VOWELS IN STANDARD AUSTRIAN GERMAN - Acoustics ...

Sylvia Moosmüller
It can be seen from Table 5.4 that, with the exception of one speaker (sp127), results are
not statistically significant. However, the difference of 26 Hz exhibited in sp127 is of no
relevance for the current question. In can be concluded that, from acoustic inspection, in
the observed set of /du # C2V2/ sequences, no traces of palatalization could be observed
in the movement of F2 of the analyzed last five frames of /u/. Palatalization starts,
therefore, either during the occlusion or after the release of the plosive. Lingual
configuration of the vowel /i/ is finished at vowel onset. Slight movements of formant
frequencies can be attributed to the plosion of the occlusion and subsequent opening of
the occlusion area. The results on /Ci/ sequences, where C is either a bilabial, an
alveolar, or a velar plosive are summarized as follows:
� At vowel onset, F2 and F3 are already in position for the vowel; no sharp
and rapid transition movements can be observed at vowel onset.
� Consequently, a palatal tongue configuration has been adopted before
vowel onset.
� This palatal configuration, however, does not reach into the transconso-
nantal vowel /u/.
� This restricts the time for adopting a palatal configuration either to the
occlusion phase or the time after plosive release (VOT).
� /i/ preceded by an alveolar or a velar plosive shows higher F2 and F3
values than /i/ preceded by a bilabial plosive. This points to a larger
contact area of /i/ (either a longer or a narrower constriction) in alveolar or
velar context. Therefore, lingual plosives actively contribute to palatali-
zation.
� The high variability (especially of F3) is attributable to the acoustically
instable constriction location for /i/ in Standard Austrian German.
Coarticulatory effects of /Ci/ sequences would appear as sharp and rapid rises of F2 at
vowel onset. These sharp and rapid rises are prevented by palatalization, i.e. by
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