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VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...

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173<br />

Vowels in Standard Austrian German<br />

into phonetics, some of them, such as Natural Phonology, incorporate phonetic results.<br />

Keating (1990) made a first step forward by incorporating phonetics into grammar. She<br />

advocates a strict separation of phonology and phonetics, in order to prevent confusion<br />

of the levels:<br />

“Much of the coarticulation literature is confusing on this issue of levels, in that phenomena<br />

that are clearly phonetic are often given (unsatisfactory) phonological treatments. […] The<br />

point is to determine the nature of each case.” (Keating 1990: 453)<br />

Despite this strict introductory separation, it is not quite clear what the phonological and<br />

the phonetic components within her window model should be. The representation of the<br />

phoneme is the window which contains all information necessary to produce a given<br />

output.<br />

“Context, not idealized isolation, is the natural state of segments,…” (Keating 1990: 461)<br />

The window is empirically defined by the minimum and maximum values of a certain<br />

parameter (e.g. velum height, jaw position, or formant frequencies), the actual output is<br />

the path through successive windows, which is defined by the context (e.g. narrow<br />

windows allow less variability, wide windows allow more). Keating does not speak of<br />

rules, but rather it is the path which the articulators have to find through the successive<br />

narrow or wide windows that is responsible for the actual output.<br />

In many ways, Keating’s model is convincing since it can account for much of the<br />

variability observed in actual speech production. The fact that the whole bulk of<br />

variability is stored in the mental representation is no counterargument, in the same way<br />

as economy of storage is no argument either. Nevertheless, some questions remain<br />

open, e.g. how do the different windows defining one specific segment interact and<br />

result in what has been termed motor equivalence (Perkell 1980, Abbs 1986)? And,<br />

finally, given a certain observed output, how is it to be decided whether it belongs to<br />

phonology or to phonetics?<br />

It has already been argued in the previous chapter that much of what has been<br />

called “coarticulation” is in fact governed by processes (e.g. anticipatory velum

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