VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...
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223<br />
Vowels in Standard Austrian German<br />
In this case, only one speaker (sp012) makes no difference between the two positions.<br />
All the other speakers differentiate either one formant (sp129), two formants (sp180), or<br />
all three formants (sp082, sp126, sp127). The direction of the change is in accordance<br />
with the results on intensity presented in Heldner (2003): the vowel of /dis/ directly<br />
preceding the noun shows a higher F1 and a lower F2 and F3. From an articulatory<br />
point of view, the degree of mouth opening and the degree of constriction (tongue-<br />
palate distance) are enlarged, whilst the length of constriction is possibly shortened.<br />
6.6.5 The rhythm of speech<br />
The above examples vividly show that a) relative sentence stress affects the spectral<br />
shape of the vowels and b) the realization of relative sentence stress is highly speaker<br />
dependent. The reason for the existence of such graded differences lies in the inherent<br />
rhythmic behaviour of speech which requires a succession of foregrounding and<br />
backgrounding. Sentence stress finds its expression only in relation to the other entities<br />
in a sentence or an utterance. Therefore, it is strongly connected to the rhythm of speech<br />
or, to put it more explicitly, the relative stress levels assigned to phonemes, syllables,<br />
and words, which make up what is perceived as a rhythmic behaviour in the so-called<br />
stress-timed languages.<br />
Rhythm is generally highly connected with timing; with ideal beat intervals of<br />
about 300 ms to 400 ms (Schreuder 2006: 101). In so-called stress-timed languages,<br />
these intervals are supposed to stay equally long regardless of the amount of unstressed<br />
syllables in between. This assumption has triggered a further, implicit hypothesis,<br />
namely that the degree of reduction imposed on unstressed syllables depends on the<br />
amount of unstressed syllables between two stresses. The isochrony hypothesis was<br />
never confirmed, leading to other – statistical – methods to classify languages (see e.g.<br />
Low & Grabe 1995, Low et al. 2000, Grabe & Low 2002, Ramus et al. 1999, Ramus<br />
2002, Galves et al. 2002, Rouas et al. 2005, see Cummins 2002, Wagner 2002 for a