stressed and one or more unstressed syllables, etc. Figure 6.21 gives an example where speech is not feasible in a mere dichotomous a – b pattern, but might even be asynchronous to rhythms performed by the body. During the recording of Albanian spontaneous speech, the interviewer started to rhythmically beating with his finger on the table. 150 Rouas et al. point out that “rhythm cannot be reduced to a raw temporal sequence of consonants and vowels” (2005: 453). 224
225 Vowels in Standard Austrian German 1 0.958 s 2 1.196 s 3 1.266 s 4 stressed syllable Figure 6.21: Spectrogram of the sequence “… kanë ardhur njerëz të tyre edhe ne jemi afruar edhe kanë…” (…their people came and we went there and they have…) Language: Albanian, male speaker. Bottom panel: waveform window, next panel from bottom: duration of the single beats, 3 rd panel from bottom: transcription, 4 th panel from bottom: spectrogram window, left upper panel: waveform zoom window, right upper panel: amplitude spectrum window. In the spectrogram of Figure 6.21, these beats are marked with a blue vertical line, the duration between the beats is shown in the second panel from the bottom. The duration between each beat is approximately 1 s. The second beat is synchronous with the plosive release of the stressed syllable “tyre”. The third beat, however, starts later than the next stressed syllable “ofruar” (primary stress on the second syllable “fruar”), indicated by the black line in the spectrogram. The duration from the beginning of the stressed syllable “tyre” to the beginning of the next stressed syllable “fruar” is 0.899 s, therefore, only 60 ms are missing to synchronise the third beat with the beginning of the stressed syllable and to equalise the duration of beat 1 to beat 2 with beat 2 to beat 3. In order to achieve this, the speaker would have had to dispense with some backgrounding processes in the preceding unstressed syllables “edhe nejemi”. Instead of reducing
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VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN
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Vowels in Standard Austrian German
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1. Introduction: Setting the Theore
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3 Vowels in Standard Austrian Germa
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11 Vowels in Standard Austrian Germ
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Hz 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 N
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� Speaker sp127: Student, male, 2
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4. Vowel inventory and features 51
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Spontaneous speech Long vowel + len
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Spontaneous speech Long vowel + len
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Height 0 10 20 30 40 u i o ö ü e
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Vowel category Variability Coeffici
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5.3. Processes vs. Coarticulation 1
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� F3 shows a high variability in
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c(xmin, xmax) 0.000 0.001 0.002 0.0
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Page 239 and 240: z-score 5,00 4,00 3,00 2,00 1,00 0,
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